- Mikołaj Cześnik is an Associate Professor at the SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities in Warsaw, where h... moreMikołaj Cześnik is an Associate Professor at the SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities in Warsaw, where he directs the Institute of Social Sciences. He is a member of the Polish National Election Study. He chairs the International Political Science Association Research Committee 16 (Socio-Political Pluralism). He is also a member of the Board of the Stefan Batory Foundation. He has participated in several international comparative projects, including CIVICACTIVE, COST, CSES, INTUNE, MARPOR, PIREDEU. He is primarily interested in how people behave in the world of politics. His research interests include democracy and democratisation, elections, political and voting behaviour (especially voter turnout), political parties, socio-political cleavages.edit
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Voter turnout has been decreasing in modern democracies. This decline can be perceived as a challenge to democracy. Among the solutions proposed is compulsory voting, which according to many scholars is effective, but seems controversial... more
Voter turnout has been decreasing in modern democracies. This decline can be perceived as a challenge to democracy. Among the solutions proposed is compulsory voting, which according to many scholars is effective, but seems controversial at the same time. This paper considers the possible effects of the introduction of compulsory voting in Poland. Empirical analyses show that the introduction of compulsory voting would be an effective tool for boosting voter turnout in Poland. If Polish citizens had been forced to vote in the 2001 parliamentary elections, then the vast majority of non-voters would have participated in the elections. Voter turnout would have increased substantially as a consequence. Various social groups would react differently to the introduction of compulsory voting: gender, education, place of residence, occupational status, and ideological self-placement have a statistically significant effect on the dependent variable. However, policy preferences and party preferences do not have a statistically significant effect on the dependent variable. Thus, the most surprising finding of the paper is that the introduction of compulsory voting would not have substantive impact on the election results.
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Although post-communist party systems have shown signs of stabilisation in recent years, they are still susceptible to the emergence of new parties. Sikk (2012) and Sikk and Hanley (2014) have suggested that many of these challengers owe... more
Although post-communist party systems have shown signs of stabilisation in recent years, they are still susceptible to the emergence of new parties. Sikk (2012) and Sikk and Hanley (2014) have suggested that many of these challengers owe their success to a distinct winning formula, appealing to the public primarily on the basis of their ‘newness’ and antiestablishment credentials. However, to draw conclusions about the relative importance of newness in explaining the successes of these parties, it is necessary to understand the nature of their support among the electorate. Few empirical demand-side analyses of party support in the region explicitly address the newness thesis. This paper analyses support for Poland’s Palikot Movement, a party which rose to prominence in 2011 and for whom newness constituted a significant aspect of its electoral appeal. It shows that while the Palikot Movement attracted voters who disliked the other parties, support for the party was more clearly attributable to its distinct ideological profile rather than its claim to represent those dissatisfied with the actions of the political establishment.
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Populism has had a significant impact on Polish politics in the post-communist era, and for the last decade and a half, the party system has been characterised by the conflict between populist and non-populist forces. This chapter... more
Populism has had a significant impact on Polish politics in the post-communist era, and for the last decade and a half, the party system has been characterised by the conflict between populist and non-populist forces. This chapter describes the political strategies and popular appeal of the two current populist formations, the governing Law and Justice party and the opposition Kukiz’15 movement, placing their emergence and electoral success in the context of a historically recursive ‘us versus them’ divide in Polish politics and the increasing significance of public fatigue with a liberal-orthodox model of democratic transition and consolidation. It concludes that these movements, respectively, represent two distinct strands of populism found across the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe: a radical antiliberal critique of the political status quo and an ideologically amorphous anti-establishment appeal based primarily on rejection of the moral legitimacy of the existing elites.
