Books by Egas Moniz Bandeira
Wie rezipieren chinesische Historikerinnen und Historiker globalgeschichtliche Ansätze aus Nordam... more Wie rezipieren chinesische Historikerinnen und Historiker globalgeschichtliche Ansätze aus Nordamerika und Europa? Mit neun ausführlich kommentierten Texten parteinaher und -ferner Gelehrter mit und ohne Forschungserfahrung im Ausland, die hier erstmals in deutscher Übersetzung vorliegen, bietet dieser Band eine konzise Einführung in aktuelle Debatten zur Globalgeschichte in der Volksrepublik China. Die Breite der Stimmen reicht von der Kritik am Eurozentrismus globalgeschichtlicher Ansätze bis zu ihrem Beitrag für die Reinterpretation der chinesischen Geschichte seit Beginn der Globalisierung. Deutlich werden das Spannungsverhältnis von National- und Globalgeschichte, die Sorge um eine Verwestlichung der chinesischen Geisteswissenschaften, aber auch das Bemühen, chinesische Begrifflichkeiten für die Weiterentwicklung der Disziplin zu formulieren.
This book examines the political parties which emerged in the former Ottoman, Qing, Russian, and ... more This book examines the political parties which emerged in the former Ottoman, Qing, Russian, and Habsburg empires and not only took over government power, but merged with government itself. It discusses how these parties, disillusioned with previous constitutional and parliamentary reforms, justified their takeovers with programs of controlled or supervised economic and social development, including acting as the mediators between the various social and ethnic groups in the respective territories. It pays special attention to nation-building through the party, to institutions (both constitutional and de facto), and to the global and comparative aspects of one-party regimes. It explores the origins of one-party regimes in China, Czechoslovakia, Korea, the Soviet Union, Turkey, Yugoslavia, and beyond, the roles of socialism and nationalism in the parties’ approaches to development and state-building, as well the pedagogical aspirations of the ruling elites. Hence, by revisiting the dynamics of the transition from the earlier imperial formations via constitutionalism to one-party governments, and by assessing the internal and external dynamics of one-party regimes after their establishment, the book more precisely locates this type of regime within the contemporary world’s political landscape. Moreover, it emphasises that one-party regimes thrived on both sides of the Cold War and in some of the non-aligned states, and that although some state socialist one-party regimes collapsed in 1989–1991, in other places historically dominant parties and new parties have continued to monopolize political power.
Parliaments are often seen as Western European and North American institutions and their establis... more Parliaments are often seen as Western European and North American institutions and their establishment in other parts of the world as a derivative and mostly defective process. This book challenges such Eurocentric visions by retracing the evolution of modern institutions of collective decision-making in Eurasia. Breaching the divide between different area studies, the book provides nine case studies covering the area between the eastern edge of Asia and Eastern Europe, including the former Russian, Ottoman, Qing, and Japanese Empires as well as their successor states. In particular, it explores the appeals to concepts of parliamentarism, deliberative decision-making, and constitutionalism; historical practices related to parliamentarism; and political mythologies across Eurasia. It focuses on the historical and “reestablished” institutions of decision-making, which consciously hark back to indigenous traditions and adapt them to the changing circumstances in imperial and postimperial contexts. Thereby, the book explains how representative institutions were needed for the establishment of modernized empires or postimperial states but at the same time offered a connection to the past.
PhD dissertation by Egas Moniz Bandeira
Moniz Bandeira, Egas. China and the Globalisation of Constitutions: Constitutional Thought in the Qing Empire (1838–1911) (近代中国と憲法の世界的展開 ――清末期の憲法思想の形成と発展[１８３８～１９１１]), PhD Diss., Heidelberg/Sendai, University of Heidelberg/Tohoku University, 2019
This dissertation reconstructs the formation of constitutional thought in China, ranging from the... more This dissertation reconstructs the formation of constitutional thought in China, ranging from the first appearance of the concept in a Chinese-language text in 1838 up to the concrete drafts for a constitution for the Qing Empire produced in the years 1908–1911. Going beyond existing literature, which treats early Chinese constitutional thought as a national or at best regional phenomenon, this study recounts it from a broader perspective and places it in its global context, examining the Chinese refraction of the process by which constitutions became universal elements of contemporary states.
