مواطن، المؤسسة الفلسطينية لدراسة الديمقراطية, 2013
This book deals, in general, with the phenomenon of wife beating as it was addressed in the holy ... more This book deals, in general, with the phenomenon of wife beating as it was addressed in the holy Quran verses, which recognized the guardianship of men over women and permitted the man to beat his disobedient wife. More specifically, the study tackles the issue by means of a comparative study of the numerous analytical literatures that were formulated by Arab male and female feminist theorists regarding the concerned holy Quran verses. Furthermore, an analysis was provided of the divergent positions taken by Arab, male and female, feminist theorists of both wife beating and the status of women in Islam as it appeared in numerous publications. My analysis dealt with the topic by placing it within a socio-historical context that was dominant in Arab societies prior and after the emergence of Islam. In addition to that, a qualitative field work research was carried out regarding the issues that were analyzed in the book. Intensive interviews were conducted with a sample of ten adults (five men and five women) who hold Islamic religious functions. Their cultural stands regarding the phenomenon of wife beating and the status of women were investigated in the context of the holy Quran verses. An analysis and interpretation were provided of the positions of the sample members regarding the divergent concepts included in the Quran verses such as: guardianship, preferential treatment, wife disobedience, husband disobedience and wife beating.
How does residing in the proximity of surveillance infrastructure – i.e., checkpoints, the separa... more How does residing in the proximity of surveillance infrastructure – i.e., checkpoints, the separation barrier, and military installations – affect support for cooperative and confrontational forms of collective action? Cooperative actions involve engagement with outgroups to advance the ingroup cause (e.g., negotiations, joint and peaceful actions), whereas confrontational actions involve unilateral tactics to weaken the outgroup (e.g., boycott, armed resistance). Combining geo-coded data on surveillance infrastructure across the entire West Bank and Jerusalem with a representative survey of the adult population from 49 communities (N=1000), multilevel analyses show that surveillance does not affect support for confrontational actions, but instead decreases support for cooperative actions. Our analysis identifies a new, community-level mechanism whereby surveillance undermines cooperative actions: through limiting the shareability of (alternative) conflict narratives that challenge ...
The Big Five Inventory-10 (BFI-10; Rammstedt & John, 2007) is one of many short versions ... more The Big Five Inventory-10 (BFI-10; Rammstedt & John, 2007) is one of many short versions of personality inventories that measure the Big Five trait dimensions. Short versions of scales often present methodological challenges as a trade-off for their convenience. Based on samples from 28 countries (N = 10,560), the current study investigated inter-item correlations estimated using Omega coefficients within each of the five personality characteristics measured by the BFI-10. Results showed that inter-item correlations were significantly lower, in the sample data from non-Western countries compared with the Western countries, for three of the five personality traits, specifically Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and Emotional Stability. Our findings indicate that the psychometric challenges exist across different cultures and traits. We offer recommendations when using short-item scales such as BFI-10 in survey research.
The phenomenon of "normalization" is probably one of the most debatable and problematic... more The phenomenon of "normalization" is probably one of the most debatable and problematic aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and peace relations. Using a mixed methods approach, I track the historical emergence of the term "normalization" in the Arab context, examine how Palestinians understand this concept (i.e., contact/interactions between Israelis and Palestinians), and how intergroup contact experiences shape their attitudes towards normalizing behaviors with the Israelis. To uncover the history of Arab national political discourse of normalization, in Study 1, I used critical discourse analysis and Foucault's conceptual method of genealogy to capture the emergence of the term normalization, its meaning, and its practices. This theoretical perspective relies on understanding how power relations produce the meaning of certain concepts at a specific historical moment. My analysis of Arab national discourse, before and after the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty in 1978, indicated that normalization-and its meaning-was imposed by the colonial powers, and that the practices of normalization appeared before the use of the term, but referred to it with different labels. Additionally, an extensive body of social psychological research has evidenced the beneficial effects of positive intergroup contact in improving intergroup attitudes. However, recent research has revealed that members of disadvantaged groups are Jess inclined to mobilize for social change when they have positive contact experiences with dominant groups. This phenomenon, called a sedative or paradoxical effect of intergroup contact, casts a shadow on the optimistic message delivered by intergroup contact literature. Moreover, negative contact has been shown to shape both intergroup attitudes and the relationship between positive contact and prejudice. These new strands of intergroup contact research provide the theoretical bases of Studies 2 and 3, both addressing the impact of positive and negative experiences of contact with Israelis on Palestinians' attitudes towards normalization. Based on cross-sectional survey data (N=l 50, Palestinian adults in the West Bank), Study 2 demonstrated that most definitions of normalization had negative connotations, and that Palestinians' support of normalization mediated the relationship between intergroup contact and motivation for resistance. Study 3, based on a stratified representative sample (N=l000, in the West Bank and Jerusalem), showed that both positive and negative contact shape attitudes towards normalization. Moreover, negative contact moderated the sedative effects of contact, but only in Jerusalem. Together, the findings ofthis PhD thesis have important implications for Palestinians' debates on normalization, policy makers, and social psychological theorizing of intergroup contact. -- Le phénomène de «Normalisation» est probablement un des aspects les plus controversés et problématiques du conflit israélo-palestinien. Utilisant une approche méthodologique plurielle, je retrace l'émergence historique du concept de « normalisation» dans le contexte arabe, examine comment les Palestiniens comprennent ce concept (i.e. contact/interactions entre Israéliens et Palestiniens), et comment les expériences de contact intergroupe forment leurs attitudes envers les comportements de normalisation avec les Israéliens. Dans l'étude 1, afin de retracer l'histoire du concept de normalisation dans le discours nationaliste arabe, j'ai utilisé l'analyse de discours critique et la généalogie de Foucault pour comprendre l'émergence du terme de normalisation, sa signification et les pratiques qui lui sont associées. Cette perspective théorique implique de comprendre comment les relations de pouvoir produisent la signification de certains concepts à un moment historique spécifique. Mon analyse du discours nationaliste arabe avant et après le traité de paix israélo-égyptien de 1978 indique que la normalisation - et sa signification - a été imposé par le pouvoir colonial, et que les pratiques de normalisation sont apparues avant que le terme ne soit utilisé mais étaient dénotées par des labels différents. De plus, un nombre conséquent de recherches psychosociales a montré les effets bénéfiques du contact intergroupe positif pour améliorer les attitudes intergroupes. Cependant, des recherches récentes ont révélé que les membres de groupes désavantagés sont moins enclins à se mobiliser pour le changement social quand ils ont des expériences positives de contact avec les groupes dominants. Ce phénomène, appelé effet sédatif ou paradoxal du contact intergroupe, nuance le message optimiste délivré par la littérature sur le contact intergroupe. De plus, il a été montré que le contact intergroupe négatif influence tant les a itudes intergroupes que la relation entre contact positif et préjugé. Ces nouvelles lignes de recherche sur le contact intergroupe fournissent les bases théoriques des études 2 et 3, qui portent…
This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences relate to their at... more This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences relate to their attitudes towards interactions with Israelis (i.e., normalization). We draw on four recent advances in intergroup contact literature. First, recent research indicates that positive contact can impede disadvantaged groups' motivation to challenge inequalities. Second, increased endorsement of normalization mediates this sedative effect of positive contact on motivation to resist in the West Bank. Third, negative contact has been related to increased motivation for social change. Fourth, institutions and societal norms shape the meaning of intergroup contact and its effect on intergroup relations. We hypothesize that negative experiences at checkpoints can act as reminders of institutionalized inequalities and thus attenuate sedative effects. Furthermore, we explore the contextual boundary conditions of such reminder effects. Analyses of cross-sectional survey conducted among a representative sample (N = 1,000) in the West Bank including Jerusalem showed that (1) positive intergroup contact related to normalization endorsement (sedative effect), (2) negative intergroup contact related to decreased normalization endorsement (mobilizing effect), and (3) negative contact experiences (at checkpoints) canceled out the effect of positive contact (reminder effect), but only in Jerusalem. Results suggest that the impacts of intergroup contact need to be interpreted in light of institutionalized forms of group inequality and segregation.
