Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitima... more Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitimation consequences. In order to make a population ‘buy’ a narrative, memory entrepreneurs can manipulate traumatic memories in a population to justify the subversion of democratic processes, which is particularly dangerous. The ‘Great Patriotic War’, as World War II is known in Russia, commemorates not just the defeat of fascism, but also the survival of the nation in the face of extinction. It is also the most important heroic and unifying event in recent Russian history and is now actively used in nation-building efforts. The main argument of this essay is that due to the very traumatic nature of the collective memory of the Great Patriotic War in Russia, its citizens are bound to react in an emotional way to the issues that are discursively connected to the war.
While everyday high-level practices have become an important area of study in foreign policy rese... more While everyday high-level practices have become an important area of study in foreign policy research, the every day of every (wo)man has been overlooked both in theoretical and empirical conceptualizations. Building on feminist, sociological, and ethnographic research, this article argues that everyday foreign policy is an assemblage—a combination of physical and cultural practices that inhabit digital and bodily spaces. Following the feminist call to liberate international relations from the straitjacket of high politics, this article aims to contextualize foreign policy within daily practices of regular citizens, who enact foreign policy at home, at the supermarket, and online. In effect, everyday foreign policy is not just about discussing identity, it is also about embodying and literally eating it. This article focuses on the grassroots of foreign policy sanctions in Russia in the aftermath of the annexation of Crimea.
In this article, I argue that Foucauldian concept of pastorate is an appropriate tool to analyze ... more In this article, I argue that Foucauldian concept of pastorate is an appropriate tool to analyze power relations in authoritarian contexts, as it takes into consideration different ways authoritarian system manifests itself. Following Carrette, this article proposed translation of pastorate through four indicators: (1) references to transborder sovereignty, (2) securitization discourse, (3) direct involvement, and (4) sexualization of the figure of the pastor. Most importantly for International Relations (IR), pastorate has dramatic implications for a state’s foreign policy. At the same time, the concept of pastorate shows how post-structuralism is embedded with a range of relevant themes in international studies that pertain to security, gender, and overlap of domestic and foreign policy.
Those familiar with Soviet posters might have seen the heart-wrenching ‘‘Red Army soldier, save!’... more Those familiar with Soviet posters might have seen the heart-wrenching ‘‘Red Army soldier, save!’’ artwork from the Great Patriotic War that features a woman holding her child huddled in fear of the bayonet with the Nazi insignia on it. The damsel in distress trope is not unique to the Post-Soviet space: iconography of any political turmoil in the world would offer one. But what happens when the damsel is in distress but she does not need a male to rescue her? Or even more so, when she is actively fighting against the male in power? Does she have to bare her chest as the Liberty on the French barricades or wield a sword like the statue in Volgograd? This is the iconographic challenge that the protests in Belarus were faced with: apart from the confrontation between a large part of the population against an authoritarian leader, the conflict had also clear gendered lines: a leader striving to project hypermasculinity (at least, at the beginning) versus a female-led protest. How does this gender divide translate into the visual iconography of the protest? Belarus is clearly a part of the Post-Soviet cultural space (although Belarusians might take issues with their current President saying that they are Russia’s ‘‘younger brother’’) and the protest iconography is deeply imbued with the Soviet and Russian cultural artifacts. This also makes Belarusian population more receptive to other Soviet representations of women: not just damsels in distress, but armed Motherlands, muscular female Kolkhoz members and voluptuous sportswomen. At the same time, as Reid argues (Reid, 1998), even the portrayal of strong women in visual Soviet culture put them in a slightly subordinate role, where in the seemingly equal tandem of Factory worker and Kolkhoz member statue by Mukhina, the factory worker had a higher and more important position in the Soviet society, not to mention the perceived femininity of food-related occupation. Thus, even the purportedly emancipated and gender-equal Soviet society still managed to promote patriarchal values through cinema and art (Gorsuch, 1996; Haynes, 2003).
