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  • Benjamin Edidin Scolnic is the author of eleven books and many articles and essays on the Bible, especially the Book ... moreedit
King Zedekiah of Judah’s covenant to release Hebrew slaves during the siege of Jerusalem by the Babylonians in 588/587 and Jeremiah’s idealistic denunciation of the reclaiming of those slaves in Jer 34 has been the subject of interesting... more
King Zedekiah of Judah’s covenant to release Hebrew slaves during the siege of Jerusalem by the Babylonians in 588/587 and Jeremiah’s idealistic denunciation of the reclaiming of those slaves in Jer 34 has been the subject of interesting scholarly debate. For all the proposed foreign and intra-Biblical parallels, the policy was purely pragmatic and can be understood as a recognizable strategy from ancient texts that recommend procedures during a siege. Therefore when the siege is temporarily lifted, the policy is reversed.
... 89. Page 19. The Historical Background The chain of events began in 187 BCE when the Syrian emperor Seleucus IV sent his minister Heliodorus to seize money from the treasury of the temple in Jerusalem. Heliodorus' failure ...
Résumé Polybe désigne le courtisan et commandant militaire Antipatros comme le « neveu » d’Antiochos III. Les rois hellénistiques désignaient souvent leurs courtisans honorés par des titres de parenté tels que « frère » ou « ami », et... more
Résumé Polybe désigne le courtisan et commandant militaire Antipatros comme le « neveu » d’Antiochos III. Les rois hellénistiques désignaient souvent leurs courtisans honorés par des titres de parenté tels que « frère » ou « ami », et Antipatros semble être un exemple de cette pratique. Il pourrait s’agir d’Antipatros fils d’Epigonos de Telmessos, un cousin germain de Ptolémée II, le souverain de cette ville. Antipatros fils d’Epigonos était un homme de haute lignée dans le monde macédonien et un parent éloigné d’Antiochos III qui rendit de longs et loyaux services à ce roi. Il se peut qu’il ait eu à la fois un lien généalogique et un lien aulique qui ont été formalisés dans le terme ἀδελφιδοῦς/« neveu ».
Abstract:The mention of an Antiochos in an Athenian inscription, I 7453, which dates to 178/7 b.c., has led scholars to accept that the future Antiochos IV lived in Athens from 178 to 175, and was not just present in the city in 175, as a... more
Abstract:The mention of an Antiochos in an Athenian inscription, I 7453, which dates to 178/7 b.c., has led scholars to accept that the future Antiochos IV lived in Athens from 178 to 175, and was not just present in the city in 175, as a statement by Appian seems to indicate. A reevaluation of the evidence calls into question both this extended sojourn and the identification of the Antiochos in the inscription, inviting us to reconsider the circumstances and the chronology of events surrounding the accession of Antiochos IV.
Das WortEn Dn 11,30, Kittim signifie Chypre et non »Rome« ou »Romains« comme certaines anciennes interprétations et beaucoup de commentateurs modernes l’ont compris. Dn 11,30 est un témoignage historique précieux sur l’importance du rôle... more
Das WortEn Dn 11,30, Kittim signifie Chypre et non »Rome« ou »Romains« comme certaines anciennes interprétations et beaucoup de commentateurs modernes l’ont compris. Dn 11,30 est un témoignage historique précieux sur l’importance du rôle de Chypre dans la sixième guerre syrienne. Les liens qu’a ce verset aux actions romaines en 168 av. J.-C. ont permis à des interprètes plus tardifs de trouver la réalité historique de leur temps dans les prophéties anciennes.