The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that laid the corn... more The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that laid the cornerstone of Palestinian resistance following the wide popular support it received from the late 1960s to the 1980s. Since that time, the popular support it had once enjoyed has diminished in favour of the political Islamic movements in the Palestinian community in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the civil society organizations that were supported by and subsequently succumbed to the terms of the donor states. This paper tackles the failure of the Palestinian left movement in generating a progressive resistance left culture, and it clarifies also the role and the impact of the Arab-Palestinian cultural heritage in the retardation of the Palestinian leftist movement. It seems evident today that the popularity the Palestinian leftist movement once enjoyed was related to a specific political era when leftist thinking and revolutionary ideology were generally popular. That being the case, th...
This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences relate to their attitudes ... more This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences relate to their attitudes towards interactions with Israelis (i.e., normalization). We draw on four recent advances in intergroup contact literature. First, recent research indicates that positive contact can impede disadvantaged groups' motivation to challenge inequalities. Second, increased endorsement of normalization mediates this sedative effect of positive contact on motivation to resist in the West Bank. Third, negative contact has been related to increased motivation for social change. Fourth, institutions and societal norms shape the meaning of intergroup contact and its effect on intergroup relations. We hypothesize that negative experiences at checkpoints can act as reminders of institutionalized inequalities and thus attenuate sedative effects. Furthermore, we explore the contextual boundary conditions of such reminder effects. Analyses of cross-sectional survey conducted among a representative sample (N = 1,000) in the West Bank including Jerusalem showed that (1) positive intergroup contact related to normalization endorsement (sedative effect), (2) negative intergroup contact related to decreased normalization endorsement (mobilizing effect), and (3) negative contact experiences (at checkpoints) canceled out the effect of positive contact (reminder effect), but only in Jerusalem. Results suggest that the impacts of intergroup contact need to be interpreted in light of institutionalized forms of group inequality and segregation.
Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term ‘normalization’ has been used to ... more Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term ‘normalization’ has been used to characterize policies that aim to recognize the state of Israel and to establish ‘normal’ relations between Israelis and Palestinians. Whereas the Palestinian Authority has been supportive of normalization policies, numerous domestic and international critics have argued that these policies serve to perpetuate occupation and its consequences. We examine how Palestinians understand normalization, to what degree they support various forms of ‘normalizing’ relations with Israelis, and how contact with Israelis relates to support for normalization and motivation for revolutionary resistance against the occupation. Based on a cross-sectional survey conducted among an adult sample (N = 159) in the West Bank in 2016, we show that the understanding of normalization was multi-faceted, and that support for contact and collaboration across group lines (i.e., with Israelis) depended on the type of i...
The concept of normalization was associated with the peace process with Israelis, in both, Arab a... more The concept of normalization was associated with the peace process with Israelis, in both, Arab and Palestinian context. The term has different interpretations depending on context, and it becomes more complex when referring to a direct relationship between the colonized and their colonizers in the context of the settler colonialism in Palestine, therefore, it is a highly controversial concept. The political debates over the concept, mostly describe it as a term that refers to recognizing the state of Israel and conducting normal relations with Israelis. The term 'normalization' has been used by Michel Foucault in describing the processes of psychological dominance imposed by an authority's penal role in modern societies and its influence on human groups. One of the most prominent purposes of "Post-modern" theories is to resist the colonial dominant narratives by discovering the Scattered Historical Contingencies. Given this premise, this paper has the following objectives: To offer a critical, deconstructivist analysis for the concept of normalization in the context of the settler-colonial regime, and to study the genealogies of this concept (Généalogie) by investigating the relevant historical hypotheses: 1) there are historical differences regarding the appearance of the expression phonologically and its practice (political, official, and public practice); and 2) there are historical epistemological transformations that took place with regards to Arabs' perceptions, and the political reflection, which shaped the image and the relationship with the colonizer, due to the practice of the concept normalization in politics. I will analyse these historical hypotheses by using a synthesis of settler colonial theoretical frameworks and those of socio-political psychology such as Frantz Fanon's theoretical contributions, to investigate political discourse, including discourse in peace treaties, politics related to the Palestinian and Arab national identities, and the relevant political discourses used by politicians who reject normalization.
