Books by Kjetil Loftsgarden
Viking Age Swords from Telemark, Norway. An Integrated Technical and Archaeological Investigation... more Viking Age Swords from Telemark, Norway. An Integrated Technical and Archaeological Investigation provides a metallographic analysis of 21 Viking Age swords found in the county Telemark in southeastern Norway. The book is the result of a collaboration between archaeologist Irmelin Martens and chemist Eva Elisabeth Astrup.
220 swords have been found in Telemark, and they are a mix of domestic Norwegian and imported European types. The difficulties in determining which ones were made in Norway are complicated by and closely connected to the specific skills Norwegian blacksmiths had mastered with respect to both blade construction and inlay decoration.
The metallographic investigations revealed five construction types for sword blades, of which four, requiring different technical levels of smithing, may well have been mastered by Norwegian blacksmiths at that time. Combined with x-ray radiographic studies, the metallographic investigations indicate that new techniques were indeed introduced and disseminated among weaponsmiths during the Viking Age.
The findings are also probably representative for the combined total of more than 3000 swords found in all areas of the country. The majority are domestic types, and their great number obviously reflects the organization of sword production and influenced blacksmiths’ social standing.
Avhandling for graden philosophiae doctor (ph.d ) ved Universitetet i Bergen, 2017
Abstract
The period from the late Viking Age to the High Middle Ages, c. 950–1350, was an era of ... more Abstract
The period from the late Viking Age to the High Middle Ages, c. 950–1350, was an era of economic expansion, where towns were formed, populations increased, and royal and church power were established. This thesis examines the inland regions of Southern Norway and the exchange of commodities at marketplaces between the mountainous and valley districts and the coastal areas in this period. The marketplaces are seen as part of a larger economic whole, including specialized surplus production, the trading of this surplus, and the overall impact this had on society. Central questions are how can the marketplaces be identified, where were they located, when were they used and who were involved in the exchange at the marketplaces? I see the marketplaces in conjunction with the surplus production of outfield resources and explore issues such as; who were the actors behind the surplus production from outfield resources and the subsequent trade with these commodities? The theme of the thesis is extensive; geographically, thematically and chronologically. The focus is therefore on the overall structure of the utilization of outfield resources and trade between mountainous and coastal areas. The thesis is thus developed in line with an understanding of time and change where long overarching structures are slowly changing through interaction with events with a shorter time span. Topographical and climatic factors, such as limited arable land but large outfield areas, provided limitations and opportunities for the people living in the mountainous and valley districts, and this can be seen as an overall structure which required a degree of regional specialization based on traditions and different natural conditions. Several archaeological surveys and a re-examination of existing archaeological and historical material have shown the existence of a broad range of marketplaces, from seasonal marketplaces in mountainous regions to more established marketplaces with an urban character in inner fjord regions. In collaboration with Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research (NIKU), an area in Kinsarvik by the Hardangerfjord was mapped using groundpenetrating radar. This and previous surveys show traces of 18–20 buildings which most likely should be connected to crafts and trade in Kinsarvik in the early and High Middle Ages. Similarly, surveys conducted on probable marketplaces in mountainous regions found traces of tent rings, horseshoes, horseshoe nails, fire steel and knives that could be traces of yearly gatherings for the purpose of trade, competitions and social interaction. It is an aim of this thesis to see the marketplaces in a wider context in relation to the exploitation of resources, routes and administrative regions. To achieve this goal, and to aid in the analysis of the material, I have used Geographic Information Systems (GIS). By storing both spatial and non-spatial data in a geodatabase I have analysed archaeological data in conjunction with historical sources, place names and topographical elements. In addition, I have re-calibrated and applied a statistical analysis to earlier C-14-results and made calculations regarding the total amount of iron produced in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages. The results indicate that iron production, hunting, and trapping was organized and carried out by local farmers, and that goods from this surplus production were exchanged at seasonal marketplaces in the mountainous or upper valley districts, or at more permanent marketplaces like Kinsarvik in Hardanger or Kaupanger in Sogn. Furthermore, my analysis shows that the iron production in the south Norwegian inland was on a massive scale in this period and seems to exceed both regional and national demands for iron. This indicates that iron not only constituted a necessary item for regions with little iron production, such as the coastal areas of eastern Norway and large parts of western Norway, but was most likely also an important export article, especially towards Denmark. My contribution to knowledge is that from the late Viking Age there was an interaction between the marketplaces and surplus production in the inland of Southern Norway. The marketplaces can be seen as a contributing factor in the extensive iron production and surplus production from hunting and trapping. Stable economic networks and marketplaces that are emerging in the late Viking Age made it possible for largely autonomous farmsteads around the inland plateau of Hardangervidda to invest in surplus production, since they could rely on this surplus being exchanged for commodities they needed or wanted. The marketplace was also a way to avoid the strict social norms related to trade. By being a dedicated arena for exchange, trade could be carried out in a place where the roles were set and it was less likely for misunderstandings to occur. At the marketplace, an inland population could obtain the products they needed or wanted and the populous communities along the coast – the medieval towns, the royal and ecclesiastical and other elites – had access to the resources from the hinterland via trade networks flowing to these marketplace hubs. I argue that the people in mountainous and valley regions around Hardangervidda took part in both surplus production from outfield resources and the subsequent trade at marketplaces, and the elite to a large part gained access to these important inland resources through trade networks and via marketplaces. However, changes in administrative borders and several law amendments in 13th and 14th centuries indicate a new strategy of linking inland resources more directly to the towns. This thesis gives new insight regarding the extent and consequences of the marketplaces in the south Norwegian inland in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages. Marketplaces in this period had a social significance for the inland population, but were also of great economic importance for inland regions as well as for society at large.
