- Theo Neethling is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Political Studies and Governance at the Univers... moreTheo Neethling is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Political Studies and Governance at the University of the Free State in South Africa. He held the position of Head of the Department from April 2009 to June 2020. He is rated as an established researcher by the South African National Research Foundation and his research interests mainly concern security studies in the African context; Africa’s international relations; and South Africa’s foreign relations.edit
This article attempts to identify the opportunities and risks associated with China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Africa. Given the global scope and depth of the BRI, it is of considerable importance to understand how this... more
This article attempts to identify the opportunities and risks associated with China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Africa. Given the global scope and depth of the BRI, it is of considerable importance to understand how this initiative applies to developing economies in the African context. The article provides a brief historical context of the BRI, followed by a short theoretical framework, specifically in the scholarly field of International Relations. The article then expounds on the opportunities the BRI could create for Africa, such as improving infrastructure, assisting in African industrialisation and economic advancement, as well as introducing beneficial diplomatic initiatives. The article also examines the strategic risks associated with the BRI, such as unsustainable debt concerns, concerns regarding the effect of an increasing trade deficit on domestic markets, as well as risks pertaining to large-scale infrastructure development.
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The question is whether South Africa is once again turning a blind eye – even giving legitimacy – to a great injustice, for political expediency.
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Foreign military involvement cannot be divorced from two major governance problems on the continent. Several home-grown insurgencies in African states underscore the disconnect between military mandates and related capacities on the one... more
Foreign military involvement cannot be divorced
from two major governance problems on the continent.
Several home-grown insurgencies in African states underscore
the disconnect between military mandates and related
capacities on the one hand, and actual security threats on
the other. Another major problem is that there is a lack of continental consensus among African leaders and,
at the level of the AU, on the modalities for regulating
foreign security and military activities.
from two major governance problems on the continent.
Several home-grown insurgencies in African states underscore
the disconnect between military mandates and related
capacities on the one hand, and actual security threats on
the other. Another major problem is that there is a lack of continental consensus among African leaders and,
at the level of the AU, on the modalities for regulating
foreign security and military activities.
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South Africa’s standing in the annual Fund for Peace’s Fragile State Index is cause for concern. It has moved from stable in 2006 to warning in 2021. This clearly indicates a much higher level of political risk in the country.
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There is little doubt that the Mozambican government lacks full control of the entire geographical territory that constitutes the country. The ability to control and govern fully is arguably a basic element of territorial sovereignty.... more
There is little doubt that the Mozambican government lacks full control of the entire geographical territory that constitutes the country. The ability to control and govern fully is arguably a basic element of territorial sovereignty. This reality underlies the many challenges that have been outlined in this analysis, specifically Islamic militancy, a weak FDS and poor security responses to the militant threats, high levels of insecurity, and criminal networks. It also underlies the landscape of poverty, low socioeconomic development, and deprivation – conditions that facilitated Al Sunnah wa Jama’ah becoming a force in pursuit of a caliphate in a part of the country. Any long-term solution in north-eastern Mozambique will, among other things, have to address the problem of limited statehood and good governance, specifically relating to the imperative of controlling the Mozambican territory fully and developing the required institutional capacity to rule and govern the entire country.
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The Cabo Delgado province in the northernmost portion of the long Mozambican seaboard is now home to Africa’s three largest liquefied natural gas (LNG) projects, and these projects have attracted many of the world’s major multinational... more
The Cabo Delgado province in the northernmost portion of the long Mozambican seaboard is now home to Africa’s three largest liquefied natural gas (LNG) projects, and these projects have attracted many of the world’s major multinational energy companies, accompanied by massive LNG investments. There can be little doubt that the discovery of rich gas reserves is a potential game changer for the Mozambican economy and development agenda. It is potentially an opportunity for the rapid advancement of a country that currently ranks close to the bottom of the United Nation’s Human Development Index. However, despite the billions in investments from major multinational energy companies, the people of Cabo Delgado are yet to see the material benefit from these projects. One of the biggest risks to investors in the LNG industry is the many unknowns pertaining to the threat posed by the militant Islamic movement, Ansar al-Sunna, which has especially been active since 2017 in the Cabo Delgado province. In view of this, this article assesses Mozambique’s LNG industry and the political risks associated with the insurgent movement’s intention to establish an Islamic caliphate in the Cabo Delgado area.