Abstract
The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that lai... more Abstract
The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that laid the cornerstone of Palestinian resistance following the wide popular support it received from the late 1960s to the 1980s. Since that time, the popular support it had once enjoyed has diminished in favour of the political Islamic movements in the Palestinian community in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the civil society organizations that were supported by and subsequently succumbed to the terms of the donor states. This paper tackles the failure of the Palestinian left movement in generating a progressive resistance left culture, and it clarifies also the role and the impact of the Arab-Palestinian cultural heritage in the retardation of the Palestinian leftist movement. It seems evident today that the popularity the Palestinian leftist movement once enjoyed was related to a specific political era when leftist thinking and revolutionary ideology were generally popular. That being the case, the interim leftist thinking did not develop as the result of the leftist powers’ attempt to bring about societal change through the replacement of the existing social and cultural structures with progressive revolutionary beliefs that met the political and social needs of the left.
Keywords: Palestinian leftist movement, Palestinian cultural heritage, Palestinian political reality,
Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term 'normalization' has been used to ... more Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term 'normalization' has been used to characterize policies that aim to recognize the state of Israel and to establish 'normal' relations between Israelis and Palestinians. Whereas the Palestinian Authority has been supportive of normalization policies, numerous domestic and international critics have argued that these policies serve to perpetuate occupation and its consequences. We examine how Palestinians understand normalization, to what degree they support various forms of 'normalizing' relations with Israelis, and how contact with Israelis relates to support for normalization and motivation for revolutionary resistance against the occupation. Based on a cross-sectional survey conducted among an adult sample (N = 159) in the West Bank in 2016, we show that the understanding of normalization was multi-faceted, and that support for contact and collaboration across group lines (i.e., with Israelis) depended on the type of intergroup relations. On average, respondents were more supportive of relations within the political sphere, e.g. civilian policies and diplomatic coordination, than of interpersonal contact, cultural cooperation or security coordination. Support for most types of intergroup relations was related to decreased motivation for revolutionary resistance. In line with research on 'sedative' effects of positive intergroup contact in historically unequal societies, we found that past positive contact with Israelis was linked to decrease in Palestinians' motivation for revolutionary resistance through increased support for interpersonal contact and security coordination as forms of normalization.
This article (written in Arabic) is an introduction to my research work on the concept of normali... more This article (written in Arabic) is an introduction to my research work on the concept of normalization between Palestinians and Israelis. Under the title of: The Concept of 'Normalization' between the Duality of Rejection and Acceptance.
Most of what we know about the social psychology of intergroup relations has emerged from studies... more Most of what we know about the social psychology of intergroup relations has emerged from studies of how one group of people (e.g., whites) think and feel about another (e.g., blacks). By reducing the social world to binary categories, this approach has provided a simple, effective and efficient methodological framework. However, it has also obscured some important features of social relations in historically divided and unequal societies. This paper highlights the importance of investigating intergroup relationships involving more than two groups and of exploring not only their psychological but also their political significance. We argue that this shift in focus may illuminate patterns of domination and subordination, collusion and betrayal, solidarity and resistance that have been generally neglected in our field. Developing this argument, we discuss the conditions under which members of historically disadvantaged groups either dissolve into internecine competition or unite to challenge the status quo, highlighting the role of complex forms of social comparison, social identification, intergroup contact, and third-party support for collective action. To conclude, we suggest that binary conceptualizations of intergroup relations should be treated as the product of specific sets of historical and socio-political practices rather than a natural starting point for psychological research and outline some future directions for research.
مقاربات فلسطينية حول الصهيونية والاستعمار الاستيطاني، تحرير نديم روحانا وعرين هواري, 2023
ملخص الفصل
ارتبط مفهوم التطبيع ضمن السياق العربيّ (والفلسطينيّ) بعمليّة التسوية السلميّة مع ... more ملخص الفصل ارتبط مفهوم التطبيع ضمن السياق العربيّ (والفلسطينيّ) بعمليّة التسوية السلميّة مع "إسرائيل"، إذ تُجمع الأدبيّات السياسيّة على أنّه يشير الى الاعتراف بدولة إسرائيل والى عَقد علاقات طبيعيّة مع الإسرائيليّين. بَيدَ أنّ مفهوم التطبيع مفهوم مثير للجدل، وملتبسٌ في معناه وفي حيثيّات تحديد ممارساته. في العلوم الاجتماعيّة، استُخدِم مصطلح التطبيع من قِبل ميشيل فوكو لوصف الأثر الذي تُحدثه عمليات الهيمنة النفس – اجتماعيّة التي تمارسها السلطات في المجتمعات الحديثة على سلوك الجماعات الإنسانيّة. في السياق العربيّ والفلسطينيّ، ثمّة حاجة معرفيّة إلى الكشف عن سيرورة تطويع مصطلح التطبيع ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ العربيّ الرسميّ، عبر البحث في كيفية انتقاله الى حيّز الممارسة السياسيّة الشعبيّة. أحد أهمّ أهداف الأدوات التحليليّة والنظريّة لأُطر "ما بعد الحداثة"، يكمن في تحدّي الروايات الاستعماريّة والقوميّة السائدة بشأن ظاهرة ما (كخطاب التطبيع)، من خلال الكشف عن الفجوات المعرفيّة التاريخيّة في تلك الروايات. بناء على ذلك، يرمي هذا الفصل الى تقديم قراءة تحليليّة نقديّة، وتفكيكيّة، لخطاب التطبيع ضمن سياق المشروع الاستعماريّ الاستيطانيّ في فلسطين، عبر تتبّع جينيالوجيا مفهوم التطبيع؛ من خلال فحص فرضيّتَين تاريخيّتين: الأولى، أنّه ثمّة فروق تاريخيّة بين ظهور كل من مصطلح التطبيع وظهور ممارسات التطبيع الرسمي ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ العربيّ. الثانية، أنّه ثمّة تحولات تاريخيّة معرفيّة طرأت على تصوُّرات العرب، والتمثُّلات السياسيّة، التي تصف وترسم العلاقة مع المستعمِر ضمن السياق العربيّ بسبب استخدام ممارسات التطبيع ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ. لفحص تلك الفرضيات، حاولت في هذا الفصل الدمجَ بين عدّة أدوات فكريّة في تحليل ونقد الخطاب السياسيّ؛ فقد استخدمت اضاءات منهجيّة وتحليليّة مستقاة من تنظير علم النفس السياسيّ حول العلاقات البَين- مجموعاتيّة (وعلى وجه التحديد من إسهامات نظريّة الهُويّة الاجتماعيّة)، بالإضافة إلى الاستعانة بإسهامات الأُطُر النظريّة حول الاستعمار (على وجه التحديد إسهامات فانون بشأن الحركات الوطنيّة التحرُّريّة وإسهاماته الفكريّة في ما يخصّ الجوانب النفس – اجتماعيّة في العلاقة بين المستعمَرين والمستعمِرين).
