Oxford Studies in the History of English, Jul 16, 2014
"This monograph presents the first comprehensive diachronic account of copular and passive verb c... more "This monograph presents the first comprehensive diachronic account of copular and passive verb constructions in Old and Middle English. Peter Petré analyzes:
· The mysterious loss of the high-frequency verb weorðan 'become' as a casualty of changing word order in narrative during Middle English.
· The merger of is 'is' and bið 'shall be, is generally' into a single suppletive verb, and how it is related to the development of a general analytic future shall be.
· The co-occurrence of multiple changes that led to become and wax crossing a threshold of similarity with existing copulas, from which they analogically adopted full productivity in one fell swoop.
In explaining each of these changes, Petré goes beyond the level of the verb and its complements, drawing attention to analogical networks and the importance of a verb's embeddedness in clausal and textual environments.
Using a radically usage-based approach, treating syntax as emerging from (changing) frequencies, Petré draws attention to general principles of constructional change, including but not limited to grammaticalization and lexicalization. He proposes novel parallelisms between linguistic and ecological evolution. Going beyond the view of language change as propagating only in social interaction, Petré explains how each individual's mental grammar can be seen as a dynamic ecosystem with hierarchical environments (clausal niches, textual habitats). In this view, the interconnectedness of seemingly unrelated changes, itself resulting from cognitive economy principles, is arguably more decisive in lexical change than is functional competition."
Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Digital Access to Textual Cultural Heritage, 2017
Current research in Corpus Linguistics and related disciplines within the multi-disciplinary fiel... more Current research in Corpus Linguistics and related disciplines within the multi-disciplinary field of Digital Humanities, involves computer-aided manual processing of large text corpora. Typically, corpus instances are retrieved with the help of concordancers and textual search engines and subsequently labeled by hand before being submitted to quantitative analysis. While well-established software solutions already exist for corpus data retrieval, less attention has been paid to the annotation process in terms of both software facilities and best practices, especially in the context of collaborative research. However, with the increase in size and scope of research projects we envisage new needs for synchronizing interdependent annotations by different researchers. Current ad-hoc solutions to collaborative corpus analysis and annotation typically involve general-purpose Real-Time Editing (RTE) and cloud storage software, whose functionality is arguably sub-optimal for research purpo...
I explore how the dynamics between the language system and the individual language user relates t... more I explore how the dynamics between the language system and the individual language user relates to grammar change. The language system, whether considered the mental grammar within an individual, or an abstract object emergent in the speech community, essentially consists of conventionalized symbols or constructions. While the individual to a large extent adopts this system of conventions, they also have an urge to stand out in the crowd. This urge has been identified as a possible source of grammar change, termed extravagance or expressivity (e.g. Haspelmath 1999, Keller 1994). This talk examines the nature of this interplay of the conventional and the unconventional in the grammaticalization of progressive aspect in the [BE Ving]-construction and [BE going to]. The progressive function of [BE Ving] was established in the Early Modern English period. This development did not occur in a vacuum, but depended on the increased use of adverbial subordinate clauses in the past tense in Middle English. In the 17th century, the progressive function was well established in such clauses, but it was still only emerging in the present tense. Arguably, at this point, innovative language users were exploiting the [BE Ving] construction to make themselves noticed (the principle of extravagance). Evidence comes from the high frequency of co-occurrence of the time adverb now in early present tense instances. I will argue that it is also precisely this expressive use of [BE Ving], which incites language users at the beginning of the 17th century to creatively use [BE going to] for the expression of motion with a purpose. Samuel Clarke (1599-1682), for instance, almost exclusively uses [BE going to] to encode strong, ego-centered statements, as in Christ’s dramatic announcement in (1). (1) I am now going to be sacrificed. (Samuel Clarke, 1660) Note that motion is still present in sentences like (1). In (1), Christ says this when he has just started walking from prison to the cross. As such, the presence of a time adverb now, while enhancing the expressivity of the statement, also hampers further expansion of [BE going to] to near futures without motion. During the 17th century, the [BE Ving]-construction conventionalized further. As a result, sentences such as (1) probably lost some of their expressive power. Yet the decline of now opened up possibilities of extending [BE going to] to new unexpected uses, where, for instance, motion is no longer present, and the idea of future situation is evoked: (2) For ought I see, I am going to be the most constant Maudlin. (John Dryden, 1668) Sentences like these remained exceptional, and therefore quite conspicuous, in the present tense until 1700. In sum, the extravagant quality of [BE going to] turns out to be a moving target. This dynamics of the unconventional turning into the conventional and paving the way for new unconventional uses, might help explain the directionality of grammatical constructionalization. The general claim I’d like to defend is that, in order to understand language change, it is essential to combine the (socially driven) individual and the (more cognitive) systemic side of language.status: publishe
ing from the component ‘iteration’, the semantics of heawan and beheawan are fairly similar, but ... more ing from the component ‘iteration’, the semantics of heawan and beheawan are fairly similar, but we heawað ðone wudu ‘we cleave the wood’ in (75b) does typically not have a PP phrase expressing the instrument of cutting (a phrase which could be easily conceived as for instance mid acsum ‘with axes’). Syntactically therefore, the AFFECTING node often preserves some typical properties of the COVERAGE construction. Nonetheless, the metanalysis becomes apparent because the relationship with a route path preposition is lost. In other cases, the higher degree of affectedness added by the prefix becomes apparent from the context. Consider the following two sentences, (76a) containing the simplex swingan ‘beat (lit. swing, brandish)’, (76b) containing the derivation beswingan ‘flog, scourge’. Notice that here too the valence frame of the trivalent beconstruction is preserved: the theme is expressed by a mid-PP (mid ðaem swiðan welme hatheortnesse). (76) a. For ðan symle God her wundað swing...