s. The journal is archived by Library and Archives Canada and is accessible for consultation and research at the Electronic Collection site maintained by Library and Archives Canada. ISSN 1203–1542 http://www.jhsonline.org and... more
s. The journal is archived by Library and Archives Canada and is accessible for consultation and research at the Electronic Collection site maintained by Library and Archives Canada. ISSN 1203–1542 http://www.jhsonline.org and http://purl.org/jhs Volume 14, Article 2 DOI:10.5508/jhs.2014.v14.a2 Antiochus IV and the Three Horns in Daniel 7
Daniel 10–12 is a historical apocalypse, a vision of the end-time that first describes events of the Hellenistic period before predicting events in the future. Daniel 11.22 describes the accession of Antiochus IV to the Seleucid throne in... more
Daniel 10–12 is a historical apocalypse, a vision of the end-time that first describes events of the Hellenistic period before predicting events in the future. Daniel 11.22 describes the accession of Antiochus IV to the Seleucid throne in symbolic terms. A translation of the verse should reflect its meaning and context.
Le probleme du jugement de David pose le point de depart de l'article: nous ne devons pas le faire avec nos valeurs morales contemporaines. L'homme entendait Dieu ainsi que la vie avec differents criteres et c'est au regard de... more
Le probleme du jugement de David pose le point de depart de l'article: nous ne devons pas le faire avec nos valeurs morales contemporaines. L'homme entendait Dieu ainsi que la vie avec differents criteres et c'est au regard de sa propre morale qu'il doit etre apprecie. Pour comprendre ce que le signifiant sang veut dire pour lui, il est necessaire de se reporter a la mort de Joab et Shimei. L'ordre et la paix pour le regne de son fils Salomon etaient ses grands desseins
The phrase bm't goy in Dan 11:23 has been called "barbarous" and "curious." In the context of a verse that seems to say that Antiochus IV will rise to power with the help of a small band of con spirators, it seems quite strange to call... more
The phrase bm't goy in Dan 11:23 has been called "barbarous" and "curious." In the context of a verse that seems to say that Antiochus IV will rise to power with the help of a small band of con spirators, it seems quite strange to call the group a "little nation." The phrase may refer to several members of one small nation, Miletus, who formed a network that brought Antiochus IV to the Seleucid throne. Two powerful families of officials in the kingdom of Antiochus IV, those of Apol lonius son of Menestheus and Timarchus, came from Miletus in Asia Minor, an independent city that was not part of the Seleucid kingdom. I will suggest that the Milesians Apollonius, governor of Coele Syria and Phoenicia, and Timarchus, later satrap of Babylonia, and his brother Hera elides, later treasurer of the kingdom, formed a web that helped to bring Antiochus IV to the Seleucid throne with the essential help of Eirenias, the Milesian statesman who was an ambas sador to both Eumenes II, king of Pergamon, and the Seleucid court.
Polybios refers to the courtier and military commander Antipatros as the “nephew” of Antiochos III. Hellenistic kings often referred to their honored courtiers with titles of kinship such as “brother” or “friend,” and Antipatros seems to... more
Polybios refers to the courtier and military commander Antipatros as the “nephew” of Antiochos III. Hellenistic kings often referred to their honored courtiers with titles of kinship such as “brother” or “friend,” and Antipatros seems to be an example of this practice. He may have been Antipatros son Epigonos of Telmessos, a first cousin of Ptolemaios II, the ruler of that city. Antipatros son of Epigonos was a man of high pedigree in the Macedonian world and a distant relative of Antiochos III who rendered long-standing and loyal service to this king. He may have had both a genealogical and an aulic link that were formalized in the term ἀδελφιδοῦς/“nephew.”
Abstract: Kittim in Dan 11,30 means Cyprus and not »Rome« or »Romans« as some ancient interpretations and many modern commentators have understood it. Dan 11,30 is a valuable historical witness to the important role of Cyprus in the Sixth... more
Abstract: Kittim in Dan 11,30 means Cyprus and not »Rome« or »Romans« as some ancient interpretations and many modern commentators have understood it. Dan 11,30 is a valuable historical witness to the important role of Cyprus in the Sixth Syrian War. The verse’s connection to Roman actions in 168 B.C.E. enabled later interpreters to find the historical reality of their time in the ancient prophecy. Zusammenfassung: Das Wort Kittim in Dan 11,30 bedeutet »Zypern« und nicht »Rom« oder »Römer«, wie es einige antike und viele moderne Kommentatoren aufgefasst haben. Dan 11,30 ist ein wertvoller historischer Zeuge für die bedeutende Rolle Zyperns im sechsten syrischen Krieg. Den Vers mit römischen Aktivitäten im Jahre 168 v. Chr. in Verbindung zu bringen, ermöglichte es späteren Interpretatoren, die historische Realität ihrer Zeit in der alten Prophezeiung wiederzufinden. Résumé: En Dn 11,30, Kittim signifie Chypre et non »Rome« ou »Romains« comme certaines anciennes interprétations et bea...