-----
Diese Dissertation zeichnet die Genese des chinesischen Verfassungsdenkens nach. Sie reicht dabei von der ersten Erwähnung des Begriffs in einem chinesischsprachigen Text im Jahre 1838 bis hin zu den konkreten Entwürfen einer Verfassung für das Qing-Kaierreich in den Jahren 1908 bis 1911. Anders als die vorhandene Literatur zum Thema, die das frühe chinesische Verfassungsdenken als nationales oder allenfalls regionales Phänomen behandelt, zeichnet diese Studie die frühe chinesische Verfassungsgeschichte aus einer breiteren Perspektive nach. Sie stellt die Entwicklung des chinesischen Verfassungsdenkens in einen globalen Kontext, indem sie China als Teil des globalen Prozesses analysiert, durch den Verfassungen unverzichtbare Elemente moderner Staaten geworden sind.
-----
本論文は、19 世紀の中国（清朝）に憲法の概念がどのように伝わったのか、また、清朝の知識・政治エリートたちが憲法の概念についてどのような議論を積み重ねて中国初の憲法大綱（「欽定憲法大綱」）を生み出すに至ったのかについて、史料調査から得られた新たな発見を提示しつつ、先行研究の理解に修正を迫る新たな解釈を提示している。本論文は、序論、第 1 章から第 5 章までの本論、そして結論から構成されている（英文 668 ページ）。清朝は、1908 年に「欽定憲法大綱」を制定したものの、それを正式な憲法として公布する前に 1911 年の辛亥革命に直面し、1912年に滅亡した。このため、1912 年に公布・施行された「中華民国臨時約法」（暫定憲法）の方が中国の政治史・法制史における画期的な出来事として学術的に注目され、高く評価されてきた。 これまでの通説によれば、清朝では 1904 年に勃発した日露戦争における日本の勝利を主たるきっかけとして、立憲制の導入が国力増大につながるという考えが知識・政治エリートの間で急速に広まり、これが清朝による憲政編査館の設立と同機関による「欽定憲法大綱」の制定につながった。そのような経緯でつくられた清朝の憲法大綱は、基本的に明治憲法（「大日本帝国憲法」）のにわかづくりの模倣品であるという評価にあまんじてきた。これに対して、序論では、憲法という概念がいつ頃清朝に輸入されたのか、また、憲法について清朝の知識・政治エリートの間でいかなる思想・運動が育まれ、それがどのようにして「欽定憲法大綱」に結実したのかを一次資料を用いて洗い直し、清朝における憲法制定の意義を改めて吟味することの必要性が説かれている。その後の本論では、憲法の制定がにわかづくりのものではなかったこと、また、決して日本や欧米列強にのみ触発されたわけではなく、20 世紀初頭に見られた世界的な憲法制定ブームの過程における憲法を持たない複数の君主国とのインターアクション（相互作用）の成果であったことが実証的に論じられている。
Special issues by Egas Moniz Bandeira
Parliaments, Estates, and Representation, 2022
This special issue explores concepts and practices related to parliamentarism in the imperial and... more This special issue explores concepts and practices related to parliamentarism in the imperial and post-imperial transformations of the Qing and Russian Empires, as well as their successor states. It demonstrates that representative institutions were a crucial factor in the establishment of modernized empires or post-imperial states. In particular, the issue explores how the ‘mining’ of own imperial past and present for concepts and practices was used in combination with the globally circulating forms of representation in the development of parliamentary institutions, how particular interest groups defined through ethnicity, region, religion, or class were represented, and, ultimately, how the parliamentary developments informed the formation of single-party regimes in the post-imperial settings.