This article provides an analysis—within the framework of Radical Construction Grammar—of how bec... more This article provides an analysis—within the framework of Radical Construction Grammar—of how become developed into a copula ‘become’ out of an original sense ‘arrive’, and wax, originally ‘grow’, also came to be used as a copula ‘become’. Importantly, it explains why these verbs successfully became fully productive copulas in a very short period of time. It is argued that this happened after a pre-copular stage had reached a cognitive threshold value. The occurrence of this threshold is related to the fact that the copular constructions featuring become and wax were not the end result of a single diachronic lineage of constructions (i.e. one construction developed out of another one, one at a time). Instead, the copularization of these verbs was the result of an interaction between lineages of constructions, belonging to two groups: (i) constructions involving become or wax, which gradually changed and interacted with each other; (ii) constructions involving already existing copula...
This paper examines, on the basis of a longitudinal corpus of 50 early modern authors, how change... more This paper examines, on the basis of a longitudinal corpus of 50 early modern authors, how change at the aggregate level of the community interacts with variation and change at the micro-level of the individual language user. In doing so, this study aims to address the methodological gap between collective change and entrenchment, that is, the gap between language as a social phenomenon and the cognitive processes responsible for the continuous reorganization of linguistic knowledge in individual speakers. Taking up the case of the prepositional passive, this study documents a strong community-wide increase in use that is accompanied by increasing schematicity. A comparison of the 50 authors reveals that regularities arising at the macro-level conceal highly complex and variable individual behavior, aspects of which may be explained by studying the larger (social) context in which these individuals operate (e. g., age cohorts, community of practice, biographical insights). Further a...
For a long time, linguists more or less denied the existence of individual differences in grammat... more For a long time, linguists more or less denied the existence of individual differences in grammatical knowledge. While recent years have seen an explosion of research on individual differences, most usage-based research has failed to address this issue and has remained reluctant to study the synergy between individual and community grammars. This paper focuses on individual differences in linguistic knowledge and processing, and examines how these differences can be integrated into a more comprehensive constructionist theory of grammar. The examination is guided by the various challenges and opportunities that may be extracted from scattered research that exists across disciplines touching on these matters, while also presenting some new data that illustrate how differentiation between individuals can improve models of long-term language change. The paper also serves as the introduction to this special issue of Cognitive Linguistics, which collects seven contributions from various l...
In her article ‘Connecting the past and the present’, Meike Pentrel examines the order of main cl... more In her article ‘Connecting the past and the present’, Meike Pentrel examines the order of main clause and adverbial clause introduced by before or after in Samuel Pepys's diary from the point of view of the cognitive literature on processing constraints. The thread that is shared by all contributions of this special issue is that of the hypothesis of uniformitarianism, which states that cognitive processes have remained constant in the documented history of humanity. Pentrel aims at corroborating this hypothesis by testing if the processing constraints found at work in this seventeenth-century ego-document examined by her are similar to those that have been observed in contemporary language.
Oxford Studies in the History of English, Jul 16, 2014
"This monograph presents the first comprehensive diachronic account of copular and passive verb c... more "This monograph presents the first comprehensive diachronic account of copular and passive verb constructions in Old and Middle English. Peter Petré analyzes:
· The mysterious loss of the high-frequency verb weorðan 'become' as a casualty of changing word order in narrative during Middle English.
· The merger of is 'is' and bið 'shall be, is generally' into a single suppletive verb, and how it is related to the development of a general analytic future shall be.
· The co-occurrence of multiple changes that led to become and wax crossing a threshold of similarity with existing copulas, from which they analogically adopted full productivity in one fell swoop.
In explaining each of these changes, Petré goes beyond the level of the verb and its complements, drawing attention to analogical networks and the importance of a verb's embeddedness in clausal and textual environments.
Using a radically usage-based approach, treating syntax as emerging from (changing) frequencies, Petré draws attention to general principles of constructional change, including but not limited to grammaticalization and lexicalization. He proposes novel parallelisms between linguistic and ecological evolution. Going beyond the view of language change as propagating only in social interaction, Petré explains how each individual's mental grammar can be seen as a dynamic ecosystem with hierarchical environments (clausal niches, textual habitats). In this view, the interconnectedness of seemingly unrelated changes, itself resulting from cognitive economy principles, is arguably more decisive in lexical change than is functional competition."
Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Digital Access to Textual Cultural Heritage, 2017
Current research in Corpus Linguistics and related disciplines within the multi-disciplinary fiel... more Current research in Corpus Linguistics and related disciplines within the multi-disciplinary field of Digital Humanities, involves computer-aided manual processing of large text corpora. Typically, corpus instances are retrieved with the help of concordancers and textual search engines and subsequently labeled by hand before being submitted to quantitative analysis. While well-established software solutions already exist for corpus data retrieval, less attention has been paid to the annotation process in terms of both software facilities and best practices, especially in the context of collaborative research. However, with the increase in size and scope of research projects we envisage new needs for synchronizing interdependent annotations by different researchers. Current ad-hoc solutions to collaborative corpus analysis and annotation typically involve general-purpose Real-Time Editing (RTE) and cloud storage software, whose functionality is arguably sub-optimal for research purpo...