Papers by Kjetil Loftsgarden
Viking, 2023
In the High Middle Ages Kinsarvik in Hardanger was ideally situated as a hub, where iron and othe... more In the High Middle Ages Kinsarvik in Hardanger was ideally situated as a hub, where iron and other outfield resources flowed from the eastern inland regions to the more populous coastal areas to the west. Archaeological finds, building remains, written sources and previous investigations show Kinsarvik as an urban marketplace, with production and regional and interregional trade, as well as a place with administrative and political functions. Comparable to the more well-known marketplace Kaupanger in Sogn.
The location, as well as finds and structures, indicates that non-agrarian resources from the mountainous settlements to the east were a major foundation for Kinsarvik as a marketplace. A consequence being that, from the late 13 th century, when there is a significant decrease in iron production and other outfield resources, Kinsarvik as an urban marketplace loses much of its basis for existence and gradually goes out of use.
Bjørn Bandlien and Dag Rorgemoen (eds.): Eidsborgbryne: Handel og organisering i mellomalder og tidleg nytid. Vikingvegen, page 9–28. Museumsforlaget. Trondheim., 2023
In this paper, I argue that there was an extensive trade and exchange between Telemark and Wester... more In this paper, I argue that there was an extensive trade and exchange between Telemark and Western Norway in the 11th–14th centuries. This was partly due to the regional specialisation in the exploitation of resources. The upper parts of Telemark had an extensive production of iron and whetstone, as well as hunting of reindeer and fur animals. While the inner fjords of Hardanger had a significant production of salt, much
needed in the inland areas of Telemark.
Another element is the absence of settlements in the mountain areas that separated Telemark and Western Norway. This meant that the trade took place without intermediaries, without payments to customs or ferrymen. This facilitated the trade and exchange, and led to advantageous prices, relatively speaking, for both parties. And as archaeological data indicate that the close contact between Western Norway and the upper parts of Telemark was established in the Early Iron Age, it is likely that the contact and trade increased in line with the massive production of iron in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages.
Albris, S. F. (ed.). Placing Place Names in Norwegian Archaeology. Current Discussions and Future Perspectives, 2023
Although scarcely represented in archaeological or historical sources, place names reveal how wid... more Although scarcely represented in archaeological or historical sources, place names reveal how widespread assemblies of the skeid-type were held throughout Norway, at least from the Viking Age/Early Middle Ages.
These bottom-up organized types of gatherings were important centres of
society, as hubs for communication and trade, and arenas for íþrótt (sport) and establishing and maintaining social ties.
This paper presents the spatial distribution of 564 skeid-names. Of these, 320 skeid-names are closer than two kilometres from a medieval church site, or one or more of the following place names: hov/hof, ting, or leik/lek. Through an examination of the landscape, archaeological finds and place
names, 37 sites are highlighted as most likely to have hosted a skeid-type assembly. From these threesites are discussed more in detail.
The quantitative approach to place name data, in combination with archaeological and historical sources allows for an intriguing glimpse into the role and extent of a fleeting meeting site – the skeid.
Household goods in the European Medieval and Early Modern Countryside, edited by Catarina Tente and Claudia Theune, 2023
In this paper, we shed new light on winter travel; our point of departure is the household goods ... more In this paper, we shed new light on winter travel; our point of departure is the household goods related to medieval winter transportation in Scandinavia. Because most areas lacked cart roads, there was a network of trails between farms and hamlets, and waterways were exploited wherever possible, using boats in the summer and sleighs and skis or ice skates during the long winter months. Medieval winter transportation made use of some very well-suited equipment – skis, bone skates, sleighs and snowshoes and ice cleats for both people and horses – all of which made winter travel not only possible, but often a preferred way of transport and communication. Skiing and skating were not only a fast way of traveling, they were fun. However, the winters could be harsh, and environmental knowledge, physical fitness and technical abilities were essential preconditions for safe travel in wintertime. Children could acquire this knowledge and these abilities by way of enculturation. Through games and leisure activities children would learn to master different conditions, as well as skills for travel, hunting, cooperation and teamwork. Processes of enculturation and socialisation through play and games served to introduce children to the social ideals and norms of society, while conditioning them for both the hardships of life in Scandinavian agrarian society and safe winter travel.