Papers by Egas Moniz Bandeira
The Mahabharata in Global Political and Social Thought, 2024
This chapter reconstructs perceptions and political uses of the Mahābhārata in Meiji-era Japan an... more This chapter reconstructs perceptions and political uses of the Mahābhārata in Meiji-era Japan and late Imperial China. It shows that the Mahābhārata emerged as a central element of Indian civilization in the views of Japanese and Chinese observers, and was interpreted according to the broader visions of India which developed at the time, shaped by both global discursive tropes and local concerns. While some observers deemed the Mahābhārata to be full of corruptions introduced by Brahmins to secure their caste privileges, others strove for a pan-Asianist alliance with India, seeking to find the origins of Japanese and Chinese culture in India. In the latter group, such as in the works of the poet Su Manshu, the Mahābhārata came to be employed as a means for rejuvenation by return to a glorious past, and of a ‘return to the East’ rather than of a ‘move to the West.’ Such references obtained some, albeit limited, political significance in the debate about the etymology of the word ‘China,’ in which its cognate in Chinese, Zhina, for a brief while emerged as a possible endonym for China. Around 1900, the term, which later became strongly associated with Japanese aggression, was not only a modern designation showing that China was a ‘nation among nations,’ but also symbolised a return to China’s glorious past certified by its occurrence in the Mahābhārata.
The International History Review, 2022
This paper explores interpretations of the Japanese parliament by governmental actors in the Qing... more This paper explores interpretations of the Japanese parliament by governmental actors in the Qing empire, most importantly the commissioners for constitutional research Li Jiaju 李家駒 (1871-1938) and Dashou 達壽 (1870-1939). It shows that, within a theoretical framework formed in dialogue with their Japanese constitutionalist colleagues, these actors came to understand the Japanese parliament as an organ possessing tightly limited attributions gifted by the emperor. They maintained that the constitutional system should not be parliamentary, although the parliament was one of its necessary elements. Rather, it should be based on an imperially authorised constitutional document and a form of government centred on the figure of the emperor, in which the parliament would play a consultative rather than legislative role. Ultimately, the article shows that, within a Eurasia-wide wave of imperial transformation in which officials envisioned parliaments mainly as organs designed to increase governmental efficiency, political actors like Li Jiaju and Dashou creatively adapted categories of political science to their own political needs.
Routledge Handbook of Constitutional Law in Greater China, 2022
The constitutional history of the late Qing Empire is mostly understood as a history of reception... more The constitutional history of the late Qing Empire is mostly understood as a history of reception, i.e., of how Chinese political and intellectual actors adapted the Japanese model set by the Meiji Constitution of 1889, 1 which in turn was based on various European models, mainly, although not exclusively, of German origin. Accordingly, the official policy of ‘constitutional preparation’ (yubei lixian 預備立憲) instituted in 1906 is interpreted as a belated response to the challenges of Western modernity, which by its conservative nature was at odds with the ‘tide of the time’ (shidai chaoliu 時代潮流).
Parties as Governments in Eurasia, 1913–1991: Nationalism, Socialism, and Development, 2022
Amidst the rising militarism of the 1930s, the power of Japanese political parties declined. Yet,... more Amidst the rising militarism of the 1930s, the power of Japanese political parties declined. Yet, they managed to maintain a foothold on power, and the Imperial Rule Assistance Association (IRAA; Taisei yokusankai 大政翼賛会), established in 1940, never quite became a mass political party. The chapter discusses the ultimately frustrated aspirations for the creation of a mass political party in the Japan of the 1930s and the 1940s, focusing on the thought and action of two networks which facilitated the trajectory of the IRAA: The “Alliance for a New Japan” (Shin Nihon dōmei 新日本同盟), a group consisting of some of Japan's most important bureaucrats, and the writings of the magazine Ishin 維新 (“Restoration”), which brought together many reform-minded military officers. The chapter shows that, while they did not put the role of the parliament as such into question, the focus of these thinkers lay on representing the “will of the people” through the Diet beyond liberal party politics. This transformation among important networks envisioned a transformation beginning primarily with a preparation of the mentality of the people through though guidance. Despite the apparent anomaly of the Japanese case in the late 1930s and 1940s, the history of IRAA in Japan was, thus, firmly part of a global trend toward a reconstruction of political systems. The IRAA was in large part a culmination of efforts at social transformation to create a form of political integration of the nation beyond liberal democracy and yet, nevertheless, sought active participation from all segments of society.