I explore how the dynamics between the language system and the individual language user relates t... more I explore how the dynamics between the language system and the individual language user relates to grammar change. The language system, whether considered the mental grammar within an individual, or an abstract object emergent in the speech community, essentially consists of conventionalized symbols or constructions. While the individual to a large extent adopts this system of conventions, they also have an urge to stand out in the crowd. This urge has been identified as a possible source of grammar change, termed extravagance or expressivity (e.g. Haspelmath 1999, Keller 1994). This talk examines the nature of this interplay of the conventional and the unconventional in the grammaticalization of progressive aspect in the [BE Ving]-construction and [BE going to]. The progressive function of [BE Ving] was established in the Early Modern English period. This development did not occur in a vacuum, but depended on the increased use of adverbial subordinate clauses in the past tense in Middle English. In the 17th century, the progressive function was well established in such clauses, but it was still only emerging in the present tense. Arguably, at this point, innovative language users were exploiting the [BE Ving] construction to make themselves noticed (the principle of extravagance). Evidence comes from the high frequency of co-occurrence of the time adverb now in early present tense instances. I will argue that it is also precisely this expressive use of [BE Ving], which incites language users at the beginning of the 17th century to creatively use [BE going to] for the expression of motion with a purpose. Samuel Clarke (1599-1682), for instance, almost exclusively uses [BE going to] to encode strong, ego-centered statements, as in Christ’s dramatic announcement in (1). (1) I am now going to be sacrificed. (Samuel Clarke, 1660) Note that motion is still present in sentences like (1). In (1), Christ says this when he has just started walking from prison to the cross. As such, the presence of a time adverb now, while enhancing the expressivity of the statement, also hampers further expansion of [BE going to] to near futures without motion. During the 17th century, the [BE Ving]-construction conventionalized further. As a result, sentences such as (1) probably lost some of their expressive power. Yet the decline of now opened up possibilities of extending [BE going to] to new unexpected uses, where, for instance, motion is no longer present, and the idea of future situation is evoked: (2) For ought I see, I am going to be the most constant Maudlin. (John Dryden, 1668) Sentences like these remained exceptional, and therefore quite conspicuous, in the present tense until 1700. In sum, the extravagant quality of [BE going to] turns out to be a moving target. This dynamics of the unconventional turning into the conventional and paving the way for new unconventional uses, might help explain the directionality of grammatical constructionalization. The general claim I’d like to defend is that, in order to understand language change, it is essential to combine the (socially driven) individual and the (more cognitive) systemic side of language.status: publishe
ing from the component ‘iteration’, the semantics of heawan and beheawan are fairly similar, but ... more ing from the component ‘iteration’, the semantics of heawan and beheawan are fairly similar, but we heawað ðone wudu ‘we cleave the wood’ in (75b) does typically not have a PP phrase expressing the instrument of cutting (a phrase which could be easily conceived as for instance mid acsum ‘with axes’). Syntactically therefore, the AFFECTING node often preserves some typical properties of the COVERAGE construction. Nonetheless, the metanalysis becomes apparent because the relationship with a route path preposition is lost. In other cases, the higher degree of affectedness added by the prefix becomes apparent from the context. Consider the following two sentences, (76a) containing the simplex swingan ‘beat (lit. swing, brandish)’, (76b) containing the derivation beswingan ‘flog, scourge’. Notice that here too the valence frame of the trivalent beconstruction is preserved: the theme is expressed by a mid-PP (mid ðaem swiðan welme hatheortnesse). (76) a. For ðan symle God her wundað swing...
This article provides an analysis—within the framework of Radical Construction Grammar—of how bec... more This article provides an analysis—within the framework of Radical Construction Grammar—of how become developed into a copula ‘become’ out of an original sense ‘arrive’, and wax, originally ‘grow’, also came to be used as a copula ‘become’. Importantly, it explains why these verbs successfully became fully productive copulas in a very short period of time. It is argued that this happened after a pre-copular stage had reached a cognitive threshold value. The occurrence of this threshold is related to the fact that the copular constructions featuring become and wax were not the end result of a single diachronic lineage of constructions (i.e. one construction developed out of another one, one at a time). Instead, the copularization of these verbs was the result of an interaction between lineages of constructions, belonging to two groups: (i) constructions involving become or wax, which gradually changed and interacted with each other; (ii) constructions involving already existing copula...
This paper examines, on the basis of a longitudinal corpus of 50 early modern authors, how change... more This paper examines, on the basis of a longitudinal corpus of 50 early modern authors, how change at the aggregate level of the community interacts with variation and change at the micro-level of the individual language user. In doing so, this study aims to address the methodological gap between collective change and entrenchment, that is, the gap between language as a social phenomenon and the cognitive processes responsible for the continuous reorganization of linguistic knowledge in individual speakers. Taking up the case of the prepositional passive, this study documents a strong community-wide increase in use that is accompanied by increasing schematicity. A comparison of the 50 authors reveals that regularities arising at the macro-level conceal highly complex and variable individual behavior, aspects of which may be explained by studying the larger (social) context in which these individuals operate (e. g., age cohorts, community of practice, biographical insights). Further a...