This article argues that a Russian analytical paradigm of carnival culture can help explain the s... more This article argues that a Russian analytical paradigm of carnival culture can help explain the successful presidential campaign of President Donald J. Trump. Russian philosopher and literary critic Mikhail Bakhtin developed the notion of carnival culture while analyzing Francois Rabelais’ work and its connection to the popular culture of Renaissance. Carnival ethos stood in opposition to the ‘official’ and ‘serious’ church sanctioned and feudal culture, by bringing out folklore and different forms of folk laughter that Bakhtin denoted as carnival. Carnival culture with its opposition to the official buttoned-up discourse is supposed to be polar opposite, distinguished by anti-ideology and anti-authority, in other words, anti-establishment – the foundation of Trump’s appeal to his voters. This article examines the core characteristics of carnival culture that defined Trump’s presidential campaign from the start.
Russian-Polish relations have had a tumultuous history. Since the advent of the so- called 'N... more Russian-Polish relations have had a tumultuous history. Since the advent of the so- called 'New Cold War' heralded by Vladimir Putin in his 2007 Munich speech, the two coun- tries have ended up on opposite sides. The New Cold War is fought not only on the govern- mental level. It is also found in history books, athletic competitions and other events where Poles and Russians can express their post-socialist identities and allegiances. For the most part, the 'New Cold War' is a battle for memory. In this paper, we offer a transnational Polish-Russian perspective on one of the memory wars fought in the post-socialist spaces. We propose to analyse how Polish-Russian antagonistic relations translate into online and of- fline conflicts during and in the aftermath of the UEFA Cup 2012, using big data analysis of new media, notably of YouTube and word-frequency software to identify the main themes of online discussions.
This contribution traces the gendered representation of protest in Belarus, paying special attent... more This contribution traces the gendered representation of protest in Belarus, paying special attention to the way (post)-Soviet strongman rhetoric has been deconstructed in social media imagery and framing.
While everyday high-level practices have become an important area of study in foreign policy rese... more While everyday high-level practices have become an important area of study in foreign policy research, the every day of every (wo)man has been overlooked both in theoretical and empirical conceptualizations. Building on feminist, sociological, and ethnographic research, this article argues that everyday foreign policy is an assemblage-a combination of physical and cultural practices that inhabit digital and bodily spaces. Following the feminist call to liberate international relations from the straitjacket of high politics, this article aims to contextualize foreign policy within daily practices of regular citizens, who enact foreign policy at home, at the supermarket, and online. In effect, everyday foreign policy is not just about discussing identity, it is also about embodying and literally eating it. This article focuses on the grassroots of foreign policy sanctions in Russia in the aftermath of the annexation of Crimea.
Contribution to the forum on IMEMO report "Russia and the World" focused on global ideological co... more Contribution to the forum on IMEMO report "Russia and the World" focused on global ideological competition.
This article argues that a Russian analytical paradigm of carnival culture can help explain the s... more This article argues that a Russian analytical paradigm of carnival culture can help explain the successful presidential campaign of President Donald J. Trump. Russian philosopher and literary critic Mikhail Bakhtin developed the notion of carnival culture while analyzing Francois Rabelais' work and its connection to the popular culture of Renaissance. Carnival ethos stood in opposition to the 'official' and 'serious' church sanctioned and feudal culture, by bringing out folklore and different forms of folk laughter that Bakhtin denoted as carnival. Carnival culture with its opposition to the official buttoned-up discourse is supposed to be polar opposite, distinguished by anti-ideology and anti-authority, in other words, anti-establishment – the foundation of Trump's appeal to his voters. This article examines the core characteristics of carnival culture that defined Trump's presidential campaign from the start.
Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitima... more Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitimation consequences. In order to make a population 'buy' a narrative, memory entrepreneurs can manipulate traumatic memories in a population to justify the subversion of democratic processes, which is particularly dangerous. The 'Great Patriotic War', as World War II is known in Russia, commemorates not just the defeat of fascism, but also the survival of the nation in the face of extinction. It is also the most important heroic and unifying event in recent Russian history and is now actively used in nation-building efforts. The main argument of this essay is that due to the very traumatic nature of the collective memory of the Great Patriotic War in Russia, its citizens are bound to react in an emotional way to the issues that are discursively connected to the war.