مركز دراسات التراث والمجتمع الفلسطيني في جمعية انعاش الأسرة, 2020
شكلت الحركة اليسارية الفلسطينية ظاهرة ثورية اجتماعية شكلت ركيزة اساسية في حركة المقاومة الفلسطيني... more شكلت الحركة اليسارية الفلسطينية ظاهرة ثورية اجتماعية شكلت ركيزة اساسية في حركة المقاومة الفلسطينية، لما حصدته هذه الحركة من تأييد جماهيري واسع في أواخر الستينات وصولاً إلى الثمنينات. ولكن سرعان ما أخذ هذا التأييد بالتراجع شيئاً فشيئاً، مقابل صعود وتنام في الحركات الاسلامية في المجتمع الفلسطيني في الضفة وقطاع غزة، وتنام آخر في قوى المجتمع المدني المدعومة من الدول المانحة والراضخة لشروط تمويل هذه الدول. تأتي هذه الورقة للبحث في أسباب فشل الحركة اليسارية الفلسطينية في إنتاج ثقافة يسارية تقدمية مقاومة، كما وستوضح كذلك أثر ودور الموروث الثقافي العربي الفلسطيني في هذا التراجع. إذ يبدو من الواضح أن ازدهار الحركة اليسارية سابقاً، كان متعلقاً بمرحلة سياسية تستدعي ذلك الازدهار وتستحضر الفكر الثوري، لذلك فإن الفكر اليساري الفلسطيني المرحلي لم ينبع من قيام القوى اليسارية الفاعلة من إحداث تغيير مجتمعي عبر تفكيك البنى الاجتماعية والثقافية وإعادة انتاج بنى تقدمية ثورية تلبي حاجات الفكر اليساري الفاعل على الصعيدين السياسي والاجتماعي.
مواطن، المؤسسة الفلسطينية لدراسة الديمقراطية, 2013
This book deals, in general, with the phenomenon of wife beating as it was addressed in the holy ... more This book deals, in general, with the phenomenon of wife beating as it was addressed in the holy Quran verses, which recognized the guardianship of men over women and permitted the man to beat his disobedient wife. More specifically, the study tackles the issue by means of a comparative study of the numerous analytical literatures that were formulated by Arab male and female feminist theorists regarding the concerned holy Quran verses. Furthermore, an analysis was provided of the divergent positions taken by Arab, male and female, feminist theorists of both wife beating and the status of women in Islam as it appeared in numerous publications. My analysis dealt with the topic by placing it within a socio-historical context that was dominant in Arab societies prior and after the emergence of Islam. In addition to that, a qualitative field work research was carried out regarding the issues that were analyzed in the book. Intensive interviews were conducted with a sample of ten adults (five men and five women) who hold Islamic religious functions. Their cultural stands regarding the phenomenon of wife beating and the status of women were investigated in the context of the holy Quran verses. An analysis and interpretation were provided of the positions of the sample members regarding the divergent concepts included in the Quran verses such as: guardianship, preferential treatment, wife disobedience, husband disobedience and wife beating.
How does residing in the proximity of surveillance infrastructure – i.e., checkpoints, the separa... more How does residing in the proximity of surveillance infrastructure – i.e., checkpoints, the separation barrier, and military installations – affect support for cooperative and confrontational forms of collective action? Cooperative actions involve engagement with outgroups to advance the ingroup cause (e.g., negotiations, joint and peaceful actions), whereas confrontational actions involve unilateral tactics to weaken the outgroup (e.g., boycott, armed resistance). Combining geo-coded data on surveillance infrastructure across the entire West Bank and Jerusalem with a representative survey of the adult population from 49 communities (N=1000), multilevel analyses show that surveillance does not affect support for confrontational actions, but instead decreases support for cooperative actions. Our analysis identifies a new, community-level mechanism whereby surveillance undermines cooperative actions: through limiting the shareability of (alternative) conflict narratives that challenge ...
The Big Five Inventory-10 (BFI-10; Rammstedt & John, 2007) is one of many short versions ... more The Big Five Inventory-10 (BFI-10; Rammstedt & John, 2007) is one of many short versions of personality inventories that measure the Big Five trait dimensions. Short versions of scales often present methodological challenges as a trade-off for their convenience. Based on samples from 28 countries (N = 10,560), the current study investigated inter-item correlations estimated using Omega coefficients within each of the five personality characteristics measured by the BFI-10. Results showed that inter-item correlations were significantly lower, in the sample data from non-Western countries compared with the Western countries, for three of the five personality traits, specifically Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and Emotional Stability. Our findings indicate that the psychometric challenges exist across different cultures and traits. We offer recommendations when using short-item scales such as BFI-10 in survey research.