For a long time, linguists more or less denied the existence of individual differences in grammat... more For a long time, linguists more or less denied the existence of individual differences in grammatical knowledge. While recent years have seen an explosion of research on individual differences, most usage-based research has failed to address this issue and has remained reluctant to study the synergy between individual and community grammars. This paper focuses on individual differences in linguistic knowledge and processing, and examines how these differences can be integrated into a more comprehensive constructionist theory of grammar. The examination is guided by the various challenges and opportunities that may be extracted from scattered research that exists across disciplines touching on these matters, while also presenting some new data that illustrate how differentiation between individuals can improve models of long-term language change. The paper also serves as the introduction to this special issue of Cognitive Linguistics, which collects seven contributions from various l...
In her article ‘Connecting the past and the present’, Meike Pentrel examines the order of main cl... more In her article ‘Connecting the past and the present’, Meike Pentrel examines the order of main clause and adverbial clause introduced by before or after in Samuel Pepys's diary from the point of view of the cognitive literature on processing constraints. The thread that is shared by all contributions of this special issue is that of the hypothesis of uniformitarianism, which states that cognitive processes have remained constant in the documented history of humanity. Pentrel aims at corroborating this hypothesis by testing if the processing constraints found at work in this seventeenth-century ego-document examined by her are similar to those that have been observed in contemporary language.
This article combines methodologies from corpus linguistics with an experimental-like setup more ... more This article combines methodologies from corpus linguistics with an experimental-like setup more affiliated to psycholinguistic research. The resulting methodology allows us to gain more insight into cognitive motivations of language use in speakers from the past, and consequently to better assess their similarity to present-day speakers (the Uniformitarian Principle). One such cognitive motivation thought to be relevant in the early stages of grammatical constructionalization (grammaticalization) is covered by the evasive concept of ‘extravagance’ (i.e. the desire to talk in such a way that one is noticed). The methodology is tested on the Early Modern English extension of the [be Ving]-construction to progressive uses in present-tense main clauses. It is argued, on the basis of recurrent contextual clues, that [be Ving] in this novel use is motivated by extravagance. Interestingly, a comparison of two speaker/writer generations that are among the earliest to use this innovation wi...
The present study combines recent interest on the impact of unconventional individual language us... more The present study combines recent interest on the impact of unconventional individual language use on grammar change (Petré and Van de Velde 2014, De Smet 2016) with research on how conventional grammar impacts on language users. To better understand their interplay, I will zoom in on the interaction of unconventional and conventional behaviour of individuals in the developments of [beVing] and [begoing to|gotoINF]. Apart from enhancing our understanding of the long-term effects of the urge to be expressive, an important outcome of the analysis will be that it is precisely the way in which the spiral of the conventional leads to the unconventional to the conventional again, which may help explain the phenomenon of unidirectionality in language change.
While the ‘progressive’ construction [BE Ving] (Hewas playing tenniswhen Jane came in) has been s... more While the ‘progressive’ construction [BE Ving] (Hewas playing tenniswhen Jane came in) has been studied extensively both diachronically and synchronically, studies of its functional development tend not to extend further back than Early Modern English. This article draws attention to the functional changes [BE Ving] goes through already in Middle English, whose analysis sheds new light on the principles of early grammaticalization. To understand the observed changes, all uses of [BE Ving] are considered, not only those that have a clear verbal and aspectual function. During Middle English, important changes occurred in the frequencies of the various co-texts of [BE Ving]. They involve the increase in backgrounding adverbial clauses, which leads to the semanticization of ongoingness, a feature that was initially only associated with [BE Ving] by pragmatic implicature. The outcome is grammaticalization by co-text: co-textual changes paved the way for the acquisition of progressive sem...
The development of a prospective future function of be going to INF remains a dragon’s hoard for ... more The development of a prospective future function of be going to INF remains a dragon’s hoard for linguists to pillage. The common assumption is that a main verb go ‘go somewhere’ + purposive adjunct was reanalyzed into an auxiliary go + to + infinitival main verb, marking (immediate) future. Analogy has usually been assigned a secondary role in this process, and proposed analogues have been mostly convincingly dismissed as unlikely (e.g. Traugott’s 2012).
This talk discusses the constructions (i) [be about to INF] and (ii) [go about to INF] and the major role they played in the grammaticalization of (iii) [going to INF]. My data come from an off-line corpus-conversion of the huge EEBO database of Early Modern English.
(i) Þis luþere wummen weren ... A-boute to bringue luþer þou3t.
‘These evil women were... about to bring evil thought.’ (c1300)
(ii) This false iuge gooth now faste aboute (‘busily about’) To hasten his delit. (c1390)
The original sense of (ii) is spatial (‘go to several places in order to do something’), but from around 1530 a sense ‘try to’ and, more generally, prospective aspect appeared, as in (iib), which is also an early instance of participial go.