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In recent years Beijing has firmly established its presence in Djibouti through multiple multibillion infrastructure projects, of which a military support base has been the most notable one. As far as the base is concerned, a 36-hectare... more
In recent years Beijing has firmly established its presence in Djibouti through multiple multibillion infrastructure projects, of which a military support base has been the most notable one. As far as the base is concerned, a 36-hectare military facility has been developed to host several thousand Chinese troops and provide facilities for ships, helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft. Until recently, these types of developments on the African continent have not attracted much international attention, but China’s slow and patient approach has increasingly been noticed and raised questions among scholars and other analysts. Moreover, the case of Djibouti is of particular importance because Djibouti can be regarded as a microcosm of China’s engagement with and endeavours on the African continent. It reflects all of the benefits, drawbacks and controversies relating to Beijing’s political, economic and military footprint in Africa.
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The Cabo Delgado province in the northernmost part of the long Mozambican seaboard is now home to Africa’s three largest liquefied natural gas (LNG) projects; these projects have attracted many of the world’s major multinational energy... more
The Cabo Delgado province in the northernmost part of the long Mozambican seaboard is now home to Africa’s three largest liquefied natural gas (LNG) projects; these projects have attracted many of the world’s major multinational energy companies, accompanied by massive LNG investments. There can be little doubt that the discovery of rich LNG reserves is a potential game changer for Mozambique’s economy and the development agenda of the country. It is potentially an opportunity for the rapid advancement of a country that currently ranks close to the bottom of the United Nation’s Human Development Index. World Bank data annually ranks Mozambique as among the poorest countries in the world.
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The research question underlying this study relates to the prospects and challenges in managing Africa's future. In this regard, I review eight variables or indicators from the point of departure that these variables will be critical to... more
The research question underlying this study relates to the prospects and challenges in managing Africa's future. In this regard, I review eight variables or indicators from the point of departure that these variables will be critical to the shaping of Africa's future up to 2030-in addition to the challenges brought on by the Covid-19 pandemic. These eight variables are: the empowerment and rise of the individual; new and enabling technology; continental demographics; continental economic interconnectedness; public debt in Africa; global economic power shifts; urbanisation and resource stress in African states; and the effects of global climate change in Africa. I finally argue at least three matters are key to the future of the continent. First, visionary political leaders and policymakers are imperative to ensure and facilitate informed decision-making on challenges relating to matters such as continental economic integration, public debt management, the rise of China and a shift in global power, and climate change. Second, it is imperative for Africa's leadership to ensure that Africans benefit from rapidly accelerating technological change with a view to empowering individuals and creating a larger middle class. Third, a growing and urbanising population is intensifying challenges on creating meaningful job opportunities to address youth unemployment across the continent.
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In recent years, Russian President Vladimir Putin increasingly places a high premium on rebuilding Russia's global influence, which includes a boosting of Russia's relations with the African continent. This coincides with Putin's position... more
In recent years, Russian President Vladimir Putin increasingly places a high premium on rebuilding Russia's global influence, which includes a boosting of Russia's relations with the African continent. This coincides with Putin's position that the strengthening of ties with African states is a Russian foreign policy priority. Moreover, there is little doubt that much of Moscow's new involvement in Africa relates to Putin's desire to revive his country's great-power status. The main research question is: What is behind Moscow's renewed push into the continent? Three areas of Russia-Africa relations of special importance are suggested in this article. Firstly, much of Russia's focus on the African continent centres on energy diplomacy. Secondly, Russia is the second largest exporter of arms globally after the United States, and Moscow is a major supplier of weapons and military aid to Africa. Thirdly, the continent is rich in mineral wealth, and Moscow has an economic interest in mineral riches in Africa. This article argues the above-mentioned issues are the main drivers underlying Russia's renewed strategic engagement with the African continent. The article further reflects on whether Russia's foreign policy successes in Africa have been overblown, or whether Russia's renewed engagement with Africa is actually of considerable significance in the global context and from an African point of view.