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Research Interests: Sociology, Democracy, Elections, Voting, Polling, and 3 moreVoter Turnout, Turnout, and Presidential System
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The tragic events of 10 April 2010 became one of the most important topics of public discourse in Poland. They remain its central issue until today. This paper is an attempt to investigate one aspect of the phenomenon: the impact of the... more
The tragic events of 10 April 2010 became one of the most important topics of public discourse in Poland. They remain its central issue until today. This paper is an attempt to investigate one aspect of the phenomenon: the impact of the disaster and subsequent events on the presidential election of 2010. It is based on the results of research carried out within the Polish National Election Study (PNES) project. At least three reasons make it plausible that the Smolensk catastrophe had a great impact on Polish politics. Firstly, the disaster had legal and constitutional consequences; the sudden death of a head of state always generates a number of specific actions, policy changes, and (most importantly from the perspective of this paper) determines the election calendar. Secondly, the disaster had psychological consequences; it caused a strong psychological shock for participants in the political process, which redefined political competition, public discourse, and the media coverage. Thirdly, narratives about the events preceding the crash and following it quickly became an important element of Polish politics, especially in the media and in the electoral campaign. The main finding of the paper is that the Smolensk catastrophe did not produce a fundamental change in the political preferences and voting patterns of Polish citizens. At both the aggregate and individual level we observe relative stability in voter turnout patterns and voting preferences. The paper also finds that the catastrophe strengthened existing preferences and behavior patterns, and it petrified existing divisions. This paper is a study of voting behavior in extreme situations. It analyses a unique phenomenon—voting during a huge social trauma and right afterwards. Thus, in addition to the idiographic objective of the paper (explanation of voting behavior in the 2010 presidential election in Poland), it also has a nomothetic aspect, because it contributes to the theoretical discussions about voting behavior in traumatic, exceptional situations. It can serve as a reference point for future studies addressing the issue of electoral behavior in unexpected, unusual contexts.
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ABSTRACT This article uses data from the 2015 Polish parliamentary election to test the relationship between political knowledge, socio-economic status and populist attitudes. Recent scholarship has challenged the idea that populism is an... more
ABSTRACT This article uses data from the 2015 Polish parliamentary election to test the relationship between political knowledge, socio-economic status and populist attitudes. Recent scholarship has challenged the idea that populism is an unsophisticated form of politics that appeals primarily to the ill-informed and those of low social status. We find that while lower levels of political knowledge are associated with higher levels of populism, it is nevertheless ‘informed populists' who are more likely to vote for populist parties, while ‘uninformed populists' are more likely to abstain. These findings challenge the stereotype of populism as ‘politics for stupid people'.
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The purpose of this paper is to discuss the impact of the electoral system on turnout, moderated by political knowledge. Following the introduction of the FPTP system to some city councils in the 2014 elections, we used a... more
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the impact of the electoral system on turnout, moderated by political knowledge. Following the introduction of the FPTP system to some city councils in the 2014 elections, we used a quasi-experimental design to compare two sets of economically, socially and culturally similar cities, chosen using the Propensity Score Matching method. Data from two waves of a survey with residents, city councillors and local social leaders after the 2014 local elections showed that, despite widespread public debates, knowledge about the electoral system was very low. The results proved that, although the level of political knowledge was higher in the FPTP system than in the PR system, the turnout in the former was lower, even when controlled by political knowledge. However, the joint impact of the electoral system and political knowledge on turnout was mixed, and depended on the method of measuring political knowledge.
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Populism has had a significant impact on Polish politics in the post-communist era, and for the last decade and a half, the party system has been characterised by the conflict between populist and non-populist forces. This chapter... more
Populism has had a significant impact on Polish politics in the post-communist era, and for the last decade and a half, the party system has been characterised by the conflict between populist and non-populist forces. This chapter describes the political strategies and popular appeal of the two current populist formations, the governing Law and Justice party and the opposition Kukiz’15 movement, placing their emergence and electoral success in the context of a historically recursive ‘us versus them’ divide in Polish politics and the increasing significance of public fatigue with a liberal-orthodox model of democratic transition and consolidation. It concludes that these movements, respectively, represent two distinct strands of populism found across the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe: a radical antiliberal critique of the political status quo and an ideologically amorphous anti-establishment appeal based primarily on rejection of the moral legitimacy of the existing elites.
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Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie mobilizacji wyborczej i zwiększonego uczestnictwa w wyborach parlamentarnych, przeprowadzonych w Polsce jesienią 2019 roku. Frekwencja wyborcza po raz pierwszy w historii postkomunistycznej Polski... more
Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie mobilizacji wyborczej i zwiększonego uczestnictwa w wyborach parlamentarnych, przeprowadzonych w Polsce jesienią 2019 roku. Frekwencja wyborcza po raz pierwszy w historii postkomunistycznej Polski przekroczyła w nich 60%. Pytania badawcze i hipotezy dotyczą wzrostu frekwencji, (rosnącej) stabilności wyborczej i/lub rosnącej mobilizacji, a także mechanizmów (poziomu makro i mikro) wyjaśniających obserwowane zjawisko. Ustalenia empiryczne potwierdzają (w znacznej części) postawione hipotezy. Frekwencja wyborcza w 2019 roku wzrosła na skutek "zatrzymania" w procesie wyborczym wyjątkowo wielu (jak na polskie warunki) wyborców, a także na skutek szerokiej mobilizacji osób dotychczas niegłosujących. Oba zjawiska miały związek z postępującą polaryzacją polityczną, zwiększającą się rywalizacyjnością wyborów i rosnącą identyfikacją partyjną elektoratów. Procesy te w części były efektem podmiotowego sprawstwa aktorów działających na polskiej scenie po...