У статті аналізуються політичні і правові наслідки образу ворога як
результату процесу сек’юритиз... more У статті аналізуються політичні і правові наслідки образу ворога як результату процесу сек’юритизації. Сек’юритизація означає, що певний феномен сприймається як такий, що становить екзистенційну загрозу для референтного об’єкта. Сприймаючи загрозу як екзистенційну, держава за згоди суспільства може нехтувати звичайними демократичними процедурами і запроваджувати екстраординарні заходи. Образ ворога у цьому сенсі – один з отруйних прикладів сек’юритизації, оскільки він може обумовлювати знищення таргетної ворожої гру- пи. Тому у статті приділяється особлива увага сек’юритизації людини та впливо- ві, що цей процес чинить на сприймаючих це суспільство. Зокрема, йдеться про нарративи, що супроводжують українську кризу та війну дискурсів, що точиться у Росії.
In this article, I argue that Foucauldian concept of pastorate is an appropriate tool to analyze ... more In this article, I argue that Foucauldian concept of pastorate is an appropriate tool to analyze power relations in authoritarian contexts, as it takes into consideration different ways authoritarian system manifests itself. Following Carrette, this article proposed translation of pastorate through four indicators: (1) references to transborder sovereignty, (2) securitization discourse, (3) direct involvement, and (4) sexualization of the figure of the pastor. Most importantly for International Relations (IR), pastorate has dramatic implications for a state's foreign policy. At the same time, the concept of pastorate shows how post-structuralism is embedded with a range of relevant themes in international studies that pertain to security, gender, and overlap of domestic and foreign policy.
in: Andrey Makarychev und Alexandria Yatsyk (eds), Borders in the Baltic Sea. Suturing the Ruptur... more in: Andrey Makarychev und Alexandria Yatsyk (eds), Borders in the Baltic Sea. Suturing the Ruptures, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 249 - 268
This article uses securitization theory as a lens for analyzing the Russian media framing of the ... more This article uses securitization theory as a lens for analyzing the Russian media framing of the Ukrainian crisis as a struggle against “fascism”. It argues that the distinctive shape of the post-Soviet Russian collective memory is a crucial factor enabling the successful use of the “fascism” frame. The article combines “big data” and qualitative analysis of the Russian media discourse in the spring and summer of 2014. It compares the prevalence of the fascist frame in different forms of media: Pervyi kanal news reports; mass media more broadly; and social media (Twitter, VKontakte, and Zhivoi Zhurnal), and finds that there is a high degree of similarity across “old” and “new” media in the categories and terms used to narrate the conflict in Ukraine.
Russian-Polish relations have had a tumultuous history. Since the advent of the so-called ‘New Co... more Russian-Polish relations have had a tumultuous history. Since the advent of the so-called ‘New Cold War’ heralded by Vladimir Putin in his 2007 Munich speech, the two countries have ended up on opposite sides. The New Cold War is fought not only on the governmental level. It is also found in history books, athletic competitions and other events where Poles and Russians can express their post-socialist identities and allegiances. For the most part, the ‘New Cold War’ is a battle for memory. In this paper, we offer a transnational Polish-Russian perspective on one of the memory wars fought in the post-socialist spaces. We propose to analyse how Polish-Russian antagonistic relations translate into online and offline conflicts during and in the aftermath of the UEFA Cup 2012, using big data analysis of new media, notably of YouTube and word-frequency software to identify the main themes of online discussions.
New media sources provide a rich pool of data for political scientists. This is especially true w... more New media sources provide a rich pool of data for political scientists. This is especially true within the field of securitisation theory, where tracing the audience's reaction to discourses is paramount. The blogosphere's quintessentially interactive environment serves as a fertile ground for observing reactions of 'netizens' within their 'habitat' without the caveats of the artificiality of lab experiments or the inherent bias of questionnaires. This paper focuses on the quantitative and qualitative analysis of blog commentaries to entries in the Russian-speaking segment of LiveJournal.com, which pertain to the Manezhnaia riots of December 2010. I argue that an analysis of the blogosphere can complete the methodological gaps within the field of securitisation theory.
Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitima... more Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitimation consequences. In order to make a population ‘buy’ a narrative, memory entrepreneurs can manipulate traumatic memories in a population to justify the subversion of democratic processes, which is particularly dangerous. The ‘Great Patriotic War’, as World War II is known in Russia, commemorates not just the defeat of fascism, but also the survival of the nation in the face of extinction. It is also the most important heroic and unifying event in recent Russian history and is now actively used in nation-building efforts. The main argument of this essay is that due to the very traumatic nature of the collective memory of the Great Patriotic War in Russia, its citizens are bound to react in an emotional way to the issues that are discursively connected to the war.
While everyday high-level practices have become an important area of study in foreign policy rese... more While everyday high-level practices have become an important area of study in foreign policy research, the every day of every (wo)man has been overlooked both in theoretical and empirical conceptualizations. Building on feminist, sociological, and ethnographic research, this article argues that everyday foreign policy is an assemblage—a combination of physical and cultural practices that inhabit digital and bodily spaces. Following the feminist call to liberate international relations from the straitjacket of high politics, this article aims to contextualize foreign policy within daily practices of regular citizens, who enact foreign policy at home, at the supermarket, and online. In effect, everyday foreign policy is not just about discussing identity, it is also about embodying and literally eating it. This article focuses on the grassroots of foreign policy sanctions in Russia in the aftermath of the annexation of Crimea.
In this article, I argue that Foucauldian concept of pastorate is an appropriate tool to analyze ... more In this article, I argue that Foucauldian concept of pastorate is an appropriate tool to analyze power relations in authoritarian contexts, as it takes into consideration different ways authoritarian system manifests itself. Following Carrette, this article proposed translation of pastorate through four indicators: (1) references to transborder sovereignty, (2) securitization discourse, (3) direct involvement, and (4) sexualization of the figure of the pastor. Most importantly for International Relations (IR), pastorate has dramatic implications for a state’s foreign policy. At the same time, the concept of pastorate shows how post-structuralism is embedded with a range of relevant themes in international studies that pertain to security, gender, and overlap of domestic and foreign policy.
Those familiar with Soviet posters might have seen the heart-wrenching ‘‘Red Army soldier, save!’... more Those familiar with Soviet posters might have seen the heart-wrenching ‘‘Red Army soldier, save!’’ artwork from the Great Patriotic War that features a woman holding her child huddled in fear of the bayonet with the Nazi insignia on it. The damsel in distress trope is not unique to the Post-Soviet space: iconography of any political turmoil in the world would offer one. But what happens when the damsel is in distress but she does not need a male to rescue her? Or even more so, when she is actively fighting against the male in power? Does she have to bare her chest as the Liberty on the French barricades or wield a sword like the statue in Volgograd? This is the iconographic challenge that the protests in Belarus were faced with: apart from the confrontation between a large part of the population against an authoritarian leader, the conflict had also clear gendered lines: a leader striving to project hypermasculinity (at least, at the beginning) versus a female-led protest. How does this gender divide translate into the visual iconography of the protest? Belarus is clearly a part of the Post-Soviet cultural space (although Belarusians might take issues with their current President saying that they are Russia’s ‘‘younger brother’’) and the protest iconography is deeply imbued with the Soviet and Russian cultural artifacts. This also makes Belarusian population more receptive to other Soviet representations of women: not just damsels in distress, but armed Motherlands, muscular female Kolkhoz members and voluptuous sportswomen. At the same time, as Reid argues (Reid, 1998), even the portrayal of strong women in visual Soviet culture put them in a slightly subordinate role, where in the seemingly equal tandem of Factory worker and Kolkhoz member statue by Mukhina, the factory worker had a higher and more important position in the Soviet society, not to mention the perceived femininity of food-related occupation. Thus, even the purportedly emancipated and gender-equal Soviet society still managed to promote patriarchal values through cinema and art (Gorsuch, 1996; Haynes, 2003).
This article argues that a Russian analytical paradigm of carnival culture can help explain the s... more This article argues that a Russian analytical paradigm of carnival culture can help explain the successful presidential campaign of President Donald J. Trump. Russian philosopher and literary critic Mikhail Bakhtin developed the notion of carnival culture while analyzing Francois Rabelais’ work and its connection to the popular culture of Renaissance. Carnival ethos stood in opposition to the ‘official’ and ‘serious’ church sanctioned and feudal culture, by bringing out folklore and different forms of folk laughter that Bakhtin denoted as carnival. Carnival culture with its opposition to the official buttoned-up discourse is supposed to be polar opposite, distinguished by anti-ideology and anti-authority, in other words, anti-establishment – the foundation of Trump’s appeal to his voters. This article examines the core characteristics of carnival culture that defined Trump’s presidential campaign from the start.