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Several African governments are hosting foreign military bases. This is despite the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council’s ongoing concerns about the proliferation of foreign military bases on the continent. The AU is also... more
Several African governments are hosting foreign military bases. This is despite the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council’s ongoing concerns about the proliferation of foreign military bases on the continent. The AU is also concerned about its inability to monitor the movement of weapons to and from these military bases. Regardless, a host of bilateral agreements between AU member states and foreign powers underlie the spread of foreign military forces across the continent.
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A growing emphasis on stabilisation and counterterrorism in international peacekeeping operations has increasingly become apparent. In Africa, the phenomenon of terrorism has become of special importance in contemporary peacekeeping... more
A growing emphasis on stabilisation and counterterrorism in international peacekeeping operations has increasingly become apparent. In Africa, the phenomenon of terrorism has become of special importance in contemporary peacekeeping activities and has significantly influenced the nature and profile of peacekeeping operations on the continent. Bloodshed, death, displacement and destruction caused by terrorism and violent extremism are increasingly posing challenges to peacekeepers in African conflict theatres. In view of this, this article analyses the tasks and contours of two of the most important peacekeeping operations on the African continent, namely those in Mali and Somalia. These operations could be considered laboratories for further exploration and innovation in the African peacekeeping landscape. At the same time, any scholarly discussion on contemporary peacekeeping and counterterrorism would be incomplete without reflections on scholars and analysts who consider an increasing entanglement between peacekeeping and counterterrorism as highly problematic. In this regard, the discussion touches on some of the fundamental questions that have started to surface on the future of United Nations and (to some extent) African Union peacekeeping operations.
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Background: Parliament, through its oversight function, plays a central role in holding the executive to account. In South Africa’s 2014 Defence Review policy document, it was stated that the ‘Defence Force is in a critical state of... more
Background: Parliament, through its oversight function, plays a central role in holding the executive to account. In South Africa’s 2014 Defence Review policy document, it was stated that the ‘Defence Force is in a critical state of decline’. This brings about the question whether
the South African Parliament effectively held the executive to account regarding developments around defence.
Objectives: The article aims to gather evidence on the use of oversight tools by the South African Parliament over a 20-year period, within the post-1994 democratic dispensation, in order to determine the broader trajectory of parliamentary defence oversight.
Method: To determine the trajectory of oversight, this article gathered evidence on the use of internationally recognised parliamentary oversight tools by South Africa’s two parliamentary defence committees from 1994 to 2014. The period allows for a 20-year review of oversight of
defence, inclusive of four full parliamentary terms. Evidence was collected on parliamentary debates, questions, special inquiries, oversight visits and the use of external audits as oversight tools.
Results: The article found that tools were used with varying degrees of success. Results for research on each oversight tool is discussed.
Conclusion: Based on evidence on the use of oversight tools, this article concludes that over a 20-year period there was a declining trajectory in parliamentary oversight of the defence portfolio. The proven applicability of the criteria utilised in this article can serve to inform evaluations of the effectiveness of parliamentary oversight, specifically at committee level.
the South African Parliament effectively held the executive to account regarding developments around defence.
Objectives: The article aims to gather evidence on the use of oversight tools by the South African Parliament over a 20-year period, within the post-1994 democratic dispensation, in order to determine the broader trajectory of parliamentary defence oversight.