The phenomenon of "normalization" is probably one of the most debatable and problematic... more The phenomenon of "normalization" is probably one of the most debatable and problematic aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and peace relations. Using a mixed methods approach, I track the historical emergence of the term "normalization" in the Arab context, examine how Palestinians understand this concept (i.e., contact/interactions between Israelis and Palestinians), and how intergroup contact experiences shape their attitudes towards normalizing behaviors with the Israelis. To uncover the history of Arab national political discourse of normalization, in Study 1, I used critical discourse analysis and Foucault's conceptual method of genealogy to capture the emergence of the term normalization, its meaning, and its practices. This theoretical perspective relies on understanding how power relations produce the meaning of certain concepts at a specific historical moment. My analysis of Arab national discourse, before and after the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty in 1978, indicated that normalization-and its meaning-was imposed by the colonial powers, and that the practices of normalization appeared before the use of the term, but referred to it with different labels. Additionally, an extensive body of social psychological research has evidenced the beneficial effects of positive intergroup contact in improving intergroup attitudes. However, recent research has revealed that members of disadvantaged groups are Jess inclined to mobilize for social change when they have positive contact experiences with dominant groups. This phenomenon, called a sedative or paradoxical effect of intergroup contact, casts a shadow on the optimistic message delivered by intergroup contact literature. Moreover, negative contact has been shown to shape both intergroup attitudes and the relationship between positive contact and prejudice. These new strands of intergroup contact research provide the theoretical bases of Studies 2 and 3, both addressing the impact of positive and negative experiences of contact with Israelis on Palestinians' attitudes towards normalization. Based on cross-sectional survey data (N=l 50, Palestinian adults in the West Bank), Study 2 demonstrated that most definitions of normalization had negative connotations, and that Palestinians' support of normalization mediated the relationship between intergroup contact and motivation for resistance. Study 3, based on a stratified representative sample (N=l000, in the West Bank and Jerusalem), showed that both positive and negative contact shape attitudes towards normalization. Moreover, negative contact moderated the sedative effects of contact, but only in Jerusalem. Together, the findings ofthis PhD thesis have important implications for Palestinians' debates on normalization, policy makers, and social psychological theorizing of intergroup contact. -- Le phénomène de «Normalisation» est probablement un des aspects les plus controversés et problématiques du conflit israélo-palestinien. Utilisant une approche méthodologique plurielle, je retrace l'émergence historique du concept de « normalisation» dans le contexte arabe, examine comment les Palestiniens comprennent ce concept (i.e. contact/interactions entre Israéliens et Palestiniens), et comment les expériences de contact intergroupe forment leurs attitudes envers les comportements de normalisation avec les Israéliens. Dans l'étude 1, afin de retracer l'histoire du concept de normalisation dans le discours nationaliste arabe, j'ai utilisé l'analyse de discours critique et la généalogie de Foucault pour comprendre l'émergence du terme de normalisation, sa signification et les pratiques qui lui sont associées. Cette perspective théorique implique de comprendre comment les relations de pouvoir produisent la signification de certains concepts à un moment historique spécifique. Mon analyse du discours nationaliste arabe avant et après le traité de paix israélo-égyptien de 1978 indique que la normalisation - et sa signification - a été imposé par le pouvoir colonial, et que les pratiques de normalisation sont apparues avant que le terme ne soit utilisé mais étaient dénotées par des labels différents. De plus, un nombre conséquent de recherches psychosociales a montré les effets bénéfiques du contact intergroupe positif pour améliorer les attitudes intergroupes. Cependant, des recherches récentes ont révélé que les membres de groupes désavantagés sont moins enclins à se mobiliser pour le changement social quand ils ont des expériences positives de contact avec les groupes dominants. Ce phénomène, appelé effet sédatif ou paradoxal du contact intergroupe, nuance le message optimiste délivré par la littérature sur le contact intergroupe. De plus, il a été montré que le contact intergroupe négatif influence tant les a itudes intergroupes que la relation entre contact positif et préjugé. Ces nouvelles lignes de recherche sur le contact intergroupe fournissent les bases théoriques des études 2 et 3, qui portent…
This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences relate to their at... more This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences relate to their attitudes towards interactions with Israelis (i.e., normalization). We draw on four recent advances in intergroup contact literature. First, recent research indicates that positive contact can impede disadvantaged groups' motivation to challenge inequalities. Second, increased endorsement of normalization mediates this sedative effect of positive contact on motivation to resist in the West Bank. Third, negative contact has been related to increased motivation for social change. Fourth, institutions and societal norms shape the meaning of intergroup contact and its effect on intergroup relations. We hypothesize that negative experiences at checkpoints can act as reminders of institutionalized inequalities and thus attenuate sedative effects. Furthermore, we explore the contextual boundary conditions of such reminder effects. Analyses of cross-sectional survey conducted among a representative sample (N = 1,000) in the West Bank including Jerusalem showed that (1) positive intergroup contact related to normalization endorsement (sedative effect), (2) negative intergroup contact related to decreased normalization endorsement (mobilizing effect), and (3) negative contact experiences (at checkpoints) canceled out the effect of positive contact (reminder effect), but only in Jerusalem. Results suggest that the impacts of intergroup contact need to be interpreted in light of institutionalized forms of group inequality and segregation.
The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that laid the corn... more The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that laid the cornerstone of Palestinian resistance following the wide popular support it received from the late 1960s to the 1980s. Since that time, the popular support it had once enjoyed has diminished in favour of the political Islamic movements in the Palestinian community in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the civil society organizations that were supported by and subsequently succumbed to the terms of the donor states. This paper tackles the failure of the Palestinian left movement in generating a progressive resistance left culture, and it clarifies also the role and the impact of the Arab-Palestinian cultural heritage in the retardation of the Palestinian leftist movement. It seems evident today that the popularity the Palestinian leftist movement once enjoyed was related to a specific political era when leftist thinking and revolutionary ideology were generally popular. That being the case, th...
This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences relate to their attitudes ... more This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences relate to their attitudes towards interactions with Israelis (i.e., normalization). We draw on four recent advances in intergroup contact literature. First, recent research indicates that positive contact can impede disadvantaged groups' motivation to challenge inequalities. Second, increased endorsement of normalization mediates this sedative effect of positive contact on motivation to resist in the West Bank. Third, negative contact has been related to increased motivation for social change. Fourth, institutions and societal norms shape the meaning of intergroup contact and its effect on intergroup relations. We hypothesize that negative experiences at checkpoints can act as reminders of institutionalized inequalities and thus attenuate sedative effects. Furthermore, we explore the contextual boundary conditions of such reminder effects. Analyses of cross-sectional survey conducted among a representative sample (N = 1,000) in the West Bank including Jerusalem showed that (1) positive intergroup contact related to normalization endorsement (sedative effect), (2) negative intergroup contact related to decreased normalization endorsement (mobilizing effect), and (3) negative contact experiences (at checkpoints) canceled out the effect of positive contact (reminder effect), but only in Jerusalem. Results suggest that the impacts of intergroup contact need to be interpreted in light of institutionalized forms of group inequality and segregation.
Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term ‘normalization’ has been used to ... more Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term ‘normalization’ has been used to characterize policies that aim to recognize the state of Israel and to establish ‘normal’ relations between Israelis and Palestinians. Whereas the Palestinian Authority has been supportive of normalization policies, numerous domestic and international critics have argued that these policies serve to perpetuate occupation and its consequences. We examine how Palestinians understand normalization, to what degree they support various forms of ‘normalizing’ relations with Israelis, and how contact with Israelis relates to support for normalization and motivation for revolutionary resistance against the occupation. Based on a cross-sectional survey conducted among an adult sample (N = 159) in the West Bank in 2016, we show that the understanding of normalization was multi-faceted, and that support for contact and collaboration across group lines (i.e., with Israelis) depended on the type of i...