Complexity and dynamics. Settlement and landscape from the Bronze Age to the Renaissance in the Nordic Countries (1700 BC–AD 1600), 2023
By way of deploying a newly generated database with radiocarbon dates from southeastern Norway, w... more By way of deploying a newly generated database with radiocarbon dates from southeastern Norway, we show the strength in using aggregated archaeological data. This approach provides us with the ability to look past individual cases and expose general patterns and provide insight that is difficult to attain at site scale. By analyzing 7.168 dates in a summed probability distribution, we infer temporal variation in population size from the Bronze Age to the Middle Ages. We direct focus towards two important population events: The first is a long-lasting growth phase, beginning in the 5 th century BC and lasting until the 5 th and 6 th centuries AD, likely initiated by technological improvement in agricultural techniques and clearance of new land. The second event is the abrupt decline in the 5 th and 6 th centuries AD. While we recognize the local and regional differences in responses to the processes taking place in the 5 th and 6 th centuries, our data allows us to identify overall patterns, across regions and types of archaeological features and sites. We have identified an interregional decrease in the radiocarbon data in the mid-6th century, corresponding in time with two major crises in the AD 530-540s-a double volcanic eruption and an outbreak of the bubonic plague.
Eidsborgbryne – Utmarksressurs og handelsvare i vikingtid og mellomalder, 2022
In the 10th to 14th centuries, specialized farmers in Telemark produced massive amounts of iron. ... more In the 10th to 14th centuries, specialized farmers in Telemark produced massive amounts of iron. In this paper, we attempt to quantify the volume of the production and explore the impact of iron production as an economic factor. By analyzing terrain models of Rauland and Møsstrond, we have registered 2764 charcoal pits, and quadrupled the number of known charcoal pits in this region. Charcoal pits were integral to iron production, and thus, from these data we have estimated that the total amount of iron produced in Rauland and Møsstrond were 966 tons. Based on earlier radiocarbon dates we assume that most of the iron was produced in the period 1000-1200 AD. By also drawing on later historical sources, we estimate an annual iron production from 20 to 220 kg of iron on each farm in Rauland in this 200-year period.
Anthropogenic and environmental drivers of vegetation change in southeastern Norway during the Holocene – A.T.M. ter Schure, M. Bajard, K. Loftsgarden, H.I. Høeg, E. Ballo, J. Bakke, E.W.N. Støren, F. Iversen, A. Kool, A.K. Brysting K.Krüger, S. Boessenkool Quaternary Science Reviews, 2021
Uncovering anthropogenic and environmental drivers behind past biological change requires integra... more Uncovering anthropogenic and environmental drivers behind past biological change requires integrated analyses of long-term records from a diversity of disciplines. We applied an interdisciplinary approach exploring effects of human land-use and environmental changes on vegetation dynamics at Lake Ljøgottjern in southeastern Norway during the Holocene. Combined analysis of pollen and sedimentary ancient DNA (sedaDNA) metabarcoding of the sedimentary sequence of the lake describes the vegetation dynamics at different scales, and establishes a timeline for pastoral farming activities. We integrate this reconstruction with geochemical analysis of the sediments, climate data, archaeological evidence of local human settlement and regional human population dynamics. Our data covering the last 10,000 years reveals consistent vegetation signals from pollen and sedaDNA indicating periods of deforestation connected to cultivation, matching the archaeological evidence. Multivariate analysis integrating the environmental data from geochemical and archaeological reconstructions with the vegetation composition indicates that the vegetation dynamics at Lake Ljøgottjern were primarily related to natural processes from the base of the core (in ca. 8000 BCE, Mesolithic) up to the Early Iron Age (ca. 500 BCEe550 CE), when agricultural activities in the region intensified. The pollen signal reflects the establishment of a Bronze Age (ca. 1800e500 BCE) farm in the area, while subsequent intensification of pollen concentrations of cultivated plants combined with the first sedaDNA signals of cultivation and pastoralism are consistent with evidence of the establishment of farming closer to the lake at around 300 BCE. These signals also correspond to the intensification of agriculture in southeastern Norway in the first centuries of the Early Iron Age. Applying an interdisciplinary approach allows us to reconstruct anthropogenic and environmental dynamics, and untangle effects of human land-use and environmental changes on vegetation dynamics in southeastern Norway during the Holocene.
The Holocene
Charcoal from archaeological contexts differs from off-site pollen samples as it is mainly a prod... more Charcoal from archaeological contexts differs from off-site pollen samples as it is mainly a product of intentional human action. As such, analysis of charcoal from excavations is a valuable addition to studies of past vegetation and the interaction between humans and the environment. In this paper, we use a dataset consisting of 6186 dated tree species samples from 1239 archaeological sites as a proxy to explore parts of the Holocene forest development and human-vegetation dynamics in South-Eastern Norway. From the middle of the Late Neolithic (from c. 2000 BC) throughout the Early Iron Age (to c. AD 550) the region’s agriculture is characterized by fields, pastures and fallow. Based on our data, we argue that these practices, combined with forest management, clearly altered the natural distribution of trees and favoured some species of broadleaved trees. The past distribution of hazel ( Corylus avellana) is an example of human impact on the vegetation. Today, hazel is not even amo...