Method: To determine the trajectory of oversight, this article gathered evidence on the use of internationally recognised parliamentary oversight tools by South Africa’s two parliamentary defence committees from 1994 to 2014. The period allows for a 20-year review of oversight of
defence, inclusive of four full parliamentary terms. Evidence was collected on parliamentary debates, questions, special inquiries, oversight visits and the use of external audits as oversight tools.
Results: The article found that tools were used with varying degrees of success. Results for research on each oversight tool is discussed.
Conclusion: Based on evidence on the use of oversight tools, this article concludes that over a 20-year period there was a declining trajectory in parliamentary oversight of the defence portfolio. The proven applicability of the criteria utilised in this article can serve to inform evaluations of the effectiveness of parliamentary oversight, specifically at committee level.
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The Russian government and state companies signed dozens of memoranda of understanding and agreements during the first Russia-Africa Summit in the Black Sea resort city of Sochi last week. Russia also promised further cooperation,... more
The Russian government and state companies signed dozens of memoranda of understanding and agreements during the first Russia-Africa Summit in the Black Sea resort city of Sochi last week. Russia also promised further cooperation, building on recent agreements with individual African governments.
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This article touches on the features of China’s military base in Djibouti and what some observers regard as the newly created Chinese gateway to Africa. The drivers underlying China’s deeper levels of strategic engagement with Djibouti in... more
This article touches on the features of China’s military base in Djibouti and what some observers regard as the newly created Chinese gateway to Africa. The drivers underlying China’s deeper levels of strategic engagement with Djibouti in particular, and the African continent in general, and possible future developments or trajectories are especially analysed. The article intends to explore China’s strategic objectives and motivations in Djibouti and what could be considered as a mixing of Chinese military and business interests. The article also reflects on whether the base in Djibouti is intended to serve as a further step in Beijing’s global expansion; a step that could lead to the building of more overseas military bases and thus be instrumental in the extension of China’s global sphere of influence. The article finally touches on current theorising and scholarly reflections in international relations as an academic discipline on how to understand China’s growing engagement with the African continent.
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The recent African Union (AU) summit was overshadowed by peace and security issues. In particular, the focus was on political instability and armed conflict in Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Mali,... more
The recent African Union (AU) summit was overshadowed by peace and security issues. In particular, the focus was on political instability and armed conflict in Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Mali, Guinea-Bissau, South Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea and Somalia.
Conflict patterns on the continent, particularly when it comes to terrorism, have changed rapidly in recent years. This means that the AU has to respond to a highly complex and dynamic environment to achieve peace. And a rich variety of institutional partnerships, locally and globally, are needed to manage conflicts and bring about peace.
Several items discussed at the summit give an indication of the key unresolved issues.
Conflict patterns on the continent, particularly when it comes to terrorism, have changed rapidly in recent years. This means that the AU has to respond to a highly complex and dynamic environment to achieve peace. And a rich variety of institutional partnerships, locally and globally, are needed to manage conflicts and bring about peace.
Several items discussed at the summit give an indication of the key unresolved issues.
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Much has been made about China’s role and profile in Africa and the factors underlying its activities on the continent. Less debated is the spread and depth of Russia’s contemporary presence and profile in Africa.
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China’s expanded involvement in post-Cold War United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations coincided with Beijing’s efforts in the early 2000s to expand its economic and diplomatic influence globally through trade and diplomatic links.... more
China’s expanded involvement in post-Cold War United Nations (UN)
peacekeeping operations coincided with Beijing’s efforts in the early 2000s to expand its economic and diplomatic influence globally through trade and diplomatic links. Towards the mid-2000s, China was involved in all seven UN peacekeeping operations on the African continent. At the same time, Beijing’s views on peacekeeping have consistently been premised on state sovereignty and the associated principle of non-intervention and noninterference in the affairs of other states. However, as China’s strategic and material interests have become more integrated with the African continent, Beijing has been compelled more and more to consider its national (economic) interests and to protect those interests. Consequently, China’s growing involvement in peacekeeping has evolved and become increasingly more difficult to reconcile with the country’s historical commitment to noninterventionism, as specifically evident in recent Chinese peacekeeping involvement in Mali and South Sudan. Furthermore, the sending of Chinese combat forces to Mali and South Sudan suggests that China has become more comfortable with UN combat operations under certain situations.