(iib) They shall begyle your simple playnesse with feyned communicacion, not going about to wynne you vnto Christe. (1549)
(iii) [going to INF], which unlike (iib), remained limited to cases of motion with a purpose until the end of the sixteenth century:
As they were goynge to bringe hym there, ... cometh one Piers Venables (1439)
Preliminary data suggest that prospective [go about to INF] was common enough – making its absence in the literature quite problematic – to model for [going to INF]. More importantly, while [going to INF] caught up with [go about to INF] only around 1700, it overtook [going about to INF] more than a century earlier, around the time when [be Ving] (the ‘progressive’) started to grammaticalize (Elsness 1994). At this point, only [go about to INF] had developed prospective aspect uses without motion. I argue that the grammaticalization of the progressive, though, led to production pressures: be going to was phonetically much lighter, and hence extended to going about to’s motionless uses through formal and semantic similarity. Only much later did going to outcompete go about to in general.
My talk draws attention to various theoretical issues. First, the formal and functional similarity between be about to, go(ing) about to and going to, together with their frequency histories, corroborates the importance of analogy in the grammaticalization of going to, and may serve as a starting point for operationalizing the distinction between what Traugott (2012) calls ‘analogical thinking’ (which is everywhere) and ‘constructional analogization’. Second, the relation between the success of going to and the progressive construction illustrates how grammaticalization may be triggered by a shift elsewhere in the grammatical system (see e.g. Petré & De Smet 2012).
... 24. Contact information. Peter Petre. Department of Linguistics. University of Leuven. Blijde... more ... 24. Contact information. Peter Petre. Department of Linguistics. University of Leuven. Blijde-Inkomststraat 21. B-3000 Leuven, Belgium. Email: peter.petre@arts.kuleuven. be. http://wwwling.arts.kuleuven.be/fll. Link to presentation: ...
... References. References (continued). Contact information. Peter Petre. Department of Linguisti... more ... References. References (continued). Contact information. Peter Petre. Department of Linguistics. University of Leuven. Blijde-Inkomststraat 21. B-3000 Leuven, Belgium. Email:peter.petre@arts.kuleuven.be. http://wwwling.arts.kuleuven.be/fll.
... Unpublished MA thesis. Contact information. Peter Petre. Department of Linguistics. Universit... more ... Unpublished MA thesis. Contact information. Peter Petre. Department of Linguistics. University of Leuven. Blijde-Inkomststraat 21. B-3000 Leuven, Belgium. Email:peter.petre@arts.kuleuven.be. http://wwwling.arts.kuleuven.be/fll. 26.
... (5) He gesund becom to Æðelingege. 'He arrived (and was) safe at Æðelinge.&a... more ... (5) He gesund becom to Æðelingege. 'He arrived (and was) safe at Æðelinge.' Second, the already existing copula weorðan 'become' (see Petré & Cuyckens 2009) provided a template of general productivity upon which the resultative construction could graft once it had ...
Despite the explosion of diachronic corpora of English in the last few decades, still not a singl... more Despite the explosion of diachronic corpora of English in the last few decades, still not a single corpus exists that covers the entire documented history of English. Although its compilation is generally perceived as most attractive (Rissanen 2000: 13), corpus compilers do not seem to believe in its creation in the near future. This is regrettable, as many linguists dealing with longitudinal developments such as grammaticalization need to cover very long time spans, and are forced to combine several, not necessarily compatible, corpora (e.g. Hilpert 2008, van Linden 2009). Clearly, their results are less reliable than they might be if a single corpus existed (for example, Gries and Hilpert’s data (2008) show a major shift in the collocational profile of shall about 1710; however, this is precisely where one corpus they use ends and a second – rather different one – begins). So I tentatively started compiling a corpus myself, provisionally called LEON (Leuven English Old to New). The basic architecture of LEON comprises a 400,000 word corpus for each HC-period, and after 1710 for the periods 1710-1780, 1780-1850, 1850-1920, 1920-1990 and post-1990. Data available from 1250-1350, a less well represented period, serve as a template on which other subperiods are to be based to acquire best comparability of genre and region. To make up for the lack of some genres (letters, diaries) and social stratification, for each period after 1350 an additional, selfsufficient 600,000 words corpus is envisaged. While LEON is primarily conceived as a ‘meta-corpus’, mining existing corpora, some additions are envisaged too (e.g. the unedited Statutes Rwl. B.520, dated a1325). LEON does not aim at full comparability (which would be presumptuous), but wants to optimize the usefulness of concepts like ‘equal size of subperiods’ or ‘diachronic text prototype’ (HC). LEON might be, as compared to the present ‘big evil’, a ‘lesser evil’.
References Gries, Stefan Th. and Martin Hilpert. The identification of stages in diachronic data: variability-based neighbour clustering. Corpora Vol. 3 (1): 59–81. Hilpert, Martin. 2008. Germanic future constructions A usage-based approach to language change. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Los, Bettelou. 2005. The rise of the to-infinitive. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rissanen, Matti & Merja Kytö. 1993. General introduction. In Rissanen, Matti, Merja Kytö & Minna Palander-Collin, eds. 1993. Early English in the computer age: Explorations through the Helsinki Corpus. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1-17. Rissanen, Matti. 2000. The world of English historical corpora: From Cædmon to computer age. Journal of English Linguistics 28: 7-20. van Linden, An. 2009. Dynamic, deontic and evaluative adjectives and their clausal complement patterns: A synchronic-diachronic account. PhD dissertation, University of Leuven.