Parties as Governments in Eurasia, 1913–1991: Nationalism, Socialism, and Development, 2022
Over the course of the twentieth century, a broad array of parties as organizations of a new type... more Over the course of the twentieth century, a broad array of parties as organizations of a new type took over state functions and replaced state institutions on the territories of the former Ottoman, Qing, Russian, and Habsburg Empires. In the context of roughly simultaneous imperial and postimperial transformations, organizations such as the Committee for Union and Progress (CUP) in the Ottoman Empire (one-party regime since 1913), the Anfu Club in China (parliamentary majority since 1918), and the Bolshevik Party in Russia (in control of parts of the former empire since 1918), not only took over government power but merged with government itself. Disillusioned with the outcomes of previous constitutional and parliamentary reforms, these parties justified their takeovers with slogans and programs of controlled or supervised economic and social development. Inheriting the previous imperial diversities, they furthermore took over the role of mediators between the various social and ethnic groups inhabiting the respective territories. In this respect, the parties appropriated some of the functions which dynastic and then constitutional and parliamentary regimes had ostensibly failed to perform. In a significant counter-example, in spite of prominent aspirations, no one-party regime emerged in Japan, for there the constitutional monarchy had survived the empire's transformation to a major industrialized imperialist power. One-party regimes thrived on both sides of the Cold War and in some of the non-aligned states. Whereas several state socialist one-party regimes collapsed in 1989–1991, some of the communist parties have continued to rule, and new parties managed to monopolize political power in different Eurasian contexts.
Global Intellectual History, 2022
This paper shows that the political and social upheavals of the late nineteenth and early twentie... more This paper shows that the political and social upheavals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century also engendered novel ideas and cross-national debates about dynasties in East Asia. The Japanese notion of a ‘line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal’ became the most emblematic provision of the Meiji Constitution. Under the impact of the Japanese model and of modern discourses on constitutional law, the Qing and Korean governments sought to radically transform traditional concepts of dynastic rule by constitutionally perpetuating the ruling dynasties. However, the notion of an unbroken lineage proved to be highly ambiguous outside of the Japanese context. Its adoption in the Qing constitutional outline of 1908 met with considerable resistance and nurtured suspicions that ‘constitutional preparation’ was only serving the Court's selfish interests. But under the surface, the Japanese model of an unbroken ruling dynasty was de-dynasticised and applied to the notion of constitution and even to the State itself. As the Confucian classics were no longer sufficient to legitimise rulership, the new notion of an eternal fundamental law fused with traditional notions of permanent principles of governance and helped establishing written constitutional charters as ineluctable elements of the modern nation-state in East Asia.
Parliaments, Estates, and Representation, 2022
This special issue explores concepts and practices related to parliamentarism in the imperial and... more This special issue explores concepts and practices related to parliamentarism in the imperial and post-imperial transformations of the Qing and Russian Empires, as well as their successor states. It demonstrates that representative institutions were a crucial factor in the establishment of modernized empires or post-imperial states. In particular, the issue explores how the ‘mining’ of own imperial past and present for concepts and practices was used in combination with the globally circulating forms of representation in the development of parliamentary institutions, how particular interest groups defined through ethnicity, region, religion, or class were represented, and, ultimately, how the parliamentary developments informed the formation of single-party regimes in the post-imperial settings.
Parliaments, Estates, and Representation, 2022
This article reconstructs two modes of parliamentary representation of (post-)imperial diversity ... more This article reconstructs two modes of parliamentary representation of (post-)imperial diversity in early twentieth-century China. One model foresaw a differentiated representation of the borderlands in the nascent parliamentary institutions, using upper house seats to garner loyalty from the nobility at the same time as it denied electoral participation. The second model stipulated electoral equality between the borderland regions and the inner provinces. While the first model parliamentarized imperial forms of governance, it was also informed by and partially conformed to global models of governance. The second was informed by notions of undivided national sovereignty. In the late Qing Empire, the government decided against the second model, for it was deemed to presuppose a degree of national integration not given in the Empire. The challenges posed by the proclamation of the Republic of China, in particular the declarations of independence of Mongolia and Tibet, led to a strong emphasis on the newly-founded state’s unity and the swift adoption of the second model. This choice, however, was neither uncontested nor was its implementation complete.