The concept of normalization was associated with the peace process with Israelis, in both, Arab a... more The concept of normalization was associated with the peace process with Israelis, in both, Arab and Palestinian context. The term has different interpretations depending on context, and it becomes more complex when referring to a direct relationship between the colonized and their colonizers in the context of the settler colonialism in Palestine, therefore, it is a highly controversial concept. The political debates over the concept, mostly describe it as a term that refers to recognizing the state of Israel and conducting normal relations with Israelis. The term 'normalization' has been used by Michel Foucault in describing the processes of psychological dominance imposed by an authority's penal role in modern societies and its influence on human groups. One of the most prominent purposes of "Post-modern" theories is to resist the colonial dominant narratives by discovering the Scattered Historical Contingencies. Given this premise, this paper has the following objectives: To offer a critical, deconstructivist analysis for the concept of normalization in the context of the settler-colonial regime, and to study the genealogies of this concept (Généalogie) by investigating the relevant historical hypotheses: 1) there are historical differences regarding the appearance of the expression phonologically and its practice (political, official, and public practice); and 2) there are historical epistemological transformations that took place with regards to Arabs' perceptions, and the political reflection, which shaped the image and the relationship with the colonizer, due to the practice of the concept normalization in politics. I will analyse these historical hypotheses by using a synthesis of settler colonial theoretical frameworks and those of socio-political psychology such as Frantz Fanon's theoretical contributions, to investigate political discourse, including discourse in peace treaties, politics related to the Palestinian and Arab national identities, and the relevant political discourses used by politicians who reject normalization.
Abstract
The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that lai... more Abstract
The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that laid the cornerstone of Palestinian resistance following the wide popular support it received from the late 1960s to the 1980s. Since that time, the popular support it had once enjoyed has diminished in favour of the political Islamic movements in the Palestinian community in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the civil society organizations that were supported by and subsequently succumbed to the terms of the donor states. This paper tackles the failure of the Palestinian left movement in generating a progressive resistance left culture, and it clarifies also the role and the impact of the Arab-Palestinian cultural heritage in the retardation of the Palestinian leftist movement. It seems evident today that the popularity the Palestinian leftist movement once enjoyed was related to a specific political era when leftist thinking and revolutionary ideology were generally popular. That being the case, the interim leftist thinking did not develop as the result of the leftist powers’ attempt to bring about societal change through the replacement of the existing social and cultural structures with progressive revolutionary beliefs that met the political and social needs of the left.
Keywords: Palestinian leftist movement, Palestinian cultural heritage, Palestinian political reality,
Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term 'normalization' has been used to ... more Since the launching of the Oslo peace process in 1993, the term 'normalization' has been used to characterize policies that aim to recognize the state of Israel and to establish 'normal' relations between Israelis and Palestinians. Whereas the Palestinian Authority has been supportive of normalization policies, numerous domestic and international critics have argued that these policies serve to perpetuate occupation and its consequences. We examine how Palestinians understand normalization, to what degree they support various forms of 'normalizing' relations with Israelis, and how contact with Israelis relates to support for normalization and motivation for revolutionary resistance against the occupation. Based on a cross-sectional survey conducted among an adult sample (N = 159) in the West Bank in 2016, we show that the understanding of normalization was multi-faceted, and that support for contact and collaboration across group lines (i.e., with Israelis) depended on the type of intergroup relations. On average, respondents were more supportive of relations within the political sphere, e.g. civilian policies and diplomatic coordination, than of interpersonal contact, cultural cooperation or security coordination. Support for most types of intergroup relations was related to decreased motivation for revolutionary resistance. In line with research on 'sedative' effects of positive intergroup contact in historically unequal societies, we found that past positive contact with Israelis was linked to decrease in Palestinians' motivation for revolutionary resistance through increased support for interpersonal contact and security coordination as forms of normalization.
This article (written in Arabic) is an introduction to my research work on the concept of normali... more This article (written in Arabic) is an introduction to my research work on the concept of normalization between Palestinians and Israelis. Under the title of: The Concept of 'Normalization' between the Duality of Rejection and Acceptance.
Most of what we know about the social psychology of intergroup relations has emerged from studies... more Most of what we know about the social psychology of intergroup relations has emerged from studies of how one group of people (e.g., whites) think and feel about another (e.g., blacks). By reducing the social world to binary categories, this approach has provided a simple, effective and efficient methodological framework. However, it has also obscured some important features of social relations in historically divided and unequal societies. This paper highlights the importance of investigating intergroup relationships involving more than two groups and of exploring not only their psychological but also their political significance. We argue that this shift in focus may illuminate patterns of domination and subordination, collusion and betrayal, solidarity and resistance that have been generally neglected in our field. Developing this argument, we discuss the conditions under which members of historically disadvantaged groups either dissolve into internecine competition or unite to challenge the status quo, highlighting the role of complex forms of social comparison, social identification, intergroup contact, and third-party support for collective action. To conclude, we suggest that binary conceptualizations of intergroup relations should be treated as the product of specific sets of historical and socio-political practices rather than a natural starting point for psychological research and outline some future directions for research.