In this talk I contrast the developments of the disappearing copula and passive auxiliary (ge)weo... more In this talk I contrast the developments of the disappearing copula and passive auxiliary (ge)weorðan ‘be(come)’ with the increasingly popular group of inchoative ‘gin-verbs’ (begin(nen), agin(nen), gin(nen), ongin(nen)) during the period 950-1500. The frequency of weorðan (underlined) in Old English is illustrated in (1). This fragment also shows that Old English language use was bounded. Bounded language use construes situations as completed sub-events, emphasizing narrative progress, and makes abundant use of time adverbials (Carroll, Stutterheim & Nuese 2004), which split up an event chronologically and often take up the first position in a verb-second system.
(1) Ða he hig hæfde ealle amyrrede þa wearð mycel hunger & he wearð wædla. Þa beþohte he hine & cwæð, Ic fare to minum fæder. & þa gyt þa he wæs feorr his fæder he hyne geseah & wearð mid mildheortnesse astyrod. “When he had everything wasted, then a great hunger arose and he became a beggar. Then he thought by himself and said: ‘I (will) travel to my father.’ And then, when he was still far , his father saw him and was stirred by mercy.” (c1025)
The high frequency of weorðan in bounded language use is explained by its change-of-state semantics that denotes completed events. By 1400, however, time adverbials of narrative progress had heavily decreased (for þa: Kemenade & Los 2006) and the verb-second-syntax they trigger had become confused (Los 2009). Weorðan, being highly entrenched in these constructions, disappears as a consequence of their breakdown. Simultaneously, inchoative ginnen-verbs became more frequent. For instance, instead of he wearð wædla ‘he became a beggar’, as in (1), the Wycliffe Bible (c1384) has he began to have need. I argue that these gin-verbs signal the early development of unbounded construal. Unbounded language use construes situations as open-ended. While this is done most clearly through progressive aspect (he was walking), inchoative constructions are also partly open-ended, and provide, for past-tense narrative, a parallel to the progressive (Carroll, von Stutterheim & Nuese 2004: 206). In general, I contribute to the hypothesis that the loss of verb-second syntax (and of time adverbs) affected event construal, and triggered the development of new, unbounded, constructions including the progressive, rather than that the development of the progressive constituted the trigger after which the unbounded system first developed.
References Carroll, Mary, Christiane von Stutterheim & Ralf Nuese. 2004. The language and thought debate: A psycholinguistic approach. In Thomas Pechmann and Christopher Habel (eds.), Multidisciplinary approaches to language production (Trends in Linguistics: Studies and Monographs 157), 183-218. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Kemenade, Ans van & Bettelou Los. 2006. Discourse adverbs and clausal syntax in Old and Middle English. In Ans van Kemenade & Bettelou Los (eds.), The Handbook of the History of English, 224–48. Oxford: Blackwell. Los, Bettelou. 2009. The consequences of the loss of verb-second in English: Information structure and syntax in interaction. English Language and Linguistics 13(1), 97-125.
This article focuses on the grammaticalisation of by as the marker of the prepositional agent in ... more This article focuses on the grammaticalisation of by as the marker of the prepositional agent in the passive in Middle and Early Modern English. Initially by was merely a marginal competitor of prepositions such as from, through, of or with. However, from late Middle English onwards it evolved into the default. This contribution analyses language specific factors that influenced the choice of preposition. Originally the passive construction was used to background the agent. During Middle English, however, the passive acquired a more general discourse function, a result of a newly developed requirement to start the clause with a topic, which is also the subject. Whenever the patient was the topic, a passive could be used to meet this new subject-topic requirement. This development leads, among other things, to a rise in the range of subject referents, including ever more inanimate subjects. Well-known related developments are the emergence of prepositional passives and recipient passives. Yet the role of the preposition of the agent in this story has been little researched. The analysis shows that by correlates significantly more often with inanimate subjects than other prepositions. This stronger association is likely to have given a head start to by, which eventually led to its grammaticalisation. Theoretically the success of by shows how frequency differences in the initial distributions of competitors may influence the course of grammaticalisation of a single construction.
In her article Connecting the past and the present, Meike Pentrel examines the order of main clau... more In her article Connecting the past and the present, Meike Pentrel examines the order of main clause and adverbial clause introduced by before or after in Samuel Pepys\textquotesingle s diary from the point of view of the cognitive literature on processing constraints. The thread that is shared by all contributions of this special issue is that of the hypothesis of uniformitarianism, which states that cognitive processes have remained constant in the documented history of humanity. Pentrel aims at corroborating this hypothesis by testing if the processing constraints found at work in this seventeenth-century ego-document examined by her are similar to those that have been observed in contemporary language.
This article combines methodologies from corpus linguistics with an experimental-like setup more ... more This article combines methodologies from corpus linguistics with an experimental-like setup more affiliated to psycholinguistic research. The resulting methodology allows us to gain more insight into cognitive motivations of language use in speakers from the past, and consequently to better assess their similarity to present-day speakers (the Uniformitarian Principle). One such cognitive motivation thought to be relevant in the early stages of grammatical constructionalization (grammaticalization) is covered by the evasive concept of extravagance (i.e. the desire to talk in such a way that one is noticed). The methodology is tested on the Early Modern English extension of the [be Ving]-construction to progressive uses in present-tense main clauses. It is argued, on the basis of recurrent contextual clues, that [be Ving] in this novel use is motivated by extravagance. Interestingly, a comparison of two speaker/writer generations that are among the earliest to use this innovation with some frequency suggests that the encoding of extravagance shifted between them. At first, extravagance was signalled by coercion of the still stative semantics of [be Ving] into a progressive reading. In the second generation it had become an entrenched characteristic of the construction itself.