The word wĕḥārûṣ in Dan 9.25 may mean something different from the usual rendering “moat.” A study of (1) the use of ḥārûṣ in the Hebrew Bible, (2) the fact that Dan 9.25-27 contains intertextual allusions to Isa 10.22-23 and 28.22, 27,... more
The word wĕḥārûṣ in Dan 9.25 may mean something different from the usual rendering “moat.” A study of (1) the use of ḥārûṣ in the Hebrew Bible, (2) the fact that Dan 9.25-27 contains intertextual allusions to Isa 10.22-23 and 28.22, 27, where ḥārûṣ and neḥĕrāṣāh are found in prophecies of destruction, (3) the context of the verse that concludes with ûbĕṣôq hāʿittîm “and in a time of distress,” and (4) the surrounding passage that reinterprets Jeremiah’s prophecy of seventy years of exile as seventy “weeks” of years, which includes the postexilic era, may lead to a new understanding of wĕḥārûṣ in this verse.
Daniel 7 presents a symbolic vision that describes how Antiochus IV “uprooted” the three horns that represent Seleucus IV and his sons Demetrius I and Antiochus. This study suggests that Rome conspired with Antiochus IV to deliberately... more
Daniel 7 presents a symbolic vision that describes how Antiochus IV “uprooted” the three horns that represent Seleucus IV and his sons Demetrius I and Antiochus. This study suggests that Rome conspired with Antiochus IV to deliberately sideline Seleucus IV’s direct heir Demetrius I by demanding him as a principal hostage in 175, just before the king would be assassinated. Antiochus IV then presented himself as loyal coregent with his nephew Antiochus while planning the latter’s assassination, which he ordered in 170.
The impetus for the assassination of Seleucus IV in 175 B. C. E. is commonly associated with his robbing the temples and oppressing the peoples of the Seleucid kingdom in order to pay tribute to Rome according to the Treaty of Apamea.... more
The impetus for the assassination of Seleucus IV in 175 B. C. E. is commonly associated with his robbing the temples and oppressing the peoples of the Seleucid kingdom in order to pay tribute to Rome according to the Treaty of Apamea. Reconsideration of the relevant evidence – especially Dan 11:20 and 2 Macc 3, with attention to a passage from Appian, inscriptions from Delos, the Heliodorus stele and the Ptolemaios dossier – suggests another explanation for these events. If Seleucus robbed the temples to finance his “royal splendor,” it is possible that Heliodorus and others tasked with taxing the kingdom may have objected to his controversial policies and taken action against him because of them.
Recent scholarship has maintained that the Dionysian rites of 2 Macc 6:7b are not historical because evidence of this cult in Seleukid official policy is seen as meager at best. A review of Antiochus IV’s coinage, his procession at... more
Recent scholarship has maintained that the Dionysian rites of 2 Macc 6:7b are not historical because evidence of this cult in Seleukid official policy is seen as meager at best. A review of Antiochus IV’s coinage, his procession at Daphne, his designation of Geron the Athenian as enforcer of the imposed cult, and other allusions to promiscuity in the Temple may indicate that this reference to Dionysian practices is at least plausible.
... 89. Page 19. The Historical Background The chain of events began in 187 BCE when the Syrian emperor Seleucus IV sent his minister Heliodorus to seize money from the treasury of the temple in Jerusalem. Heliodorus' failure ...