مقاربات فلسطينية حول الصهيونية والاستعمار الاستيطاني، تحرير نديم روحانا وعرين هواري, 2023
ملخص الفصل
ارتبط مفهوم التطبيع ضمن السياق العربيّ (والفلسطينيّ) بعمليّة التسوية السلميّة مع ... more ملخص الفصل ارتبط مفهوم التطبيع ضمن السياق العربيّ (والفلسطينيّ) بعمليّة التسوية السلميّة مع "إسرائيل"، إذ تُجمع الأدبيّات السياسيّة على أنّه يشير الى الاعتراف بدولة إسرائيل والى عَقد علاقات طبيعيّة مع الإسرائيليّين. بَيدَ أنّ مفهوم التطبيع مفهوم مثير للجدل، وملتبسٌ في معناه وفي حيثيّات تحديد ممارساته. في العلوم الاجتماعيّة، استُخدِم مصطلح التطبيع من قِبل ميشيل فوكو لوصف الأثر الذي تُحدثه عمليات الهيمنة النفس – اجتماعيّة التي تمارسها السلطات في المجتمعات الحديثة على سلوك الجماعات الإنسانيّة. في السياق العربيّ والفلسطينيّ، ثمّة حاجة معرفيّة إلى الكشف عن سيرورة تطويع مصطلح التطبيع ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ العربيّ الرسميّ، عبر البحث في كيفية انتقاله الى حيّز الممارسة السياسيّة الشعبيّة. أحد أهمّ أهداف الأدوات التحليليّة والنظريّة لأُطر "ما بعد الحداثة"، يكمن في تحدّي الروايات الاستعماريّة والقوميّة السائدة بشأن ظاهرة ما (كخطاب التطبيع)، من خلال الكشف عن الفجوات المعرفيّة التاريخيّة في تلك الروايات. بناء على ذلك، يرمي هذا الفصل الى تقديم قراءة تحليليّة نقديّة، وتفكيكيّة، لخطاب التطبيع ضمن سياق المشروع الاستعماريّ الاستيطانيّ في فلسطين، عبر تتبّع جينيالوجيا مفهوم التطبيع؛ من خلال فحص فرضيّتَين تاريخيّتين: الأولى، أنّه ثمّة فروق تاريخيّة بين ظهور كل من مصطلح التطبيع وظهور ممارسات التطبيع الرسمي ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ العربيّ. الثانية، أنّه ثمّة تحولات تاريخيّة معرفيّة طرأت على تصوُّرات العرب، والتمثُّلات السياسيّة، التي تصف وترسم العلاقة مع المستعمِر ضمن السياق العربيّ بسبب استخدام ممارسات التطبيع ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ. لفحص تلك الفرضيات، حاولت في هذا الفصل الدمجَ بين عدّة أدوات فكريّة في تحليل ونقد الخطاب السياسيّ؛ فقد استخدمت اضاءات منهجيّة وتحليليّة مستقاة من تنظير علم النفس السياسيّ حول العلاقات البَين- مجموعاتيّة (وعلى وجه التحديد من إسهامات نظريّة الهُويّة الاجتماعيّة)، بالإضافة إلى الاستعانة بإسهامات الأُطُر النظريّة حول الاستعمار (على وجه التحديد إسهامات فانون بشأن الحركات الوطنيّة التحرُّريّة وإسهاماته الفكريّة في ما يخصّ الجوانب النفس – اجتماعيّة في العلاقة بين المستعمَرين والمستعمِرين).
مركز دراسات التراث والمجتمع الفلسطيني في جمعية انعاش الأسرة, 2020
شكلت الحركة اليسارية الفلسطينية ظاهرة ثورية اجتماعية شكلت ركيزة اساسية في حركة المقاومة الفلسطيني... more شكلت الحركة اليسارية الفلسطينية ظاهرة ثورية اجتماعية شكلت ركيزة اساسية في حركة المقاومة الفلسطينية، لما حصدته هذه الحركة من تأييد جماهيري واسع في أواخر الستينات وصولاً إلى الثمنينات. ولكن سرعان ما أخذ هذا التأييد بالتراجع شيئاً فشيئاً، مقابل صعود وتنام في الحركات الاسلامية في المجتمع الفلسطيني في الضفة وقطاع غزة، وتنام آخر في قوى المجتمع المدني المدعومة من الدول المانحة والراضخة لشروط تمويل هذه الدول. تأتي هذه الورقة للبحث في أسباب فشل الحركة اليسارية الفلسطينية في إنتاج ثقافة يسارية تقدمية مقاومة، كما وستوضح كذلك أثر ودور الموروث الثقافي العربي الفلسطيني في هذا التراجع. إذ يبدو من الواضح أن ازدهار الحركة اليسارية سابقاً، كان متعلقاً بمرحلة سياسية تستدعي ذلك الازدهار وتستحضر الفكر الثوري، لذلك فإن الفكر اليساري الفلسطيني المرحلي لم ينبع من قيام القوى اليسارية الفاعلة من إحداث تغيير مجتمعي عبر تفكيك البنى الاجتماعية والثقافية وإعادة انتاج بنى تقدمية ثورية تلبي حاجات الفكر اليساري الفاعل على الصعيدين السياسي والاجتماعي.
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The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that laid the cornerstone of Palestinian resistance following the wide popular support it received from the late 1960s to the 1980s. Since that time, the popular support it had once enjoyed has diminished in favour of the political Islamic movements in the Palestinian community in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the civil society organizations that were supported by and subsequently succumbed to the terms of the donor states. This paper tackles the failure of the Palestinian left movement in generating a progressive resistance left culture, and it clarifies also the role and the impact of the Arab-Palestinian cultural heritage in the retardation of the Palestinian leftist movement. It seems evident today that the popularity the Palestinian leftist movement once enjoyed was related to a specific political era when leftist thinking and revolutionary ideology were generally popular. That being the case, the interim leftist thinking did not develop as the result of the leftist powers’ attempt to bring about societal change through the replacement of the existing social and cultural structures with progressive revolutionary beliefs that met the political and social needs of the left.
Keywords: Palestinian leftist movement, Palestinian cultural heritage, Palestinian political reality,
Book Chapter by Mai Albzour
ارتبط مفهوم التطبيع ضمن السياق العربيّ (والفلسطينيّ) بعمليّة التسوية السلميّة مع "إسرائيل"، إذ تُجمع الأدبيّات السياسيّة على أنّه يشير الى الاعتراف بدولة إسرائيل والى عَقد علاقات طبيعيّة مع الإسرائيليّين. بَيدَ أنّ مفهوم التطبيع مفهوم مثير للجدل، وملتبسٌ في معناه وفي حيثيّات تحديد ممارساته. في العلوم الاجتماعيّة، استُخدِم مصطلح التطبيع من قِبل ميشيل فوكو لوصف الأثر الذي تُحدثه عمليات الهيمنة النفس – اجتماعيّة التي تمارسها السلطات في المجتمعات الحديثة على سلوك الجماعات الإنسانيّة. في السياق العربيّ والفلسطينيّ، ثمّة حاجة معرفيّة إلى الكشف عن سيرورة تطويع مصطلح التطبيع ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ العربيّ الرسميّ، عبر البحث في كيفية انتقاله الى حيّز الممارسة السياسيّة الشعبيّة.