The present study combines recent interest on the impact of unconventional individual language us... more The present study combines recent interest on the impact of unconventional individual language use on grammar change (Petr\'{e} and Van de Velde 2014, De Smet 2016) with research on how conventional grammar impacts on language users. To better understand their interplay, I will zoom in on the interaction of unconventional and conventional behaviour of individuals in the developments of [be Ving] and [be going to\vert go to INF]. Apart from enhancing our understanding of the long-term effects of the urge to be expressive, an important outcome of the analysis will be that it is precisely the way in which the spiral of the conventional leads to the unconventional to the conventional again, which may help explain the phenomenon of unidirectionality in language change
While the progressive construction [BE Ving] (Hewas playing tenniswhen Jane came in) has been stu... more While the progressive construction [BE Ving] (Hewas playing tenniswhen Jane came in) has been studied extensively both diachronically and synchronically, studies of its functional development tend not to extend further back than Early Modern English. This article draws attention to the functional changes [BE Ving] goes through already in Middle English, whose analysis sheds new light on the principles of early grammaticalization. To understand the observed changes, all uses of [BE Ving] are considered, not only those that have a clear verbal and aspectual function. During Middle English, important changes occurred in the frequencies of the various co-texts of [BE Ving]. They involve the increase in backgrounding adverbial clauses, which leads to the semanticization of ongoingness, a feature that was initially only associated with [BE Ving] by pragmatic implicature. The outcome is grammaticalization by co-text: co-textual changes paved the way for the acquisition of progressive semantics in [BE Ving] itself.
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Books by Peter Petré
· The mysterious loss of the high-frequency verb weorðan 'become' as a casualty of changing word order in narrative during Middle English.
· The merger of is 'is' and bið 'shall be, is generally' into a single suppletive verb, and how it is related to the development of a general analytic future shall be.
· The co-occurrence of multiple changes that led to become and wax crossing a threshold of similarity with existing copulas, from which they analogically adopted full productivity in one fell swoop.
In explaining each of these changes, Petré goes beyond the level of the verb and its complements, drawing attention to analogical networks and the importance of a verb's embeddedness in clausal and textual environments.
Using a radically usage-based approach, treating syntax as emerging from (changing) frequencies, Petré draws attention to general principles of constructional change, including but not limited to grammaticalization and lexicalization. He proposes novel parallelisms between linguistic and ecological evolution. Going beyond the view of language change as propagating only in social interaction, Petré explains how each individual's mental grammar can be seen as a dynamic ecosystem with hierarchical environments (clausal niches, textual habitats). In this view, the interconnectedness of seemingly unrelated changes, itself resulting from cognitive economy principles, is arguably more decisive in lexical change than is functional competition."
Papers by Peter Petré
· The mysterious loss of the high-frequency verb weorðan 'become' as a casualty of changing word order in narrative during Middle English.
· The merger of is 'is' and bið 'shall be, is generally' into a single suppletive verb, and how it is related to the development of a general analytic future shall be.
· The co-occurrence of multiple changes that led to become and wax crossing a threshold of similarity with existing copulas, from which they analogically adopted full productivity in one fell swoop.
In explaining each of these changes, Petré goes beyond the level of the verb and its complements, drawing attention to analogical networks and the importance of a verb's embeddedness in clausal and textual environments.
Using a radically usage-based approach, treating syntax as emerging from (changing) frequencies, Petré draws attention to general principles of constructional change, including but not limited to grammaticalization and lexicalization. He proposes novel parallelisms between linguistic and ecological evolution. Going beyond the view of language change as propagating only in social interaction, Petré explains how each individual's mental grammar can be seen as a dynamic ecosystem with hierarchical environments (clausal niches, textual habitats). In this view, the interconnectedness of seemingly unrelated changes, itself resulting from cognitive economy principles, is arguably more decisive in lexical change than is functional competition."
This talk discusses the constructions (i) [be about to INF] and (ii) [go about to INF] and the major role they played in the grammaticalization of (iii) [going to INF]. My data come from an off-line corpus-conversion of the huge EEBO database of Early Modern English.
(i) Þis luþere wummen weren ... A-boute to bringue luþer þou3t.
‘These evil women were... about to bring evil thought.’ (c1300)
(ii) This false iuge gooth now faste aboute (‘busily about’) To hasten his delit. (c1390)
The original sense of (ii) is spatial (‘go to several places in order to do something’), but from around 1530 a sense ‘try to’ and, more generally, prospective aspect appeared, as in (iib), which is also an early instance of participial go.
(iib) They shall begyle your simple playnesse with feyned communicacion, not going about to wynne you vnto Christe. (1549)
(iii) [going to INF], which unlike (iib), remained limited to cases of motion with a purpose until the end of the sixteenth century:
As they were goynge to bringe hym there, ... cometh one Piers Venables (1439)
Preliminary data suggest that prospective [go about to INF] was common enough – making its absence in the literature quite problematic – to model for [going to INF]. More importantly, while [going to INF] caught up with [go about to INF] only around 1700, it overtook [going about to INF] more than a century earlier, around the time when [be Ving] (the ‘progressive’) started to grammaticalize (Elsness 1994). At this point, only [go about to INF] had developed prospective aspect uses without motion. I argue that the grammaticalization of the progressive, though, led to production pressures: be going to was phonetically much lighter, and hence extended to going about to’s motionless uses through formal and semantic similarity. Only much later did going to outcompete go about to in general.