The Holocene, 2022
Charcoal from archaeological contexts differs from off-site pollen samples as it is mainly a prod... more Charcoal from archaeological contexts differs from off-site pollen samples as it is mainly a product of intentional human action. As such, analysis of charcoal from excavations is a valuable addition to studies of past vegetation and the interaction between humans and the environment. In this paper, we use a dataset consisting of 6186 dated tree species samples from 1239 archaeological sites as a proxy to explore parts of the Holocene forest development and human-vegetation dynamics in SouthEastern Norway. From the middle of the Late Neolithic (from c. 2000 BC) throughout the Early Iron Age (to c. AD 550) the region's agriculture is characterized by fields, pastures and fallow. Based on our data, we argue that these practices, combined with forest management, clearly altered the natural distribution of trees and favoured some species of broadleaved trees. The past distribution of hazel (Corylus avellana) is an example of human impact on the vegetation. Today, hazel is not even among the 15 most common tree species, while it is one of the most prevalent species in the archaeological record before AD 550. The data indicate that this species was favoured already by the region's Mesolithic hunter-fisher-gatherers, and that it was among the species that thrived extremely well in the early farming landscape. Secondly, our analysis also indicates that spruce (Picea abies) first formed large stands in the southeastern parts of Norway c. 500 BC, centuries earlier than previously assumed. It is argued that this event, and a further westward expansion of spruce, was partly a consequence of a specific historical event-the first millennium BC farming expansion.
Quaternary Science Reviews, 2022
Understanding how the Viking societies were impacted by past climate variability and how they ada... more Understanding how the Viking societies were impacted by past climate variability and how they adapted to it has hardly been investigated. Here, we have carried out a new multi-proxy investigation of lake sediments, including geochemical and palynological analyses, to reconstruct past changes in temperature and agricultural practices of pre-Viking and Viking societies in Southeastern Norway during the period between 200 and 1300 CE. The periods 200e300 and 800e1300 CE were warmer than the 300e800 CE period, which is known as the "Dark Ages Cold Period". This cold period was punctuated by century-scale more temperate intervals, which were dominated by the cultivation of cereals and hemp (before 280 CE, 420e480 CE, 580e700 CE, and after 800 CE). In between, cold intervals were dominated by livestock farming. Our results demonstrate that the pre-Viking societies changed their agricultural strategy in response to climate variability during the Late Antiquity.
Norwegian Archaeological Review, 2021
A Riverine Site Near York: A Possible Viking Camp? is a comprehensive volume of finds and results... more A Riverine Site Near York: A Possible Viking Camp? is a comprehensive volume of finds and results from the site ‘A Riverine Site Near York’ (ARSNY). Several researchers have contributed to this publication, although Gareth Williams – as editor, sole author of two chapters and large parts of chapter 2 – is the main force behind the publication. The assemblage at ARSNY is similar to that at Torksey, where the Viking Great Army spent the winter of AD 872–873. It is therefore likely that ARSNY was the location of an undocumented Viking camp. Judging from the coins and weights, Williams date the main activity at ARNSY to AD 874–875 and/or with a continued activity by a smaller group after AD 875. The size of ARSNY, as well as Torksey, are larger than the D-shaped enclosure of the Viking camp at Repton. Adding to the assumption that the enclosure at Reption is only part of the Viking camp. ARSNY first came to notice in late 2003 when metal detectorists, with the landowners and tenants approval, unearthed a group of Anglo-Saxon and Viking Age coins, hacksilver, balance fragment, weights and remnants of iron, including three pieces from the hilt of a sword. An archaeological examination was initiated, in order to examine and contextualize the hoard’s find-spot. Although initially planned as using non-invasive techniques, in the form of geophysical surveys, the project was subsequently expanded with further geoarchaeological surveys and trial trenching. The present research publication is largely a report on the finds at ARSNY, as well as results from the excavations and the geoarchaeological surveys. Expanded with additional chapters on metals and exchange in Viking-Age Yorkshire.
Piers Dixon & Claudia Theune (eds), 2021: Ruralia XIII: Seasonal Settlement in the Medieval and Early Modern Countryside. Sidestone Press, Leiden, pp. 221-228., 2021
A staggering amount of iron was produced in the inland regions of Scandinavia in the Viking Age a... more A staggering amount of iron was produced in the inland regions of Scandinavia in the Viking Age and Middle Ages. Bloomery iron was made on small-scale production sites, initiated and organised by skilled inland farmers. For these farmers to risk spending valuable time and resources on surplus production of iron, the production had to be integrated into the farm year’s cycle. In this paper, I explore how the making of iron was organised as a seasonal activity and how this enabled a dispersed but extensive bloomery iron production.