أحد أهمّ أهداف الأدوات التحليليّة والنظريّة لأُطر "ما بعد الحداثة"، يكمن في تحدّي الروايات الاستعماريّة والقوميّة السائدة بشأن ظاهرة ما (كخطاب التطبيع)، من خلال الكشف عن الفجوات المعرفيّة التاريخيّة في تلك الروايات. بناء على ذلك، يرمي هذا الفصل الى تقديم قراءة تحليليّة نقديّة، وتفكيكيّة، لخطاب التطبيع ضمن سياق المشروع الاستعماريّ الاستيطانيّ في فلسطين، عبر تتبّع جينيالوجيا مفهوم التطبيع؛ من خلال فحص فرضيّتَين تاريخيّتين: الأولى، أنّه ثمّة فروق تاريخيّة بين ظهور كل من مصطلح التطبيع وظهور ممارسات التطبيع الرسمي ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ العربيّ. الثانية، أنّه ثمّة تحولات تاريخيّة معرفيّة طرأت على تصوُّرات العرب، والتمثُّلات السياسيّة، التي تصف وترسم العلاقة مع المستعمِر ضمن السياق العربيّ بسبب استخدام ممارسات التطبيع ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ. لفحص تلك الفرضيات، حاولت في هذا الفصل الدمجَ بين عدّة أدوات فكريّة في تحليل ونقد الخطاب السياسيّ؛ فقد استخدمت اضاءات منهجيّة وتحليليّة مستقاة من تنظير علم النفس السياسيّ حول العلاقات البَين- مجموعاتيّة (وعلى وجه التحديد من إسهامات نظريّة الهُويّة الاجتماعيّة)، بالإضافة إلى الاستعانة بإسهامات الأُطُر النظريّة حول الاستعمار (على وجه التحديد إسهامات فانون بشأن الحركات الوطنيّة التحرُّريّة وإسهاماته الفكريّة في ما يخصّ الجوانب النفس – اجتماعيّة في العلاقة بين المستعمَرين والمستعمِرين).
The Palestinian leftist movement represented a revolutionary social phenomenon that laid the cornerstone of Palestinian resistance following the wide popular support it received from the late 1960s to the 1980s. Since that time, the popular support it had once enjoyed has diminished in favour of the political Islamic movements in the Palestinian community in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the civil society organizations that were supported by and subsequently succumbed to the terms of the donor states. This paper tackles the failure of the Palestinian left movement in generating a progressive resistance left culture, and it clarifies also the role and the impact of the Arab-Palestinian cultural heritage in the retardation of the Palestinian leftist movement. It seems evident today that the popularity the Palestinian leftist movement once enjoyed was related to a specific political era when leftist thinking and revolutionary ideology were generally popular. That being the case, the interim leftist thinking did not develop as the result of the leftist powers’ attempt to bring about societal change through the replacement of the existing social and cultural structures with progressive revolutionary beliefs that met the political and social needs of the left.
Keywords: Palestinian leftist movement, Palestinian cultural heritage, Palestinian political reality,
ارتبط مفهوم التطبيع ضمن السياق العربيّ (والفلسطينيّ) بعمليّة التسوية السلميّة مع "إسرائيل"، إذ تُجمع الأدبيّات السياسيّة على أنّه يشير الى الاعتراف بدولة إسرائيل والى عَقد علاقات طبيعيّة مع الإسرائيليّين. بَيدَ أنّ مفهوم التطبيع مفهوم مثير للجدل، وملتبسٌ في معناه وفي حيثيّات تحديد ممارساته. في العلوم الاجتماعيّة، استُخدِم مصطلح التطبيع من قِبل ميشيل فوكو لوصف الأثر الذي تُحدثه عمليات الهيمنة النفس – اجتماعيّة التي تمارسها السلطات في المجتمعات الحديثة على سلوك الجماعات الإنسانيّة. في السياق العربيّ والفلسطينيّ، ثمّة حاجة معرفيّة إلى الكشف عن سيرورة تطويع مصطلح التطبيع ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ العربيّ الرسميّ، عبر البحث في كيفية انتقاله الى حيّز الممارسة السياسيّة الشعبيّة.
أحد أهمّ أهداف الأدوات التحليليّة والنظريّة لأُطر "ما بعد الحداثة"، يكمن في تحدّي الروايات الاستعماريّة والقوميّة السائدة بشأن ظاهرة ما (كخطاب التطبيع)، من خلال الكشف عن الفجوات المعرفيّة التاريخيّة في تلك الروايات. بناء على ذلك، يرمي هذا الفصل الى تقديم قراءة تحليليّة نقديّة، وتفكيكيّة، لخطاب التطبيع ضمن سياق المشروع الاستعماريّ الاستيطانيّ في فلسطين، عبر تتبّع جينيالوجيا مفهوم التطبيع؛ من خلال فحص فرضيّتَين تاريخيّتين: الأولى، أنّه ثمّة فروق تاريخيّة بين ظهور كل من مصطلح التطبيع وظهور ممارسات التطبيع الرسمي ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ العربيّ. الثانية، أنّه ثمّة تحولات تاريخيّة معرفيّة طرأت على تصوُّرات العرب، والتمثُّلات السياسيّة، التي تصف وترسم العلاقة مع المستعمِر ضمن السياق العربيّ بسبب استخدام ممارسات التطبيع ضمن الخطاب السياسيّ. لفحص تلك الفرضيات، حاولت في هذا الفصل الدمجَ بين عدّة أدوات فكريّة في تحليل ونقد الخطاب السياسيّ؛ فقد استخدمت اضاءات منهجيّة وتحليليّة مستقاة من تنظير علم النفس السياسيّ حول العلاقات البَين- مجموعاتيّة (وعلى وجه التحديد من إسهامات نظريّة الهُويّة الاجتماعيّة)، بالإضافة إلى الاستعانة بإسهامات الأُطُر النظريّة حول الاستعمار (على وجه التحديد إسهامات فانون بشأن الحركات الوطنيّة التحرُّريّة وإسهاماته الفكريّة في ما يخصّ الجوانب النفس – اجتماعيّة في العلاقة بين المستعمَرين والمستعمِرين).