Russian-Polish relations have had a tumultuous history. Since the advent of the so- called 'N... more Russian-Polish relations have had a tumultuous history. Since the advent of the so- called 'New Cold War' heralded by Vladimir Putin in his 2007 Munich speech, the two coun- tries have ended up on opposite sides. The New Cold War is fought not only on the govern- mental level. It is also found in history books, athletic competitions and other events where Poles and Russians can express their post-socialist identities and allegiances. For the most part, the 'New Cold War' is a battle for memory. In this paper, we offer a transnational Polish-Russian perspective on one of the memory wars fought in the post-socialist spaces. We propose to analyse how Polish-Russian antagonistic relations translate into online and of- fline conflicts during and in the aftermath of the UEFA Cup 2012, using big data analysis of new media, notably of YouTube and word-frequency software to identify the main themes of online discussions.
This contribution traces the gendered representation of protest in Belarus, paying special attent... more This contribution traces the gendered representation of protest in Belarus, paying special attention to the way (post)-Soviet strongman rhetoric has been deconstructed in social media imagery and framing.
While everyday high-level practices have become an important area of study in foreign policy rese... more While everyday high-level practices have become an important area of study in foreign policy research, the every day of every (wo)man has been overlooked both in theoretical and empirical conceptualizations. Building on feminist, sociological, and ethnographic research, this article argues that everyday foreign policy is an assemblage-a combination of physical and cultural practices that inhabit digital and bodily spaces. Following the feminist call to liberate international relations from the straitjacket of high politics, this article aims to contextualize foreign policy within daily practices of regular citizens, who enact foreign policy at home, at the supermarket, and online. In effect, everyday foreign policy is not just about discussing identity, it is also about embodying and literally eating it. This article focuses on the grassroots of foreign policy sanctions in Russia in the aftermath of the annexation of Crimea.
Contribution to the forum on IMEMO report "Russia and the World" focused on global ideological co... more Contribution to the forum on IMEMO report "Russia and the World" focused on global ideological competition.
This article argues that a Russian analytical paradigm of carnival culture can help explain the s... more This article argues that a Russian analytical paradigm of carnival culture can help explain the successful presidential campaign of President Donald J. Trump. Russian philosopher and literary critic Mikhail Bakhtin developed the notion of carnival culture while analyzing Francois Rabelais' work and its connection to the popular culture of Renaissance. Carnival ethos stood in opposition to the 'official' and 'serious' church sanctioned and feudal culture, by bringing out folklore and different forms of folk laughter that Bakhtin denoted as carnival. Carnival culture with its opposition to the official buttoned-up discourse is supposed to be polar opposite, distinguished by anti-ideology and anti-authority, in other words, anti-establishment – the foundation of Trump's appeal to his voters. This article examines the core characteristics of carnival culture that defined Trump's presidential campaign from the start.
Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitima... more Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitimation consequences. In order to make a population 'buy' a narrative, memory entrepreneurs can manipulate traumatic memories in a population to justify the subversion of democratic processes, which is particularly dangerous. The 'Great Patriotic War', as World War II is known in Russia, commemorates not just the defeat of fascism, but also the survival of the nation in the face of extinction. It is also the most important heroic and unifying event in recent Russian history and is now actively used in nation-building efforts. The main argument of this essay is that due to the very traumatic nature of the collective memory of the Great Patriotic War in Russia, its citizens are bound to react in an emotional way to the issues that are discursively connected to the war.