Fornvännen, 2019
The thousands of iron production sites scattered across the mountain and valley regions of Norway... more The thousands of iron production sites scattered across the mountain and valley regions of Norway are testament to a massive surplus production from the latter half of the Viking Age throughout the High Middle Ages. Archaeological and historical sources indicate that this production was carried out by singular farms. Still, the amount of iron produced surpassed both local and regional demands and constituted a regional and interregional commodity in the period 950–1300 AD. The point of departure in exploring the organisation of iron production, and the subsequent trade, is the spatial distribution of various types of iron bars. The regional differentiation in iron bars may reflect differences in trade and economic sophistication. The smaller and standardised axe-like bars indicate that the trade in Valdres, Hallingdal, and Østerdalen had a layer of professionalism and a relatively more hierarchical social and economic organisation. In contrast the larger, less standardised split blooms points to Numedal, Telemark, and Setesdal as less economically and socially differentiated, with less professionalism and homogeneity. This study shows how farmers in marginal agricultural areas could provide a surplus of iron and is important in furthering our understanding of the socio-economic development of Scandinavian Viking and Middle Ages. The substantial production of iron in the inland shows a willingness to risk valuable time and resources. The risk lay on the farmers, but so did the possible gains. The extent of the iron production alone suggests that it was a risk worth taking.
Primitive tider, 2019
This study demonstrates how routes over mountain plateaus and passes connected farms, hamlets and... more This study demonstrates how routes over mountain plateaus and passes connected farms, hamlets and regions. The routes enabled wide social and economic networks and were a prerequisite for regional surplus production in the Norwegian inland areas from the Viking Age.
Iron, furs, skins and antlers were among the important commodities for farmers in the mountain and valley regions. These resources were exchanged for goods from the coastal areas, and it is likely that the purpose for much of the traffic over the mountains was trade. Medieval law texts and later historical sources indicate that the bulk of the traffic over mountains took place during the summer. The commodities were transported on packhorses or by foot.
Using archaeological sites and findings, as well as place-names and historical sources, I have mapped the main mountain trails in South Norway. The historical significance of these communication routes are indicated by large burial sites, some consisting of hundreds of burial mounds, at the foot of several mountain crossings. These sites are testament to the great importance and value of communication and transportation across mountains passes – and its control – well before the extensive regional surplus production from the last half the Viking Age.
Telemark historie: tidsskrift for Telemark historielag, 2018
Heimen, 2018
Throughout the Middle Ages there was a surplus production of salt in several of the inner fjords ... more Throughout the Middle Ages there was a surplus production of salt in several of the inner fjords of Norway. For farms in these areas, salt production was part of a diversified economy where a number of resources could be utilised, such as animal husbandry, agriculture or fishing. Salt was produced by heating seawater in large shallow iron pans. This required substantial amounts of firewood, thus making the inner fjord areas especially suited for salt production.
Another likely contributing factor for the surplus production of salt in the inner fjord areas was proximity to mountainous and valley regions, where salt had to be imported. Place names and written sources indicate that salt was an important commodity between inner fjords and the inlands of South Norway.
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Books by Kjetil Loftsgarden
220 swords have been found in Telemark, and they are a mix of domestic Norwegian and imported European types. The difficulties in determining which ones were made in Norway are complicated by and closely connected to the specific skills Norwegian blacksmiths had mastered with respect to both blade construction and inlay decoration.
The metallographic investigations revealed five construction types for sword blades, of which four, requiring different technical levels of smithing, may well have been mastered by Norwegian blacksmiths at that time. Combined with x-ray radiographic studies, the metallographic investigations indicate that new techniques were indeed introduced and disseminated among weaponsmiths during the Viking Age.
The findings are also probably representative for the combined total of more than 3000 swords found in all areas of the country. The majority are domestic types, and their great number obviously reflects the organization of sword production and influenced blacksmiths’ social standing.
The period from the late Viking Age to the High Middle Ages, c. 950–1350, was an era of economic expansion, where towns were formed, populations increased, and royal and church power were established. This thesis examines the inland regions of Southern Norway and the exchange of commodities at marketplaces between the mountainous and valley districts and the coastal areas in this period. The marketplaces are seen as part of a larger economic whole, including specialized surplus production, the trading of this surplus, and the overall impact this had on society. Central questions are how can the marketplaces be identified, where were they located, when were they used and who were involved in the exchange at the marketplaces? I see the marketplaces in conjunction with the surplus production of outfield resources and explore issues such as; who were the actors behind the surplus production from outfield resources and the subsequent trade with these commodities? The theme of the thesis is extensive; geographically, thematically and chronologically. The focus is therefore on the overall structure of the utilization of outfield resources and trade between mountainous and coastal areas. The thesis is thus developed in line with an understanding of time and change where long overarching structures are slowly changing through interaction with events with a shorter time span. Topographical and climatic factors, such as limited arable land but large outfield areas, provided limitations and opportunities for the people living in the mountainous and valley districts, and this can be seen as an overall structure which required a degree of regional specialization based on traditions and different natural conditions. Several archaeological surveys and a re-examination of existing archaeological and historical material have shown the existence of a broad range of marketplaces, from seasonal marketplaces in