peacekeeping operations coincided with Beijing’s efforts in the early 2000s to expand its economic and diplomatic influence globally through trade and diplomatic links. Towards the mid-2000s, China was involved in all seven UN peacekeeping operations on the African continent. At the same time, Beijing’s views on peacekeeping have consistently been premised on state sovereignty and the associated principle of non-intervention and noninterference in the affairs of other states. However, as China’s strategic and material interests have become more integrated with the African continent, Beijing has been compelled more and more to consider its national (economic) interests and to protect those interests. Consequently, China’s growing involvement in peacekeeping has evolved and become increasingly more difficult to reconcile with the country’s historical commitment to noninterventionism, as specifically evident in recent Chinese peacekeeping involvement in Mali and South Sudan. Furthermore, the sending of Chinese combat forces to Mali and South Sudan suggests that China has become more comfortable with UN combat operations under certain situations.
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The aim of this article is twofold. On the one hand, the article revisits peacekeeping in the Sudan as a case relating to a greater desire for African agency in regional security governance captured in the notion of African solutions to... more
The aim of this article is twofold. On the one hand, the article revisits peacekeeping in the Sudan as a case relating to a greater desire for African agency in regional security governance captured in the notion of African solutions to African problems. On the other hand, it explores the need and importance of hybridisation in security governance and the quest for strengthened partnerships between peacekeeping actors on the African continent and the international community at large. In view of the above, the first focus area or case study under review is the establishment of the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS), a first ever for the African Union (AU) which was launched in accordance with a decision of the AU in 2004 after negotiations among the warring factions under the auspices of the AU. The second focus area concerns the creation of the UN/African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) in 2007 as a hybrid UN–AU operation to bring stability in the war-torn Darfur region of Sudan where the AU was falling short. Specifically, an assessment and appraisal is made of the first three years of UNAMID deployment (2007–2010).
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South Africa's foreign policy has recently been gravitating away from an appeal to Western powers towards the establishment of new friendships in the Global South, especially with Asia and Latin America. Moreover, the favouring of the... more
South Africa's foreign policy has recently been gravitating away from an appeal to Western powers towards the establishment of new friendships in the Global South, especially with Asia and Latin America. Moreover, the favouring of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) partnership and a rising tone of anti-Western sentiments have increasingly been evidenced in South Africa's contemporary foreign policy, which are of major significance to the nature and direction of its economic-diplomatic strategy. Three broad perspectives or main arguments from this article are of special importance: First, most members of BRICS are troubled by slower economic growth, which should be of concern to South Africa's current foreign policy stand. Second, anti-Western ideological concerns and related presumptions on the part of the South African government that the BRICS formation could potentially assume a counter-hegemonic character vis-à-vis the West are questionable and dubious. Third, South Africa stands to benefit from many networks and opportunities provided by BRICS membership. At the same time, because of its low economic growth, high levels of poverty and lack of employment opportunities, South Africa cannot afford to follow an approach of narrow interest concerning the BRICS formation and to constrain itself in its economic diplomacy. This article argues that the South African government will therefore have to consider the opportunities offered by a more nuanced and pragmatic foreign policy designed on multiple identities.