У статті аналізуються політичні і правові наслідки образу ворога як
результату процесу сек’юритиз... more У статті аналізуються політичні і правові наслідки образу ворога як результату процесу сек’юритизації. Сек’юритизація означає, що певний феномен сприймається як такий, що становить екзистенційну загрозу для референтного об’єкта. Сприймаючи загрозу як екзистенційну, держава за згоди суспільства може нехтувати звичайними демократичними процедурами і запроваджувати екстраординарні заходи. Образ ворога у цьому сенсі – один з отруйних прикладів сек’юритизації, оскільки він може обумовлювати знищення таргетної ворожої гру- пи. Тому у статті приділяється особлива увага сек’юритизації людини та впливо- ві, що цей процес чинить на сприймаючих це суспільство. Зокрема, йдеться про нарративи, що супроводжують українську кризу та війну дискурсів, що точиться у Росії.
In this article, I argue that Foucauldian concept of pastorate is an appropriate tool to analyze ... more In this article, I argue that Foucauldian concept of pastorate is an appropriate tool to analyze power relations in authoritarian contexts, as it takes into consideration different ways authoritarian system manifests itself. Following Carrette, this article proposed translation of pastorate through four indicators: (1) references to transborder sovereignty, (2) securitization discourse, (3) direct involvement, and (4) sexualization of the figure of the pastor. Most importantly for International Relations (IR), pastorate has dramatic implications for a state's foreign policy. At the same time, the concept of pastorate shows how post-structuralism is embedded with a range of relevant themes in international studies that pertain to security, gender, and overlap of domestic and foreign policy.
in: Andrey Makarychev und Alexandria Yatsyk (eds), Borders in the Baltic Sea. Suturing the Ruptur... more in: Andrey Makarychev und Alexandria Yatsyk (eds), Borders in the Baltic Sea. Suturing the Ruptures, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 249 - 268
This article uses securitization theory as a lens for analyzing the Russian media framing of the ... more This article uses securitization theory as a lens for analyzing the Russian media framing of the Ukrainian crisis as a struggle against “fascism”. It argues that the distinctive shape of the post-Soviet Russian collective memory is a crucial factor enabling the successful use of the “fascism” frame. The article combines “big data” and qualitative analysis of the Russian media discourse in the spring and summer of 2014. It compares the prevalence of the fascist frame in different forms of media: Pervyi kanal news reports; mass media more broadly; and social media (Twitter, VKontakte, and Zhivoi Zhurnal), and finds that there is a high degree of similarity across “old” and “new” media in the categories and terms used to narrate the conflict in Ukraine.
Russian-Polish relations have had a tumultuous history. Since the advent of the so-called ‘New Co... more Russian-Polish relations have had a tumultuous history. Since the advent of the so-called ‘New Cold War’ heralded by Vladimir Putin in his 2007 Munich speech, the two countries have ended up on opposite sides. The New Cold War is fought not only on the governmental level. It is also found in history books, athletic competitions and other events where Poles and Russians can express their post-socialist identities and allegiances. For the most part, the ‘New Cold War’ is a battle for memory. In this paper, we offer a transnational Polish-Russian perspective on one of the memory wars fought in the post-socialist spaces. We propose to analyse how Polish-Russian antagonistic relations translate into online and offline conflicts during and in the aftermath of the UEFA Cup 2012, using big data analysis of new media, notably of YouTube and word-frequency software to identify the main themes of online discussions.
New media sources provide a rich pool of data for political scientists. This is especially true w... more New media sources provide a rich pool of data for political scientists. This is especially true within the field of securitisation theory, where tracing the audience's reaction to discourses is paramount. The blogosphere's quintessentially interactive environment serves as a fertile ground for observing reactions of 'netizens' within their 'habitat' without the caveats of the artificiality of lab experiments or the inherent bias of questionnaires. This paper focuses on the quantitative and qualitative analysis of blog commentaries to entries in the Russian-speaking segment of LiveJournal.com, which pertain to the Manezhnaia riots of December 2010. I argue that an analysis of the blogosphere can complete the methodological gaps within the field of securitisation theory.
Толерантність у транзитивних суспільствах: філософський, правовий, політичний, соціологічний вимі... more Толерантність у транзитивних суспільствах: філософський, правовий, політичний, соціологічний виміри: Збірка наукових статей та есе / Упорядкування, наукове редагування і передмова О. Петришина, Д . Вовка, О. Уварової. – Х : Юрайт, 2016. – 162 с.