Parliaments are often seen as institutions peculiar to the Euro-American world. In contrast, thei... more Parliaments are often seen as institutions peculiar to the Euro-American world. In contrast, their establishment elsewhere is frequently thought of as a derivative and mostly defective process. Such simplistic tales of unilateral and imperfect transfers of knowledge have led to a suboptimal understanding of non-Western experiences, as well as of their contribution to the shaping of the global political landscape of the modern world. The present volume challenges Eurocentric visions by retracing the evolution of modern institutions of collective decision-making in Eurasia, more specifically in the Russian/Soviet, Qing/Chinese, Japanese, and Ottoman/Turkish cases. It argues that, over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, intellectuals and political actors across Eurasia used indigenous as well as foreign elements to shape their versions of parliamentary institutions for their own political purposes. It was through the creative agency of these often understudied actors that representative institutions have acquired a wide range of meanings throughout Eurasia and become a near-ubiquitous element of modern statehood.
Privy councils are among the most traditional, yet least conspicuous forms of collective decision... more Privy councils are among the most traditional, yet least conspicuous forms of collective decision-making in modern states. However, using the example of East Asia, this chapter shows that, far from being a moribund relic of the pre-constitutional past, advisory councils to the head of state were a highly productive global element of constitution-building which was variously adapted according to local needs and conditions. The architecture of the Napoleonic Constitution of 22 Frimaire, which complemented the executive ministers of state with an additional Council of State and came to be underpinned by the idea of a “neutral” or “moderating” branch of government, promised attractive advantages to the makers of East Asia’s first modern constitutions. The Japanese Privy Council (Sūmitsuin) alleviated the dangers of putting too much power into the hands of the Emperor, while also securing the power of the ruling oligarchy in a context of mistrust of the legislative branch. The Sūmitsuin served as a model for both the Qing Empire and the Republic of China, although the political objectives attached to the respective advisory councils diverged significantly. Eventually, both in Japan and in China, the institution was abolished when it had become too closely connected with authoritarian politics.
The chapter focuses on two new institutions, the State Duma (Gosudarstvennaia duma) and Political... more The chapter focuses on two new institutions, the State Duma (Gosudarstvennaia duma) and Political Consultative Council (Zizhengyuan), which were introduced in the Russian and Qing Empires, when the two imperial formations joined the global constitutional transformations. The names of the two bodies pointed to the statist (etatist) rather than popular connotations of the new institutions. Furthermore, the State Duma and the Zizhengyuan were often explicitly distinguished from a Western parliament, even though the latter as a generalized notion was undoubtedly the main point of reference during the attempted imperial modernizations. Seeking to expand the current debate on the conceptual history of parliamentarism by including non-European histories, this chapter charts the genealogies of the two terms and positions them in the discussions of parliamentarism during the modernizations of the Russian and Qing Empires and during the post-imperial settlements.
Alternative Representations of the Past: The Politics of History in Modern China, 2020
This chapter traces the trajectory of one of the most emblematic events of modern history, the Fr... more This chapter traces the trajectory of one of the most emblematic events of modern history, the French Revolution of 1789, in Chinese political debates from late Qing to contemporary times. It shows that the French Revolution has been appropriated and used by Chinese actors—intellectuals, politicians, students, and others—in the light of their own historical experiences and for widely varying discursive objectives. It has been referenced in China both for the ideals it espoused and for the bloodshed and instability that it brought about in late 18th century France. Thus, it has not only served as an inspiration and a point of comparison for China’s own revolutions, chiefly the republican revolution of 1911, or as a democratic inspiration for Chinese intellectuals. Representations of the French revolution as an event of chaos and brutality have just as often been used by revolutionists to search for more suitable revolutionary models, as well as by conservative intellectuals and governments to debate reforms designed to prevent instability and political strife. Ultimately, the chapter shows that landmark events such as the French Revolution are far from being exclusive memories of the West. Rather, their diverse Chinese uses have become local refractions of global elements of collective memory.
