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  • Marseille, Provence-Alpes-Cote d'Azur, France
In two on-line experiments (N = 386) we asked participants to make speeded grammatical decisions to a mixture of syntactically correct sentences and ungrammatical sequences of words. In Experiment 1, the ungrammatical sequences were... more
In two on-line experiments (N = 386) we asked participants to make speeded grammatical decisions to a mixture of syntactically correct sentences and ungrammatical sequences of words. In Experiment 1, the ungrammatical sequences were formed by transposing two inner words in a correct sentence (e.g., the brave daunt the wind / the daunt brave the wind), and we manipulated the orthographic relatedness of the two transposed words (e.g., the brave brace the wind / the brace brave the wind). We found inhibitory effects of orthographic relatedness in decisions to both the correct sentences and the ungrammatical transposed-word sequences. In Experiment 2, we further investigated the impact of orthographic relatedness on transposed-word effects by including control ungrammatical sequences that were matched to the transposed-word sequences. We replicated the inhibitory effects of orthographic relatedness on both grammatical and ungrammatical decisions and found that transposed-word effects we...
When reading, can the next word in the sentence (word n + 1) influence how you read the word you are currently looking at (word n)? Serial models of sentence reading state that this generally should not be the case, whereas parallel... more
When reading, can the next word in the sentence (word n + 1) influence how you read the word you are currently looking at (word n)? Serial models of sentence reading state that this generally should not be the case, whereas parallel models predict that this should be the case. Here we focus on perhaps the simplest and the strongest Parafoveal‐on‐Foveal (PoF) manipulation: word n + 1 is either the same as word n or a different word. Participants read sentences for comprehension and when their eyes left word n, the repeated or unrelated word at position n + 1 was swapped for a word that provided a syntactically correct continuation of the sentence. We recorded electroencephalogram and eye‐movements, and time‐locked the analysis of fixation‐related potentials (FRPs) to fixation of word n. We found robust PoF repetition effects on gaze durations on word n, and also on the initial landing position on word n. Most important is that we also observed significant effects in FRPs, reaching si...
The present study builds on our prior work showing evidence for noisy word-position coding in an immediate same-different matching task. In that research, participants found it harder to judge that two successive brief presentations of... more
The present study builds on our prior work showing evidence for noisy word-position coding in an immediate same-different matching task. In that research, participants found it harder to judge that two successive brief presentations of five-word sequences were different when the difference was caused by transposing two adjacent words compared with different word replacements – a transposition effect. Here we used the change-detection task with a 1-s delay introduced between sequences – a task thought to tap into visual short-term memory. Concurrent articulation was used to limit the contribution of active rehearsal. We used standard response-time (RT) and error-rate analyses plus signal detection theory (SDT) measures of discriminability (d’) and bias (c). We compared the transposition effects for ungrammatical word sequences and nonword sequences observed with these different measures. Although there was some evidence for transposition effects with nonwords, the effects were much l...
Informal observation suggests that it is harder to notice the spelling mistake in “silencne” than “silencre.” This concurs with current evidence that non-adjacent letter repetition in correctly spelled words makes these words harder to... more
Informal observation suggests that it is harder to notice the spelling mistake in “silencne” than “silencre.” This concurs with current evidence that non-adjacent letter repetition in correctly spelled words makes these words harder to recognize. One possible explanation is provided by open-bigram coding. Words containing repeated letters are harder to recognize because they are represented by fewer bigrams than words without repeated letters. Building on this particular explanation for letter-repetition effects in words, we predicted that nonwords in a lexical decision task should also be sensitive to letter repetitions. In particular, we examined two types of nonwords generated from the same baseword: (1) nonwords created by repeating one of the letters in the baseword (e.g., silence => silencne); and (2) nonwords created by inserting a letter that is not present in the baseword (e.g., silencre). According to open-bigram coding, nonwords created by repeating a letter are more s...
Research has suggested that the word recognition process is influenced by the integration of orthographic information across words. The precise nature of this integration process may vary, however, depending on whether words are in... more
Research has suggested that the word recognition process is influenced by the integration of orthographic information across words. The precise nature of this integration process may vary, however, depending on whether words are in temporal or spatial proximity. Here we present a lexical decision experiment, designed to compare temporal and spatial integration processes more directly. Masked priming was used to reveal effects of temporal integration, while the flanker paradigm was used to reveal effects of spatial integration. Primes/flankers were high-frequency orthographic neighbors of the target (blue-blur) or unrelated control words (head-blur). We replicated prior observations of inhibition in trials where the neighbor was used as a masked prime, while facilitation was observed in trials where the neighbor was presented as flanker. We conclude that sub-lexical orthographic information is integrated both temporally and spatially, but that spatial information is used to segregate...
Event‐related potentials (ERPs) and masked translation priming served to examine the time‐course of form and meaning activation during word recognition in second language learners. Targets were repetitions of, translations of, or were... more
Event‐related potentials (ERPs) and masked translation priming served to examine the time‐course of form and meaning activation during word recognition in second language learners. Targets were repetitions of, translations of, or were unrelated to the immediately preceding prime. In Experiment 1 all targets were in the participants' L2. In Experiment 2 all targets were in the participants' L1. In Exp 1 both within‐language repetition and L1‐L2 translation priming produced effects on the N250 component and the N400 component. In Experiment 2 only within‐language repetition produced N250 effects, while both types of priming produced N400 effects. These results suggest rapid involvement of semantic representations during on‐going form‐level processing of printed words, and an absence of facilitatory connections between the form representations of non‐cognate translation equivalents in L2 learners. The implications for bilingual theories of word processing are discussed.
Few studies have focused on language processing across modalities. Two experiments examined between‐modality interactions across three prime–target intervals (0, 200, and 800 ms) in a cross‐modal repetition priming paradigm. Event‐related... more
Few studies have focused on language processing across modalities. Two experiments examined between‐modality interactions across three prime–target intervals (0, 200, and 800 ms) in a cross‐modal repetition priming paradigm. Event‐related potentials were recorded to auditory targets following visual primes (Experiment 1) or visual targets following auditory primes (Experiment 2). In Experiment 1 robust repetition effects were found for auditory targets as early as 100 ms, and continued through the N400 epoch. Moreover, these visual–auditory repetition effects were large across all three prime–target intervals although they onset 200 ms later at the shortest interval. In Experiment 2 repetition effects to visual targets started later (at 200 ms), but also offset relatively later (∼1000 ms). These auditory–visual repetition effects were both smaller overall and absent for the two shortest prime–target intervals during the typical N400 window.
Open-bigram and spatial-coding schemes provide different accounts of how letter position is encoded by the brain during visual word recognition. Open-bigram coding involves an explicit representation of order based on letter pairs, while... more
Open-bigram and spatial-coding schemes provide different accounts of how letter position is encoded by the brain during visual word recognition. Open-bigram coding involves an explicit representation of order based on letter pairs, while spatial coding involves a comparison function operating over representations of individual letters. We identify a set of priming conditions (subset primes and reversed interior primes) for which the two types of coding schemes give opposing predictions, hence providing the opportunity for strong scientific inference. Experimental results are consistent with the open-bigram account, and inconsistent with the spatial-coding scheme.

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