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Das Modul wurde als Nachwahl-Befragung durchgeführt. Die daraus resultierenden Daten werden mit Daten über das Abstimmungsverhalten, demographischen Daten, und Variablen auf Wahlkreis- und Länderebene in einem einzelnen Datensatz... more
Das Modul wurde als Nachwahl-Befragung durchgeführt. Die daraus resultierenden Daten werden mit Daten über das Abstimmungsverhalten, demographischen Daten, und Variablen auf Wahlkreis- und Länderebene in einem einzelnen Datensatz bereitgestellt. CSES Variable List Eine Liste aller Variablen wird auf der Webseite des CSES bereitgestellt. Sie verdeutlicht, welche Inhalte über das CSES verfügbar sind und erlaubt es die Inhalte über verschiedene Module des CSES zu vergleichen. Themen: INDIVIDUALDATEN: Technische Variablen: Gewichtungsvariablen; Art der Wahl; Datum der Wahl 1. und 2. Wahlgang; Zeitpunkt der Studie (Nachwahlbefragung, Vorwahlbefragung und Nachwahlbefragung, Zwischen Wahlgängen in Mehrheitswahlsystemen); Erhebungsmodus; Geschlecht des Interviewers; Datum der Datenerhebung; Wahlkreis des Befragten; Anzahl der Tage zwischen Wahltag und Interview. Demographie: Alter; Geschlecht; Bildung; Familienstand; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft anderer Haushalts...
Political participation is one of the most important democratic ideals. Democracy cannot function properly without citizens' involvement. Moreover, low turnout can be a threat to democracy. There are two theoretical arguments why low... more
Political participation is one of the most important democratic ideals. Democracy cannot function properly without citizens' involvement. Moreover, low turnout can be a threat to democracy. There are two theoretical arguments why low voter turnout could matter in Central Eastern Europe. Firstly, countries in this region are still in a process of democratization. In such systems legitimacy of a regime by definition cannot be strong. Thus any device enhancing legitimacy, including widespread participation, is desired. Secondly, in non-democratic systems abstaining is one of the most common and well-known ways of delegitimizing a regime. Therefore the main purpose of this paper is to analyze the relation between electoral turnout and legitimacy of democratic regime in Central Eastern Europe. In the first part I briefly discuss alternative models of democracy, which differently define the role of electoral participation. In the second part both legitimacy and turnout are discussed, ...
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Political opposition is crucial for democracy. The ways oppositions operate differ. The aim of this paper is to investigate political opposition i n post-communist Poland. We are interested in the mechanisms of consensus and cooperation... more
Political opposition is crucial for democracy. The ways oppositions operate differ. The aim of this paper is to investigate political opposition i n post-communist Poland. We are interested in the mechanisms of consensus and cooperation between gov rnment and opposition parties. Our analysis is not limited to the legislative proc ess alone; it is broader, as we investigate similarities between parties’ electorates and elite s. Our study starts from the assumption that the alleg ed (if unveiled) convergence of governments and oppositions in the parliament is du e to centripetal ideological tendencies on the mass and consequently the elite level. We expec t that with the passage of ’democratic time’ and simultaneous processes of cartelisation o f post-communist political systems parties converge ideologically and programmatically, and th us in parliament vote more and more similarly. This phenomenon applies to the socio-eco nomic domain, it however manifests itself differently as far ...
One of the most fundamental issues in studies on voter turnout is its stability. The more stable citizens' attitudes and behaviours, the healthier and more predictable the democratic system. Knowledge why voting is stable/unstable... more
One of the most fundamental issues in studies on voter turnout is its stability. The more stable citizens' attitudes and behaviours, the healthier and more predictable the democratic system. Knowledge why voting is stable/unstable helps to understand the whole puzzle of voter turnout. Thus the main purpose of this paper is to analyze the issue of voter turnout stability in a very specific context of Polish parliamentary and presidential elections of 2005, when citizens were called to the polling stations three times every two weeks. Polish National Election Study panel dataset gives a unique opportunity to examine this issue in a more in-depth manner. The main finding of the paper is that many Polish citizens are rather unstable, both in long-term and short-term perspective. And although majority of the electorate still behaves in a stable manner, the number of unstable citizens is quite high, and, what is even more alarming, it tends to increase, which can imply serious challen...