Збірка вміщує статті та есе філософів, правників, політологів і соціологів, привчені проблемам толерантності у транзитивних, конфліктних і пост-конфліктних суспільствах. Збірка не містить узгоджених підходів, не має на меті їх напрацювання і не дає відповіді на всі можливі питання. Вона скоріше може слугувати невеличким «трампліном» для подальших міркувань з приводу того, чому суспільство зацікавлене бути терпимим та як і в якій мірі право і держава можуть гарантувати толерантність та повагу до різноманітності, зокрема, і в умовах сучасного українського суспільства.
INFORMAL AND EVERYDAY NATIONALISM AFTER COMMUNISM: BOOK PRESENTATION (books available on my profi... more INFORMAL AND EVERYDAY NATIONALISM AFTER COMMUNISM: BOOK PRESENTATION (books available on my profile, post available on FB)
Does your book take into account the role of middle range actors, such as intellectuals, in nation building processes? Intriguing question by Peter Rutland during the conference “Nationalism and the Market” at Universita La Sapienza, CERU
Time to reflect and give a more complex answer was short so I am uploading it here
Studies on nation building have extensively examined statist perspectives on nation building, which is what we initially tried to move away from with Isaacs and our “New tools and approaches” and that include the work of some middle actors.
However, intellectuals, civil society and other actors can still sign petitions, suggest interpretations and narratives on national identities that eventually make it to the headlines or national narratives.
With the current books we put at the centre of our inquiry events that will not make any noise and remain, in other words, invisible. Think of when a product becomes popular - Gangnam style in Korea or Turkish Cola some years ago, or unpopular - such as boycott of Russian products in Ukraine after the 2014 events. Even if they can be considered expression of national sentiments, their impact on a society will not be easy to grasp.
Companies will have figures and can estimate how much they have gained, or lost but they are not passive actors. Based on these figures they will have to decide on whether to stop, or keep on, selling a product. They might want to rebrand it or replace with some other product that suits the market better at some point.
But these choices can also embed a symbolic choice. Ethnic rebranding (see Zsombor Csaba’s paper) can contribute to reinforce a sense of national pride and thus, eventually, have a macro effect on identity construction. The message, in such case, would not use state official channels or middle actors but commercial ones. However, a simple marketing strategy might end up affecting the perception of national identity and various ethnic groups in a country might choose to consume, or not, a given product based on whether they support a given idea or not, on whether they try to integrate, or reject a national idea by ideologically consuming (or not) the nation (see Fox 2007).
We believe that it is worth paying attention at these phenomena, at the agency of common citizens and the way it creates synergies with market forces broadly defined (consumption, the culture industry, tourism) to be able to better understand some nuances in the construction of national identity in an era when these forces have become, symbolically or economically, as powerful as a state, at least in some cases.
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результату процесу сек’юритизації. Сек’юритизація означає, що певний феномен сприймається як такий, що становить екзистенційну загрозу для референтного об’єкта. Сприймаючи загрозу як екзистенційну, держава за згоди суспільства може нехтувати звичайними демократичними процедурами і запроваджувати екстраординарні заходи. Образ ворога у цьому сенсі – один з отруйних прикладів сек’юритизації, оскільки він може обумовлювати знищення таргетної ворожої гру- пи. Тому у статті приділяється особлива увага сек’юритизації людини та впливо- ві, що цей процес чинить на сприймаючих це суспільство. Зокрема, йдеться про нарративи, що супроводжують українську кризу та війну дискурсів, що точиться у Росії.
frame in different forms of media: Pervyi kanal news reports; mass media more broadly; and social media (Twitter, VKontakte, and Zhivoi Zhurnal), and finds that there is a high degree of similarity across “old” and “new” media in the categories and terms used to narrate the conflict in Ukraine.
theory, where tracing the audience's reaction to discourses is paramount. The blogosphere's quintessentially interactive environment serves as a fertile ground for observing reactions of 'netizens' within their 'habitat' without the caveats of the artificiality of lab experiments or the inherent bias of questionnaires. This paper focuses on the quantitative
and qualitative analysis of blog commentaries to entries in the Russian-speaking segment of LiveJournal.com, which
pertain to the Manezhnaia riots of December 2010. I argue that an analysis of the blogosphere can complete the methodological gaps within the field of securitisation theory.