Mongolische Notizen, 2021
[Bei der hier herunterladbaren Datei handelt es sich um eine auf der Webseite der Deutsch-Mongoli... more [Bei der hier herunterladbaren Datei handelt es sich um eine auf der Webseite der Deutsch-Mongolischen Gesellschaft veröffentlichte Vorabversion. Für die endgültige, korrigierte und aktualisierte Fassung, die in der Druckausgabe der Zeitschrift erschienen ist, setze man sich mit mir in Verbindung.]
Im Juli 2020 wurden Pläne der Kultusbehörden in der Inneren Mongolei bekannt, die vorsahen, das Mongolische als Unterrichtssprache in den Minderheitenschulen der Inneren Mongolei abzuwerten und möglicherweise nur noch als einzelnes Fach in sonst chinesischsprachigen Schulen anzubieten. In Reaktion darauf veröffentlichte der Lesezirkel Rotes Ross (紅馬讀書會) am 22. Juli 2020 auf WeChat das Manifest "Überlegungen zu den Schwierigkeiten, mit denen sich der mongolischsprachige Unterricht in der Autonomen Region Innere Mongolei gegenwärtig konfrontiert sieht" (關於當前内蒙古自治區蒙古語授課教育遇到困境的反映). Beim vorliegenden Artikel handelt es sich um eine deutsche Übersetzung des Manifestes samt einem ausführlichen Kommentar.
Journal of Eurasian Studies, 2020
The article examines the relationship between the late Qing constitutional movement of 1905–1911 ... more The article examines the relationship between the late Qing constitutional movement of 1905–1911 and the vast borderland regions of the Qing Empire–that is, Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang. It traces how intellectuals and officials concerned with devising constitutional policies foresaw the integration of these regions into the nascent parliamentary institutions at the provincial and central levels. The article argues that the status of the borderlands played a significant role in late Qing constitutional debates, and that debates on borderland constitutionalism were a phenomenon of a wider constitutional wave affecting Eurasia in the 1900s. Chinese intellectuals and officials felt the competition of the emerging parliamentary institutions in Russia and the Ottoman Empire, and anticipating that constitutional and parliamentarist movements among Mongols, Tibetans, and Turki could lead to the separation of the respective regions, they hoped that parliamentary representation, albeit limited, would be an instrument against centrifugal tendencies on the borders. Hence, they called for constitutional reforms in China and for the inclusion of the borderland populations into the new parliamentary institutions. Yet, arguing with the sparse population of the borderlands as well as with their alleged economic and cultural backwardness, they denied the direct application of the constitutional plan to these territories. The differentiated policies eventually applied to the borderlands were a lackluster compromise between these conflicting interests.
Uploads
Books by Egas Moniz Bandeira
PhD dissertation by Egas Moniz Bandeira
-----
Diese Dissertation zeichnet die Genese des chinesischen Verfassungsdenkens nach. Sie reicht dabei von der ersten Erwähnung des Begriffs in einem chinesischsprachigen Text im Jahre 1838 bis hin zu den konkreten Entwürfen einer Verfassung für das Qing-Kaierreich in den Jahren 1908 bis 1911. Anders als die vorhandene Literatur zum Thema, die das frühe chinesische Verfassungsdenken als nationales oder allenfalls regionales Phänomen behandelt, zeichnet diese Studie die frühe chinesische Verfassungsgeschichte aus einer breiteren Perspektive nach. Sie stellt die Entwicklung des chinesischen Verfassungsdenkens in einen globalen Kontext, indem sie China als Teil des globalen Prozesses analysiert, durch den Verfassungen unverzichtbare Elemente moderner Staaten geworden sind.