Daniel 11 is considered an exceptional Biblical text because of its interest in and accuracy about historical and political events in the Hellenistic world. A recent theory suggests that the author was a former Seleucid scribe; another... more
Daniel 11 is considered an exceptional Biblical text because of its interest in and accuracy about historical and political events in the Hellenistic world. A recent theory suggests that the author was a former Seleucid scribe; another theory posits the use of a Ptolemaic propaganda document. The approach here will be inductive, reading out from the text to adduce evidence that the author of Daniel 11 either used or reflected the attitudes of Ptolemaic narrative, not necessarily because he was pro-Ptolemaic but because it suited his anti-Antiochene purpose.
Daniel 10–12 is a historical apocalypse, a vision of the end-time that first describes events of the Hellenistic period before predicting events in the future. Daniel 11.22 describes the accession of Antiochus IV to the Seleucid throne in... more
Daniel 10–12 is a historical apocalypse, a vision of the end-time that first describes events of the Hellenistic period before predicting events in the future. Daniel 11.22 describes the accession of Antiochus IV to the Seleucid throne in symbolic terms. A translation of the verse should reflect its meaning and context.
The author of the Book of Jonah carefully selected the prophet Jonah ben Amittai, mentioned briefly in 2 Kings 14:23–29, to be the anti-hero of his tale. We may integrate knowledge from the historical context of this prophet’s lifetime in... more
The author of the Book of Jonah carefully selected the prophet Jonah ben Amittai, mentioned briefly in 2 Kings 14:23–29, to be the anti-hero of his tale. We may integrate knowledge from the historical context of this prophet’s lifetime in the eighth century bce to see structural parallels between the sinful actions, Yhwh’s merciful responses to the actions, and the continued sinful actions, of Jonah, Israel and Assyria. Jonah becomes the prophet of second chances: for Israel, for himself, for the Assyrians, and then for the Judean audience, either in the Babylonian exile or thereafter, in a work written in agreement with the theological paradigm of the Deuteronomistic histories that attempt to demonstrate Yhwh’s mercy.
Dan 11:10 presents textual and historical difficulties. While some scholars favor the Qetiv/og reading of bnw “son”, corresponding to what has been seen as the more historical statement that one son of Seleucus ii, the famous Antiochus... more
Dan 11:10 presents textual and historical difficulties. While some scholars favor the Qetiv/og reading of bnw “son”, corresponding to what has been seen as the more historical statement that one son of Seleucus ii, the famous Antiochus iii, fought against the Ptolemaic kingdom, others prefer the reading of bnyv/“sons” with the Qere, Th.-Dan. and the Vulgate, though they have not understood the verse in a meaningful historical fashion. This article attempts to show that recent developments in the study of Hellenistic history in Asia Minor demonstrate that both sons of Seleucus ii, first Seleucus iii and then Antiochus iii, raised large forces for campaigns to restore their father’s kingdom to its former glory. Dan 11:10 becomes an interesting example of the historicity of Dan 11.
While most English translations render nbzh in Dan 11:21 as “contemptible, vile, despicable,” closer examination will demonstrate that this Biblical Hebrew word should be translated as “spurned, scorned, rejected.” Once one understands... more
While most English translations render nbzh in Dan 11:21 as “contemptible, vile, despicable,” closer examination will demonstrate that this Biblical Hebrew word should be translated as “spurned, scorned, rejected.” Once one understands Dan 11:21 accordingly, other ancient sources can be brought to show that this verse states, in its own thinly-veiled code, that before his rise to power, Antiochus IV, son of the late king Antiochus III and brother of the current king Seleucus IV, had been scorned and had not been given appropriate royal honors. This verse should be seen as another element in the evaluation of Dan 11 as an accurate and important historical source for the events surrounding the rise and rule of Antiochus IV.

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Alcimus, High Priest of Judaea in the aftermath of the rededication of the Temple in Jerusalem in 164 BCE, may have been a figure loyal to his Jewish heritage and traditions.