mountainous regions to more established marketplaces with an urban character in inner fjord regions. In collaboration with Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research (NIKU), an area in Kinsarvik by the Hardangerfjord was mapped using groundpenetrating radar. This and previous surveys show traces of 18–20 buildings which most likely should be connected to crafts and trade in Kinsarvik in the early and High Middle Ages. Similarly, surveys conducted on probable marketplaces in mountainous regions found traces of tent rings, horseshoes, horseshoe nails, fire steel and knives that could be traces of yearly gatherings for the purpose of trade, competitions and social interaction. It is an aim of this thesis to see the marketplaces in a wider context in relation to the exploitation of resources, routes and administrative regions. To achieve this goal, and to aid in the analysis of the material, I have used Geographic Information Systems (GIS). By storing both spatial and non-spatial data in a geodatabase I have analysed archaeological data in conjunction with historical sources, place names and topographical elements. In addition, I have re-calibrated and applied a statistical analysis to earlier C-14-results and made calculations regarding the total amount of iron produced in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages. The results indicate that iron production, hunting, and trapping was organized and carried out by local farmers, and that goods from this surplus production were exchanged at seasonal marketplaces in the mountainous or upper valley districts, or at more permanent marketplaces like Kinsarvik in Hardanger or Kaupanger in Sogn. Furthermore, my analysis shows that the iron production in the south Norwegian inland was on a massive scale in this period and seems to exceed both regional and national demands for iron. This indicates that iron not only constituted a necessary item for regions with little iron production, such as the coastal areas of eastern Norway and large parts of western Norway, but was most likely also an important export article, especially towards Denmark. My contribution to knowledge is that from the late Viking Age there was an interaction between the marketplaces and surplus production in the inland of Southern Norway. The marketplaces can be seen as a contributing factor in the extensive iron production and surplus production from hunting and trapping. Stable economic networks and marketplaces that are emerging in the late Viking Age made it possible for largely autonomous farmsteads around the inland plateau of Hardangervidda to invest in surplus production, since they could rely on this surplus being exchanged for commodities they needed or wanted. The marketplace was also a way to avoid the strict social norms related to trade. By being a dedicated arena for exchange, trade could be carried out in a place where the roles were set and it was less likely for misunderstandings to occur. At the marketplace, an inland population could obtain the products they needed or wanted and the populous communities along the coast – the medieval towns, the royal and ecclesiastical and other elites – had access to the resources from the hinterland via trade networks flowing to these marketplace hubs. I argue that the people in mountainous and valley regions around Hardangervidda took part in both surplus production from outfield resources and the subsequent trade at marketplaces, and the elite to a large part gained access to these important inland resources through trade networks and via marketplaces. However, changes in administrative borders and several law amendments in 13th and 14th centuries indicate a new strategy of linking inland resources more directly to the towns. This thesis gives new insight regarding the extent and consequences of the marketplaces in the south Norwegian inland in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages. Marketplaces in this period had a social significance for the inland population, but were also of great economic importance for inland regions as well as for society at large.
Papers by Kjetil Loftsgarden
The location, as well as finds and structures, indicates that non-agrarian resources from the mountainous settlements to the east were a major foundation for Kinsarvik as a marketplace. A consequence being that, from the late 13 th century, when there is a significant decrease in iron production and other outfield resources, Kinsarvik as an urban marketplace loses much of its basis for existence and gradually goes out of use.
needed in the inland areas of Telemark.
Another element is the absence of settlements in the mountain areas that separated Telemark and Western Norway. This meant that the trade took place without intermediaries, without payments to customs or ferrymen. This facilitated the trade and exchange, and led to advantageous prices, relatively speaking, for both parties. And as archaeological data indicate that the close contact between Western Norway and the upper parts of Telemark was established in the Early Iron Age, it is likely that the contact and trade increased in line with the massive production of iron in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages.
These bottom-up organized types of gatherings were important centres of
society, as hubs for communication and trade, and arenas for íþrótt (sport) and establishing and maintaining social ties.
This paper presents the spatial distribution of 564 skeid-names. Of these, 320 skeid-names are closer than two kilometres from a medieval church site, or one or more of the following place names: hov/hof, ting, or leik/lek. Through an examination of the landscape, archaeological finds and place
names, 37 sites are highlighted as most likely to have hosted a skeid-type assembly. From these threesites are discussed more in detail.
The quantitative approach to place name data, in combination with archaeological and historical sources allows for an intriguing glimpse into the role and extent of a fleeting meeting site – the skeid.
Iron, furs, skins and antlers were among the important commodities for farmers in the mountain and valley regions. These resources were exchanged for goods from the coastal areas, and it is likely that the purpose for much of the traffic over the mountains was trade. Medieval law texts and later historical sources indicate that the bulk of the traffic over mountains took place during the summer. The commodities were transported on packhorses or by foot.
Using archaeological sites and findings, as well as place-names and historical sources, I have mapped the main mountain trails in South Norway. The historical significance of these communication routes are indicated by large burial sites, some consisting of hundreds of burial mounds, at the foot of several mountain crossings. These sites are testament to the great importance and value of communication and transportation across mountains passes – and its control – well before the extensive regional surplus production from the last half the Viking Age.