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In 2015, South Africa has dropped out of the Kearney Foreign Direct Investment Confidence Index for the first time since its inception in 1998. Although many resource companies have diverted their investments away from emerging markets in... more
In 2015, South Africa has dropped out of the Kearney Foreign Direct Investment Confidence Index for the first time since its inception in 1998. Although many resource companies have diverted their investments away from emerging markets in 2014, South Africa also had perception issues driven by lower growth and rating downgrades by the leading international rating agencies. The question arises whether political, economic and social conditions in South Africa are currently posing greater political risk for potential investment than during the 1990s to mid-2000s. This calls for a fresh assessment of relevant indicators or variables in the South African context. In other words, what is needed is an analysis of relevant political risk indicators that are based on a sound intellectual tradition and practical logic. Against this background, this study is an attempt to revisit and analyse current political risk in South Africa on the basis of a selected set of indicators or variables that are commonly and internationally used in risk analysis frameworks.
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The utility of theoretical approaches in international relations can be found in the fact that such approaches provide 'lenses' that can be applied to enhance our understanding of the social dynamics of the world we live in. Theoretical... more
The utility of theoretical approaches in international relations can be found in the fact that such approaches provide 'lenses' that can be applied to enhance our understanding of the social dynamics of the world we live in. Theoretical approaches are also instrumental in shaping perceptions of what matters in international politics as a social activity. At least indirectly, such approaches inform the choices made by decision-makers on foreign policy and related defence planning. The aim of this article is to revisit those theoretical approaches in international relations that underlie security studies, and to evaluate the relevance of the approaches with regard to a scholarly understanding of militaries and specifically their roles and functions in a foreign policy context. The latter pertains to militaries in general but also to the South African military in particular regarding its role and function as a foreign policy instrument of the South African government.
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Following the end of the Cold War and significant changes in the international community, Chinese leaders moved from a reluctant stand in United Nations (UN) activities to a position of active cooperation in UN peacekeeping. In fact,... more
Following the end of the Cold War and significant changes in the international community, Chinese leaders moved from a reluctant stand in United Nations (UN) activities to a position of active cooperation in UN peacekeeping. In fact, China became the biggest contributor of troops to UN peacekeeping operations among the permanent members of the Security Council. Towards the mid-2000s, China was involved in all seven UN peacekeeping operations on the African continent. This dramatic surge in Chinese peacekeeping participation coincided with Beijing's efforts in the early 2000s to deliberately expand its economic and diplomatic influence globally through trade and diplomatic links, as well as through its participation in international organisations, including UN peacekeeping operations. However, there have always been limits to China's involvement in peacekeeping operations. Beijing's views on peacekeeping have consistently been based on a sound respect for state sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention. In this context, this article points out that on the one hand, China is increasingly expected to concern itself with the global responsibilities of a great power, but as its strategic and material interests have become more integrated and entangled with the African continent, Beijing is more and more compelled to consider its national interest and to protect those interests...
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The United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) was established in 2007 as a military and diplomatic entity and is intended to assist African states and military actors to address their security needs. At the same time, AFRICOM is clearly an... more
The United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) was established in 2007 as a military and diplomatic entity and is intended to assist African states and military actors to address their security needs. At the same time, AFRICOM is clearly an extension of US strategic interests on the African continent. The challenge for the US Department of Defense is to project AFRICOM as a cooperative and willing partner. This implies a partner that offers needed services and resources, and supports African security and military priorities with no presumption of having a privileged role in defining the African future. However, one of AFRICOM’s main challenges relates to the point that it has not been able to secure a firm partnership with South Africa as a key player on the continent: South Africa has continuously taken a lukewarm, if not cold, approach towards AFRICOM since its formation. The main aim of this article is to examine and discuss South Africa’s political–military relations with AFRICOM and to assess the underlying reasons currently inhibiting AFRICOM from achieving a fully productive relationship with the South African government.