My talk draws attention to various theoretical issues. First, the formal and functional similarity between be about to, go(ing) about to and going to, together with their frequency histories, corroborates the importance of analogy in the grammaticalization of going to, and may serve as a starting point for operationalizing the distinction between what Traugott (2012) calls ‘analogical thinking’ (which is everywhere) and ‘constructional analogization’. Second, the relation between the success of going to and the progressive construction illustrates how grammaticalization may be triggered by a shift elsewhere in the grammatical system (see e.g. Petré & De Smet 2012).
So I tentatively started compiling a corpus myself, provisionally called LEON (Leuven English Old to New). The basic architecture of LEON comprises a 400,000 word corpus for each HC-period, and after 1710 for the periods 1710-1780, 1780-1850, 1850-1920, 1920-1990 and post-1990. Data available from 1250-1350, a less well represented period, serve as a template on which other subperiods are to be based to acquire best comparability of genre and region. To make up for the lack of some genres (letters, diaries) and social stratification, for each period after 1350 an additional, selfsufficient 600,000 words corpus is envisaged.
While LEON is primarily conceived as a ‘meta-corpus’, mining existing corpora, some additions are envisaged too (e.g. the unedited Statutes Rwl. B.520, dated a1325). LEON does not aim at full comparability (which would be presumptuous), but wants to optimize the usefulness of concepts like ‘equal size of subperiods’ or ‘diachronic text prototype’ (HC). LEON might be, as compared to the present ‘big evil’, a ‘lesser evil’.
References
Gries, Stefan Th. and Martin Hilpert. The identification of stages in diachronic data: variability-based neighbour clustering. Corpora Vol. 3 (1): 59–81.
Hilpert, Martin. 2008. Germanic future constructions A usage-based approach to language change. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Los, Bettelou. 2005. The rise of the to-infinitive. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Rissanen, Matti & Merja Kytö. 1993. General introduction. In Rissanen, Matti, Merja Kytö & Minna Palander-Collin, eds. 1993. Early English in the computer age: Explorations through the Helsinki Corpus. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1-17.
Rissanen, Matti. 2000. The world of English historical corpora: From Cædmon to computer age. Journal of English Linguistics 28: 7-20.
van Linden, An. 2009. Dynamic, deontic and evaluative adjectives and their clausal complement patterns: A synchronic-diachronic account. PhD dissertation, University of Leuven.
The frequency of weorðan (underlined) in Old English is illustrated in (1). This fragment also shows that Old English language use was bounded. Bounded language use construes situations as completed sub-events, emphasizing narrative progress, and makes abundant use of time adverbials (Carroll, Stutterheim & Nuese 2004), which split up an event chronologically and often take up the first position in a verb-second system.
(1) Ða he hig hæfde ealle amyrrede þa wearð mycel hunger & he wearð wædla. Þa beþohte he hine & cwæð, Ic fare to minum fæder. & þa gyt þa he wæs feorr his fæder he hyne geseah & wearð mid mildheortnesse astyrod.
“When he had everything wasted, then a great hunger arose and he became a beggar. Then he thought by himself and said: ‘I (will) travel to my father.’ And then, when he was still far , his father saw him and was stirred by mercy.” (c1025)
The high frequency of weorðan in bounded language use is explained by its change-of-state semantics that denotes completed events. By 1400, however, time adverbials of narrative progress had heavily decreased (for þa: Kemenade & Los 2006) and the verb-second-syntax they trigger had become confused (Los 2009). Weorðan, being highly entrenched in these constructions, disappears as a consequence of their breakdown.
Simultaneously, inchoative ginnen-verbs became more frequent. For instance, instead of he wearð wædla ‘he became a beggar’, as in (1), the Wycliffe Bible (c1384) has he began to have need. I argue that these gin-verbs signal the early development of unbounded construal. Unbounded language use construes situations as open-ended. While this is done most clearly through progressive aspect (he was walking), inchoative constructions are also partly open-ended, and provide, for past-tense narrative, a parallel to the progressive (Carroll, von Stutterheim & Nuese 2004: 206).
In general, I contribute to the hypothesis that the loss of verb-second syntax (and of time adverbs) affected event construal, and triggered the development of new, unbounded, constructions including the progressive, rather than that the development of the progressive constituted the trigger after which the unbounded system first developed.
References
Carroll, Mary, Christiane von Stutterheim & Ralf Nuese. 2004. The language and thought debate: A psycholinguistic approach. In Thomas Pechmann and Christopher Habel (eds.), Multidisciplinary approaches to language production (Trends in Linguistics: Studies and Monographs 157), 183-218. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Kemenade, Ans van & Bettelou Los. 2006. Discourse adverbs and clausal syntax in Old and Middle English. In Ans van Kemenade & Bettelou Los (eds.), The Handbook of the History of English, 224–48. Oxford: Blackwell.
Los, Bettelou. 2009. The consequences of the loss of verb-second in English: Information structure and syntax in interaction. English Language and Linguistics 13(1), 97-125.