Irwanmazwan Ibrahim

A great deal of recent research on communication has been developed in the general area of narrative or narrative effects. The majority of this work has brought in older communication concepts without reconciling those concepts with what has been learned about narrative in other social sciences. This review covers some of the major points from research on narrative to help expand the knowledge base and suggest directions for additional work in the field of communication.

... 5.3 The Campaign for Trade Union Rights 168 5.4 Union Shops, Strikes, and Levels ofImplementation 174 5.5 ... training are we conscious of it."1 The anthropologists believed that theHuman Rights Commission was in danger of making such ethnocentric judgments in the ...

Many in the world of developmental economics believe that corruption , the circumvention of the rule of law for private gain, leads to nothing but woe for any nation's economy, under any circumstances. Transparency International makes the elimination of corruption their mission, and many large multinational firms today echo that goal by building ethical codes that prohibit employees from engaging in practices deemed corrupt, regardless of local attitudes and customs toward the practices. The World Bank makes curbing corruption a linchpin in their campaign to improve governance. Reasons given for blanket condemnation of corrupt behavior are often utilitarian: Corruption is expected to increase the economic costs of doing business by undermining the laws of the land; this, in turn, reduces productive activities and investments, with negative consequences unfolding for human development and economic growth. When legal protection of personal and property rights is strong, this argument is reasonable, but does it hold for nations that have failed to establish and consistently enforce a sound rule of law? Leff (1964) and Huntington (1968) speculated that corruption may be considered a useful substitute for a weak rule of law. In other words, the value of behaving corruptly—the value of additional productive transactions that occur—can exceed the costs of engaging in corruption. This is most likely when the legal options for doing business are quite limited. Osterfeld (1992) makes a useful distinction in sorting out corrupt behaviors that is followed in this article. He divides corrupt actions into two categories: economically restrictive and economically expansionary. Corruption may often be restrictive, rent-seeking actions, such as firms' seeking government protection from competitors. But corruption also can expand economic activity, for example, by private

Adam Smith, whom we will be discussing later, argued that the related principles of division of labor and resource specialization serve to increase productivity. In order to maintain high enough levels of productivity to feed populations, some form of organization needs to be imposed where roles are assigned to individuals within the community. The more complicated the division of labor, the more hierarchical the organizational structure.

Foreword The Asset Forfeiture and Money Laundering Section (AFMLS) is pleased to release the 2016 version of the Asset Forfeiture Policy Manual, a compilation of policies governing the Department of Justice Asset Forfeiture Program. The mission of the Asset Forfeiture Program is to disrupt and dismantle criminal enterprises, deprive criminals of the proceeds of illegal activity, deter crime, and restore property to victims. The purpose of the Policy Manual is to provide Department of Justice prosecutors, agents, and support staff with a reference manual containing the policies and procedures in support of that mission. Since the Policy Manual was last published in 2013, the Department of Justice has been engaged in a comprehensive review of the policies governing the Department of Justice Asset Forfeiture Program. The purpose of this review is to ensure that federal asset forfeiture authorities are appropriately and effectively used consistent with civil liberties and the rule of law.

The political origin of that notion is more shameful than the "moderates" would care to admit publicly. Mussolini came to power by claiming that that was the only choice confronting Italy. Hitler came to power by claiming that that was the only choice confronting Germany. It is a matter of record that in the German election of 1933, the Communist Party was ordered by its leaders to vote for the Nazis, with the explanation that they could later fight the Nazis for power, but first they had to help destroy their common enemy: capitalism and its parliamentary form of government, The objective (1968). Two 20th-century ideologies promised a utopian vision that would ensure infinite happiness. They both stemmed from a political, social, and cultural construct that erased traditional ideas regarding good and evil. Both believed in the destruction of the old world, to build a new international order; each deplored what they saw as the pathetic ennui of bourgeoisie existence; each ideology's shared purpose was to recruit members of the new utopia. Those ideologies happen to be communism and fascism, which together brought an orgy of violence, killed millions, and led humanity to its darkest hour, where the final destination was the deplorable Gulags and the gas chambers of Auschwitz, J.p.o'Malley clarified in Communism and Fascism: The Reason They Are So Similar (2012). A professor of comparative politics at the University of Maryland ,Vladimir Tismaneanu, noticed how communism and fascism, despite coming from separate ends of the political spectrum—extreme left for the former and extreme right for the latter—surprisingly have much in common. To comprehend the barbarism that plagued the last century, Tismaneanu contends that we must fully come to grips with the thought process that inspired so much destruction. So he sets off to scrupulously examine the intellectual origins, crimes, and failures of these two radical movements in The Devil in History: Communism, Fascism and Some Lessons of the Twentieth Century. Tismaneanu isn't the first to explore this subject matter. In Fascism and Communism, historians Francois Furet and Ernst Nolte, one French and one German, debated the genealogy of the two movements. And in Fascism, Communism and the Consolidation of Democracy: A Comparison of European Dictatorships, Gerhard Besier edited a book of essays that explored the mutual influences both political movements clung to. While Tismaneanu's effort shares certain similarities with both texts, his central argument focuses for the most part on ideology, and not specific historical events.