-----
本論文は、19 世紀の中国（清朝）に憲法の概念がどのように伝わったのか、また、清朝の知識・政治エリートたちが憲法の概念についてどのような議論を積み重ねて中国初の憲法大綱（「欽定憲法大綱」）を生み出すに至ったのかについて、史料調査から得られた新たな発見を提示しつつ、先行研究の理解に修正を迫る新たな解釈を提示している。本論文は、序論、第 1 章から第 5 章までの本論、そして結論から構成されている（英文 668 ページ）。清朝は、1908 年に「欽定憲法大綱」を制定したものの、それを正式な憲法として公布する前に 1911 年の辛亥革命に直面し、1912年に滅亡した。このため、1912 年に公布・施行された「中華民国臨時約法」（暫定憲法）の方が中国の政治史・法制史における画期的な出来事として学術的に注目され、高く評価されてきた。 これまでの通説によれば、清朝では 1904 年に勃発した日露戦争における日本の勝利を主たるきっかけとして、立憲制の導入が国力増大につながるという考えが知識・政治エリートの間で急速に広まり、これが清朝による憲政編査館の設立と同機関による「欽定憲法大綱」の制定につながった。そのような経緯でつくられた清朝の憲法大綱は、基本的に明治憲法（「大日本帝国憲法」）のにわかづくりの模倣品であるという評価にあまんじてきた。これに対して、序論では、憲法という概念がいつ頃清朝に輸入されたのか、また、憲法について清朝の知識・政治エリートの間でいかなる思想・運動が育まれ、それがどのようにして「欽定憲法大綱」に結実したのかを一次資料を用いて洗い直し、清朝における憲法制定の意義を改めて吟味することの必要性が説かれている。その後の本論では、憲法の制定がにわかづくりのものではなかったこと、また、決して日本や欧米列強にのみ触発されたわけではなく、20 世紀初頭に見られた世界的な憲法制定ブームの過程における憲法を持たない複数の君主国とのインターアクション（相互作用）の成果であったことが実証的に論じられている。
Special issues by Egas Moniz Bandeira
Papers by Egas Moniz Bandeira
Im Juli 2020 wurden Pläne der Kultusbehörden in der Inneren Mongolei bekannt, die vorsahen, das Mongolische als Unterrichtssprache in den Minderheitenschulen der Inneren Mongolei abzuwerten und möglicherweise nur noch als einzelnes Fach in sonst chinesischsprachigen Schulen anzubieten. In Reaktion darauf veröffentlichte der Lesezirkel Rotes Ross (紅馬讀書會) am 22. Juli 2020 auf WeChat das Manifest "Überlegungen zu den Schwierigkeiten, mit denen sich der mongolischsprachige Unterricht in der Autonomen Region Innere Mongolei gegenwärtig konfrontiert sieht" (關於當前内蒙古自治區蒙古語授課教育遇到困境的反映). Beim vorliegenden Artikel handelt es sich um eine deutsche Übersetzung des Manifestes samt einem ausführlichen Kommentar.
-----
Diese Dissertation zeichnet die Genese des chinesischen Verfassungsdenkens nach. Sie reicht dabei von der ersten Erwähnung des Begriffs in einem chinesischsprachigen Text im Jahre 1838 bis hin zu den konkreten Entwürfen einer Verfassung für das Qing-Kaierreich in den Jahren 1908 bis 1911. Anders als die vorhandene Literatur zum Thema, die das frühe chinesische Verfassungsdenken als nationales oder allenfalls regionales Phänomen behandelt, zeichnet diese Studie die frühe chinesische Verfassungsgeschichte aus einer breiteren Perspektive nach. Sie stellt die Entwicklung des chinesischen Verfassungsdenkens in einen globalen Kontext, indem sie China als Teil des globalen Prozesses analysiert, durch den Verfassungen unverzichtbare Elemente moderner Staaten geworden sind.