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Despite a generally valiant effort on the part of the United Nations (UN) since 1999 to bring peace and stability to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the country continues to be destabilised by rebel forces. These armed... more
Despite a generally valiant effort on the part of the United Nations (UN) since 1999 to bring peace and stability to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the country continues to be destabilised by rebel forces. These armed movements pose a constant threat to the fragile transition in the DRC, and security in the country is continuously undermined. This article examines rebel forces in the DRC from two perspectives. Firstly, it examines such movements as a manifestation of subnational terrorism. Secondly, it examines armed movements from the perspective of so-called ‘ungoverned spaces’. The view taken in this article supports the scholarly insight and argument that in countries such as the DRC, armed movements and militias are filling power vacuums that are the result of the inability and lack of military capacity of weak states to fight these movements effectively. Specifically, the eastern and north-eastern parts of the DRC have been major conflict zones where sub-national terrorists employ terror as a strategy. In this context, the DRC is severely affected by terrorism – a phenomenon in the DRC that is intimately linked to the failure to effect sustained development and to consolidate accountable and effective governance.
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Is South Africa's democracy consolidating or is it part of the third wave of democratic reversals? Do you understand the structure and functions of the various spheres of the South African government and the importance of the 1996... more
Is South Africa's democracy consolidating or is it part of the third wave of democratic reversals? Do you understand the structure and functions of the various spheres of the South African government and the importance of the 1996 Constitution? What role did women play in the South African journey to democracy? What are the socio-economic contexts of political life in South Africa? Why were civil society, the independent media and the Public Protector so important for South African society during the nine years of state capture? How has the political landscape changed in South Africa following the 2019 national elections?
South African Politics: An Introduction 2e provides an overview of political and socio-economic developments in South Africa, spanning from apartheid and the liberation history, the negotiated transition to the process of democratisation, to the recent state capture and the 2019 national elections. Written by respected country-expert academics using accessible language, the book focuses on political institutions, socio-economic contexts, and political culture, all within the framework of democratic development.
South African Politics: An Introduction 2e provides an overview of political and socio-economic developments in South Africa, spanning from apartheid and the liberation history, the negotiated transition to the process of democratisation, to the recent state capture and the 2019 national elections. Written by respected country-expert academics using accessible language, the book focuses on political institutions, socio-economic contexts, and political culture, all within the framework of democratic development.
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This chapter concentrates on the following: first, the role of the SAAF in the dynamic post-1994 politico-military landscape; second, the challenges facing the SAAF in relation to changing regional realities since 1994; and last,... more
This chapter concentrates on the following: first, the role of the SAAF in the dynamic post-1994 politico-military landscape; second, the challenges facing the SAAF in relation to changing regional realities since 1994; and last, contemporary public perceptions and socioeconomic challenges in South Africa that are politically constraining the SAAF in its current role and strategic responsibilities.
Before these matters are explored, a cursory background section introduces the reader to South African post-apartheid regional security context and the role and function of the SAAF in this regard.
Before these matters are explored, a cursory background section introduces the reader to South African post-apartheid regional security context and the role and function of the SAAF in this regard.
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This chapter concentrates on the following: first, the way South Africa views its national interests and the way in which the national interests translate into specific, contemporary maritime-oriented objectives; second, the challenges... more
This chapter concentrates on the following: first, the way South Africa views its national interests and the way in which the national interests translate into specific, contemporary maritime-oriented objectives; second, the challenges relating to the role of South Africa (and that of the SAN) with regard to regional (in)security; and lastly the current
political-economic challenges in South Africa that are effectively constraining the SAN in the execution of its current tasks and strategic
responsibilities. Before these matters are explored, a background section introduces the reader to South Africa’s post-apartheid maritime context and the role and functions of the SAN in this regard.
political-economic challenges in South Africa that are effectively constraining the SAN in the execution of its current tasks and strategic
responsibilities. Before these matters are explored, a background section introduces the reader to South Africa’s post-apartheid maritime context and the role and functions of the SAN in this regard.