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The main purpose of the article is to seek an answer to the fundamental question whether democracy can function properly in a society affected by a sociological vacuum. The author confronts the by-now classic proposition of Stefan Nowak... more
The main purpose of the article is to seek an answer to the fundamental question whether democracy can function properly in a society affected by a sociological vacuum. The author confronts the by-now classic proposition of Stefan Nowak with the achievements of the theory of democracy. He analyses the currently dominating models and perspectives from the point of view of the characteristics of societies, their structure, the individuals’ ownership, and above all the distribution of identity. He devotes a separate discussion to the relation between sociological vacuum and democratization. Theoretical debate shows that sociological vacuum is neither a condition of the democratic system nor an obstacle to its existence. A successful, effectively operating democratic collectivity can exist in a society where group identities are weak or do not exist at all. It must, however, be admitted that in specific circumstances a lack of a vacuum may be acknowledged as a condition that favours demo...
Land reform in Western Cape Province in Republic of South Africa. The principal aim of this paper is to critically examine the issue of land reform in Western Cape Province in Republic of South Africa. This paper is based primarily on... more
Land reform in Western Cape Province in Republic of South Africa. The principal aim of this paper is to critically examine the issue of land reform in Western Cape Province in Republic of South Africa. This paper is based primarily on discourse analyses and field research conducted in the Stellenbosch region in May 2015. Article is divided into five parts. The first part presents research questions and research techniques as well as author’s epistemological orientation. In the second part the general issue of land market in SSA was raised in order to put South African case into a continental and regional contexts. The next part is devoted to the developments of land reform in RSA and analyses of South African political discourse on land reform. The next part presents the results of field research in Western Cape Province. The last part concludes.
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While the Polish party system has shown signs of consolidation and stabilization in recent years, it is still susceptible to the emergence of new parties that seek to exploit untended ideological niches. However, these fringe parties... more
While the Polish party system has shown signs of consolidation and stabilization in recent years, it is still susceptible to the emergence of new parties that seek to exploit untended ideological niches. However, these fringe parties consistently fail to establish themselves as permanent inhabitants of these niches or to consolidate their initial electoral gains by transforming themselves into mainstream parties. In this article, we use data from the Polish National Election Study to analyse voting patterns over the period 2001–2015 in an attempt to explain fringe party failure. We conclude that fringe parties in Poland fail for two reasons: they are electorally ‘squeezed’ by mainstream parties that are capable of attracting the natural constituencies of fringe parties, while those natural constituencies also have a greater propensity to abstain from participating in elections.
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One of the most fundamental issues in studies on voter turnout is its stability. The more stable citizens' attitudes and behaviours, the healthier and more predictable the democratic system. Knowledge why voting is stable/unstable... more
One of the most fundamental issues in studies on voter turnout is its stability. The more stable citizens' attitudes and behaviours, the healthier and more predictable the democratic system. Knowledge why voting is stable/unstable helps to understand the whole puzzle of voter turnout. Thus the main purpose of this paper is to analyze the issue of voter turnout stability in a very specific context of Polish parliamentary and presidential elections of 2005, when citizens were called to the polling stations three times every two weeks. Polish National Election Study panel dataset gives a unique opportunity to examine this issue in a more in-depth manner. The main finding of the paper is that many Polish citizens are rather unstable, both in long-term and short-term perspective. And although majority of the electorate still behaves in a stable manner, the number of unstable citizens is quite high, and, what is even more alarming, it tends to increase, which can imply serious challen...
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Although post-communist party systems have shown signs of stabilisation in recent years, they are still susceptible to the emergence of new parties. Sikk (2012) and Sikk and Hanley (2014) have suggested that many of these challengers owe... more
Although post-communist party systems have shown signs of stabilisation in recent years, they are still susceptible to the emergence of new parties. Sikk (2012) and Sikk and Hanley (2014) have suggested that many of these challengers owe their success to a distinct winning formula, appealing to the public primarily on the basis of their ‘newness’ and antiestablishment credentials. However, to draw conclusions about the relative importance of newness in explaining the successes of these parties, it is necessary to understand the nature of their support among the electorate. Few empirical demand-side analyses of party support in the region explicitly address the newness thesis. This paper analyses support for Poland’s Palikot Movement, a party which rose to prominence in 2011 and for whom newness constituted a significant aspect of its electoral appeal. It shows that while the Palikot Movement attracted voters who disliked the other parties, support for the party was more clearly attributable to its distinct ideological profile rather than its claim to represent those dissatisfied with the actions of the political establishment.
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There are two major features of voter turnout in CE E post-communist countries: it is relatively