Another likely contributing factor for the surplus production of salt in the inner fjord areas was proximity to mountainous and valley regions, where salt had to be imported. Place names and written sources indicate that salt was an important commodity between inner fjords and the inlands of South Norway.
220 swords have been found in Telemark, and they are a mix of domestic Norwegian and imported European types. The difficulties in determining which ones were made in Norway are complicated by and closely connected to the specific skills Norwegian blacksmiths had mastered with respect to both blade construction and inlay decoration.
The metallographic investigations revealed five construction types for sword blades, of which four, requiring different technical levels of smithing, may well have been mastered by Norwegian blacksmiths at that time. Combined with x-ray radiographic studies, the metallographic investigations indicate that new techniques were indeed introduced and disseminated among weaponsmiths during the Viking Age.
The findings are also probably representative for the combined total of more than 3000 swords found in all areas of the country. The majority are domestic types, and their great number obviously reflects the organization of sword production and influenced blacksmiths’ social standing.
The period from the late Viking Age to the High Middle Ages, c. 950–1350, was an era of economic expansion, where towns were formed, populations increased, and royal and church power were established. This thesis examines the inland regions of Southern Norway and the exchange of commodities at marketplaces between the mountainous and valley districts and the coastal areas in this period. The marketplaces are seen as part of a larger economic whole, including specialized surplus production, the trading of this surplus, and the overall impact this had on society. Central questions are how can the marketplaces be identified, where were they located, when were they used and who were involved in the exchange at the marketplaces? I see the marketplaces in conjunction with the surplus production of outfield resources and explore issues such as; who were the actors behind the surplus production from outfield resources and the subsequent trade with these commodities? The theme of the thesis is extensive; geographically, thematically and chronologically. The focus is therefore on the overall structure of the utilization of outfield resources and trade between mountainous and coastal areas. The thesis is thus developed in line with an understanding of time and change where long overarching structures are slowly changing through interaction with events with a shorter time span. Topographical and climatic factors, such as limited arable land but large outfield areas, provided limitations and opportunities for the people living in the mountainous and valley districts, and this can be seen as an overall structure which required a degree of regional specialization based on traditions and different natural conditions. Several archaeological surveys and a re-examination of existing archaeological and historical material have shown the existence of a broad range of marketplaces, from seasonal marketplaces in mountainous regions to more established marketplaces with an urban character in inner fjord regions. In collaboration with Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research (NIKU), an area in Kinsarvik by the Hardangerfjord was mapped using groundpenetrating radar. This and previous surveys show traces of 18–20 buildings which most likely should be connected to crafts and trade in Kinsarvik in the early and High Middle Ages. Similarly, surveys conducted on probable marketplaces in mountainous regions found traces of tent rings, horseshoes, horseshoe nails, fire steel and knives that could be traces of yearly gatherings for the purpose of trade, competitions and social interaction. It is an aim of this thesis to see the marketplaces in a wider context in relation to the exploitation of resources, routes and administrative regions. To achieve this goal, and to aid in the analysis of the material, I have used Geographic Information Systems (GIS). By storing both spatial and non-spatial data in a geodatabase I have analysed archaeological data in conjunction with historical sources, place names and topographical elements. In addition, I have re-calibrated and applied a statistical analysis to earlier C-14-results and made calculations regarding the total amount of iron produced in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages. The results indicate that iron production, hunting, and trapping was organized and carried out by local farmers, and that goods from this surplus production were exchanged at seasonal marketplaces in the mountainous or upper valley districts, or at more permanent marketplaces like Kinsarvik in Hardanger or Kaupanger in Sogn. Furthermore, my analysis shows that the iron production in the south Norwegian inland was on a massive scale in this period and seems to exceed both regional and national demands for iron. This indicates that iron not only constituted a necessary item for regions with little iron production, such as the coastal areas of eastern Norway and large parts of western Norway, but was most likely also an important export article, especially towards Denmark. My contribution to knowledge is that from the late Viking Age there was an interaction between the marketplaces and surplus production in the inland of Southern Norway. The marketplaces can be seen as a contributing factor in the extensive iron production and surplus production from hunting and trapping. Stable economic networks and marketplaces that are emerging in the late Viking Age made it possible for largely autonomous farmsteads around the inland plateau of Hardangervidda to invest in surplus production, since they could rely on this surplus being exchanged for commodities they needed or wanted. The marketplace was also a way to avoid the strict social norms related to trade. By being a dedicated arena for exchange, trade could be carried out in a place where the roles were set and it was less likely for misunderstandings to occur. At the marketplace, an inland population could obtain the products they needed or wanted and the populous communities along the coast – the medieval towns, the royal and ecclesiastical and other elites – had access to the resources from the hinterland via trade networks flowing to these marketplace hubs. I argue that the people in mountainous and valley regions around Hardangervidda took part in both surplus production from outfield resources and the subsequent trade at marketplaces, and the elite to a large part gained access to these important inland resources through trade networks and via marketplaces. However, changes in administrative borders and several law amendments in 13th and 14th centuries indicate a new strategy of linking inland resources more directly to the towns. This thesis gives new insight regarding the extent and consequences of the marketplaces in the south Norwegian inland in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages. Marketplaces in this period had a social significance for the inland population, but were also of great economic importance for inland regions as well as for society at large.