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This paper examines the manifestation and problems relating to the Islamist insurgencies of Boko Haram in northeastern Nigeria, and Ansar al-Sunna in northern Mozambique. The thrust of the paper is that Islamist movements, driven by the... more
This paper examines the manifestation and problems relating to the Islamist insurgencies of Boko Haram in northeastern Nigeria, and Ansar al-Sunna in northern Mozambique. The thrust of the paper is that Islamist movements, driven by the ideas of jihadism, exploit conditions in weak and fragile states and expand their reach in territories affected by poor or deteriorating socioeconomic conditions. In Africa, Boko Haram and Ansar al-Sunna are two striking examples. Following the introduction, the phenomena of Islamism and jihadist insurgencies in Africa are under review, after which state fragility is theorised. The focus then moves to Boko Haram and the conflict dynamics in the northeast of Nigeria, and the political conditions and related fragility in that country. From there, the emphasis shifts to Ansar al-Sunna and the conflict dynamics in northern Mozambique, focusing on the emergence and existence of the movement, and the political conditions and related fragility in the country. The paper argues that in both insurgencies under review-Nigeria and Mozambique-fragility and violent conflict fuel each other, and thus we can argue that the state fragility-conflict dynamics nexus is key in understanding the contemporary security landscapes and conflict in these two states. Finally, the paper concludes by highlighting and reflecting on six of the most striking similarities between the Boko Haram and Ansar al-Sunna insurgencies, and the governance (political and military) challenges that have thus far limited or prevented successful counter-insurgency measures in both countries.
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Since the political transformation in South Africa in 1994, there has been a steady growth in expectations in Africa and elsewhere regarding South Africa's role as a peacekeeper in African conflicts. With its participation in two... more
Since the political transformation in South Africa in 1994, there has been a steady growth in expectations in Africa and elsewhere regarding South Africa's role as a peacekeeper in African conflicts. With its participation in two peace missions of the United Nations (UN) in Africa, the country now seeks to take up its rightful role in international peacekeeping, both politically and militarily. It can rightly be stated that South Africa's engagement in peacekeeping is of great interest from a foreign policy and security point of view. This paper endeavours to discuss South Africa's emerging profile in Africa. Especially, it attempts to reflect and comment on the significance and importance of the country's contributions to multinational peacekeeping
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Background: Parliament, through its oversight function, plays a central role in holding the executive to account. In South Africa’s 2014 Defence Review policy document, it was stated that the ‘Defence Force is in a critical state of... more
Background: Parliament, through its oversight function, plays a central role in holding the executive to account. In South Africa’s 2014 Defence Review policy document, it was stated that the ‘Defence Force is in a critical state of decline’. This brings about the question whether the South African Parliament effectively held the executive to account regarding developments around defence.Objectives: The article aims to gather evidence on the use of oversight tools by the South African Parliament over a 20-year period, within the post-1994 democratic dispensation, in order to determine the broader trajectory of parliamentary defence oversight.Method: To determine the trajectory of oversight, this article gathered evidence on the use of internationally recognised parliamentary oversight tools by South Africa’s two parliamentary defence committees from 1994 to 2014. The period allows for a 20-year review of oversight of defence, inclusive of four full parliamentary terms. Evidence was ...
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This article attempts to identify the opportunities and risks associated with China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Africa. Given the global scope and depth of the BRI, it is of considerable importance to understand how this... more
This article attempts to identify the opportunities and risks associated with China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Africa. Given the global scope and depth of the BRI, it is of considerable importance to understand how this initiative applies to developing economies in the African context. The article provides a brief historical context of the BRI, followed by a short theoretical framework, specifically in the scholarly field of International Relations. The article then expounds on the opportunities the BRI could create for Africa, such as improving infrastructure, assisting in African industrialisation and economic advancement, as well as introducing beneficial diplomatic initiatives. The article also examines the strategic risks associated with the BRI, such as unsustainable debt concerns, concerns regarding the effect of an increasing trade deficit on domestic markets, as well as risks pertaining to large-scale infrastructure development.