-----
本論文は、19 世紀の中国（清朝）に憲法の概念がどのように伝わったのか、また、清朝の知識・政治エリートたちが憲法の概念についてどのような議論を積み重ねて中国初の憲法大綱（「欽定憲法大綱」）を生み出すに至ったのかについて、史料調査から得られた新たな発見を提示しつつ、先行研究の理解に修正を迫る新たな解釈を提示している。本論文は、序論、第 1 章から第 5 章までの本論、そして結論から構成されている（英文 668 ページ）。清朝は、1908 年に「欽定憲法大綱」を制定したものの、それを正式な憲法として公布する前に 1911 年の辛亥革命に直面し、1912年に滅亡した。このため、1912 年に公布・施行された「中華民国臨時約法」（暫定憲法）の方が中国の政治史・法制史における画期的な出来事として学術的に注目され、高く評価されてきた。 これまでの通説によれば、清朝では 1904 年に勃発した日露戦争における日本の勝利を主たるきっかけとして、立憲制の導入が国力増大につながるという考えが知識・政治エリートの間で急速に広まり、これが清朝による憲政編査館の設立と同機関による「欽定憲法大綱」の制定につながった。そのような経緯でつくられた清朝の憲法大綱は、基本的に明治憲法（「大日本帝国憲法」）のにわかづくりの模倣品であるという評価にあまんじてきた。これに対して、序論では、憲法という概念がいつ頃清朝に輸入されたのか、また、憲法について清朝の知識・政治エリートの間でいかなる思想・運動が育まれ、それがどのようにして「欽定憲法大綱」に結実したのかを一次資料を用いて洗い直し、清朝における憲法制定の意義を改めて吟味することの必要性が説かれている。その後の本論では、憲法の制定がにわかづくりのものではなかったこと、また、決して日本や欧米列強にのみ触発されたわけではなく、20 世紀初頭に見られた世界的な憲法制定ブームの過程における憲法を持たない複数の君主国とのインターアクション（相互作用）の成果であったことが実証的に論じられている。
Im Juli 2020 wurden Pläne der Kultusbehörden in der Inneren Mongolei bekannt, die vorsahen, das Mongolische als Unterrichtssprache in den Minderheitenschulen der Inneren Mongolei abzuwerten und möglicherweise nur noch als einzelnes Fach in sonst chinesischsprachigen Schulen anzubieten. In Reaktion darauf veröffentlichte der Lesezirkel Rotes Ross (紅馬讀書會) am 22. Juli 2020 auf WeChat das Manifest "Überlegungen zu den Schwierigkeiten, mit denen sich der mongolischsprachige Unterricht in der Autonomen Region Innere Mongolei gegenwärtig konfrontiert sieht" (關於當前内蒙古自治區蒙古語授課教育遇到困境的反映). Beim vorliegenden Artikel handelt es sich um eine deutsche Übersetzung des Manifestes samt einem ausführlichen Kommentar.
In particular, the experiences made by countries similar to China did not fail to have a manifold impact on Chinese perceptions on how to cope with China’s own challenge. On the one hand, the international trend fostered the feeling that a constitutional document was needed for purposes of internal and external legitimacy, and for building nationalism from above. On the other hand, the fact that the hastily introduced constitutions in these countries did not necessarily solve their underlying problems was noticed as well. Describing them as mere “sham constitutions” was one possible interpretation, but they also reinforced Chinese notions that the population at large was not yet ripe for partaking in the political reforms and that thorough “preparation” was needed first.
O presente artigo apresenta essa primeira tentativa de introdução do constitucionalismo na China como reação a fatores internos e externos. Ao mesmo tempo que a constituição era uma nova forma de legitimar-se internamente, ela trazia vantagens no cenário internacional. A experiência chinesa mostra que, mesmo que superficial, ter uma forma constitucional de governo estava a tornar-se um dos elementos definidores do Estado na ordem mundial emergente.
法國台灣協會與德國台灣協會主辦的228紀念活動論壇活動，特別邀請德國 Max Planck 歐洲法律史研究所博士後研究員 Egas Moniz Bandeira 與台灣政治大學政治學系副教授葉浩與談，介紹台灣與德國在歷史處理與轉型正義的經驗比較。