результату процесу сек’юритизації. Сек’юритизація означає, що певний феномен сприймається як такий, що становить екзистенційну загрозу для референтного об’єкта. Сприймаючи загрозу як екзистенційну, держава за згоди суспільства може нехтувати звичайними демократичними процедурами і запроваджувати екстраординарні заходи. Образ ворога у цьому сенсі – один з отруйних прикладів сек’юритизації, оскільки він може обумовлювати знищення таргетної ворожої гру- пи. Тому у статті приділяється особлива увага сек’юритизації людини та впливо- ві, що цей процес чинить на сприймаючих це суспільство. Зокрема, йдеться про нарративи, що супроводжують українську кризу та війну дискурсів, що точиться у Росії.
frame in different forms of media: Pervyi kanal news reports; mass media more broadly; and social media (Twitter, VKontakte, and Zhivoi Zhurnal), and finds that there is a high degree of similarity across “old” and “new” media in the categories and terms used to narrate the conflict in Ukraine.
theory, where tracing the audience's reaction to discourses is paramount. The blogosphere's quintessentially interactive environment serves as a fertile ground for observing reactions of 'netizens' within their 'habitat' without the caveats of the artificiality of lab experiments or the inherent bias of questionnaires. This paper focuses on the quantitative
and qualitative analysis of blog commentaries to entries in the Russian-speaking segment of LiveJournal.com, which
pertain to the Manezhnaia riots of December 2010. I argue that an analysis of the blogosphere can complete the methodological gaps within the field of securitisation theory.
Збірка вміщує статті та есе філософів, правників, політологів і соціологів, привчені проблемам толерантності у транзитивних, конфліктних і пост-конфліктних суспільствах. Збірка не містить узгоджених підходів, не має на меті їх напрацювання і не дає відповіді на всі можливі питання. Вона скоріше може слугувати невеличким «трампліном» для подальших міркувань з приводу того, чому суспільство зацікавлене бути терпимим та як і в якій мірі право і держава можуть гарантувати толерантність та повагу до різноманітності, зокрема, і в умовах сучасного українського суспільства.
Does your book take into account the role of middle range actors, such as intellectuals, in nation building processes? Intriguing question by Peter Rutland during the conference “Nationalism and the Market” at Universita La Sapienza, CERU
Time to reflect and give a more complex answer was short so I am uploading it here
Studies on nation building have extensively examined statist perspectives on nation building, which is what we initially tried to move away from with Isaacs and our “New tools and approaches” and that include the work of some middle actors.
However, intellectuals, civil society and other actors can still sign petitions, suggest interpretations and narratives on national identities that eventually make it to the headlines or national narratives.
With the current books we put at the centre of our inquiry events that will not make any noise and remain, in other words, invisible. Think of when a product becomes popular - Gangnam style in Korea or Turkish Cola some years ago, or unpopular - such as boycott of Russian products in Ukraine after the 2014 events. Even if they can be considered expression of national sentiments, their impact on a society will not be easy to grasp.
Companies will have figures and can estimate how much they have gained, or lost but they are not passive actors. Based on these figures they will have to decide on whether to stop, or keep on, selling a product. They might want to rebrand it or replace with some other product that suits the market better at some point.
But these choices can also embed a symbolic choice. Ethnic rebranding (see Zsombor Csaba’s paper) can contribute to reinforce a sense of national pride and thus, eventually, have a macro effect on identity construction. The message, in such case, would not use state official channels or middle actors but commercial ones. However, a simple marketing strategy might end up affecting the perception of national identity and various ethnic groups in a country might choose to consume, or not, a given product based on whether they support a given idea or not, on whether they try to integrate, or reject a national idea by ideologically consuming (or not) the nation (see Fox 2007).
We believe that it is worth paying attention at these phenomena, at the agency of common citizens and the way it creates synergies with market forces broadly defined (consumption, the culture industry, tourism) to be able to better understand some nuances in the construction of national identity in an era when these forces have become, symbolically or economically, as powerful as a state, at least in some cases.