The location, as well as finds and structures, indicates that non-agrarian resources from the mountainous settlements to the east were a major foundation for Kinsarvik as a marketplace. A consequence being that, from the late 13 th century, when there is a significant decrease in iron production and other outfield resources, Kinsarvik as an urban marketplace loses much of its basis for existence and gradually goes out of use.
needed in the inland areas of Telemark.
Another element is the absence of settlements in the mountain areas that separated Telemark and Western Norway. This meant that the trade took place without intermediaries, without payments to customs or ferrymen. This facilitated the trade and exchange, and led to advantageous prices, relatively speaking, for both parties. And as archaeological data indicate that the close contact between Western Norway and the upper parts of Telemark was established in the Early Iron Age, it is likely that the contact and trade increased in line with the massive production of iron in the late Viking Age–High Middle Ages.
These bottom-up organized types of gatherings were important centres of
society, as hubs for communication and trade, and arenas for íþrótt (sport) and establishing and maintaining social ties.
This paper presents the spatial distribution of 564 skeid-names. Of these, 320 skeid-names are closer than two kilometres from a medieval church site, or one or more of the following place names: hov/hof, ting, or leik/lek. Through an examination of the landscape, archaeological finds and place
names, 37 sites are highlighted as most likely to have hosted a skeid-type assembly. From these threesites are discussed more in detail.
The quantitative approach to place name data, in combination with archaeological and historical sources allows for an intriguing glimpse into the role and extent of a fleeting meeting site – the skeid.
Iron, furs, skins and antlers were among the important commodities for farmers in the mountain and valley regions. These resources were exchanged for goods from the coastal areas, and it is likely that the purpose for much of the traffic over the mountains was trade. Medieval law texts and later historical sources indicate that the bulk of the traffic over mountains took place during the summer. The commodities were transported on packhorses or by foot.
Using archaeological sites and findings, as well as place-names and historical sources, I have mapped the main mountain trails in South Norway. The historical significance of these communication routes are indicated by large burial sites, some consisting of hundreds of burial mounds, at the foot of several mountain crossings. These sites are testament to the great importance and value of communication and transportation across mountains passes – and its control – well before the extensive regional surplus production from the last half the Viking Age.
Another likely contributing factor for the surplus production of salt in the inner fjord areas was proximity to mountainous and valley regions, where salt had to be imported. Place names and written sources indicate that salt was an important commodity between inner fjords and the inlands of South Norway.
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Rural market- and meeting places, both periodic (fairs) and perennial (markets), were of great importance for social interaction and communication on a local and regional scale. It was essential for diffusion of innovations and ideas. The landscape, its prerequisites and possibilities, shaped people and technical systems to form a working combination. Interaction at meeting places shaped cultural norms, thoughts and identities, including norms for material culture.
Markets and informal trading places were parts of a larger economic and social whole, including trade and barter of goods, crafts and production ranging from artisans making jewellery to people making food and bread, accompanied by drinking, dancing, competitions and fights.
In rural areas there was a massive production of non-agrarian goods which made it possible for people to invest in surplus production and commodities. The elite was dependent on supply of resources, from agriculture as well as the outfield. An essential part of society was the command of resources, claimed through the organisation and control of trade routes and markets, and by alliances and social ties.
Human activity is linked to social relations, and the exchange of goods and services is integrated in cultural patterns and social strategies. It is also a part of the mechanisms of regionalization and the formation of a common culture and identity in the medieval and early modern period. We want to emphasise that we want to discuss non-urban markets.
was one of the coldest periods of the last 2000 years, which
was initiated by volcanic eruptions in 536 and 540 CE. Here,
we study the effect of this volcanic double event on the climate
and society in Scandinavia with a special focus on
southern Norway. Using an ensemble of Max Planck Institute
Earth system model transient simulations for 521–680 CE,
temperature, precipitation, and atmospheric circulation patterns
are analyzed. The simulated cooling magnitude is used
as input for a growing degree day (GDD) model setup for
three different study areas in southern Norway, representative
of typical meteorological and landscape conditions. Pollen
from bogs inside these study areas are analyzed at high resolution
(1–3 cm sample intervals) to give insights into the
validity of the GDD model setup with regard to the volcanic
climate impact on the regional scale and to link the different
data sets with the archeological records.
We find that after the 536 and 540 CE double event, a maximum
surface air cooling of up to 3.5 C during the mean
growing season is simulated regionally for southern Norway.
With a scenario cooling of 3 C, the GDD model indicates
crop failures were likely in our northernmost and western
study areas, while crops were more likely to mature in the
southeastern study area. These results are in agreement with
the pollen records from the respective areas. Archeological
excavations show, however, a more complex pattern for the
three areas with abandonment of farms and severe social impacts
but also a continuation of occupation or a mix of those.
Finally, we discuss the likely climatic and societal impacts
of the 536 and 540 CE volcanic double event by synthesizing