Research Projects by Giovanni Bernardini
The "Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-germanico in Trento / Jahrbuch des italienisch-deutschen ... more The "Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-germanico in Trento / Jahrbuch des italienisch-deutschen historischen Instituts in Trient" is delighted to announce a Call for Articles for the special issue "Experts and the City. Urban/spatial planning between politics and expertise in Western Europe, 1945 to present". The special issue will be edited by Giovanni Bernardini and Thomas Großbölting and will be published in 2024.
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The project aims at defining, conceptualizing and historicizing the paradigm of planning in order... more The project aims at defining, conceptualizing and historicizing the paradigm of planning in order to analyze public policies in Western Europe at the national, transnational and supranational level between 1945 and the late 1960s. The fields of public policies covered by the project are economic planning, social planning, urban/spatial planning.
The project will start with a comparative analysis of four national cases (France, Great Britain, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy), of the approach to planning policies displayed by their respective governments, with a special attention to the differing
or converging patterns during phases of left-wing/right-wing alternation. For each case, the project will observe planning institutes and policies as they learned and borrowed from respective national traditions or other experiments by European
countries with a longer tradition in the field (not just restricted to the four project countries). The research will also take into consideration the influence exerted by the US example, especially Roosevelt’s “New Deal”; and the Western debate at the time on the possibility of technical convergence with specific features and institutes of the “Real Existing Socialism” model, despite insuperable differences of political regime. The project will also deal with the transnational circulation of knowledge, technical know-how and ‘experts’; with the process of inspiration that specific institutes and policies exerted among the four national cases; and lastly with the relevance or otherwise of planning in bringing about long-term convergence among these countries. Finally, the project will turn to the supranational dimension to gauge how the different national traditions and experiments in planning policies were transferred to the European cooperation/integration level from the outset of the OEEC and the ECSC to the late 1960s.
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Books by Giovanni Bernardini
Parigi 1919. La Conferenza di pace, 2019
Organizzata a Parigi nel 1919 fra i vincitori della Grande Guerra, la Conferenza di pace aveva lo... more Organizzata a Parigi nel 1919 fra i vincitori della Grande Guerra, la Conferenza di pace aveva lo scopo di ridisegnare la cartina geopolitica dell’Europa e di parte del mondo. Molto si è discusso sulle speranze e le delusioni che essa generò, sulla mancata corrispondenza tra i proclami di principio e la Realpolitik delle soluzioni, e soprattutto sulle sue conseguenze di medio e di lungo periodo, dall’ascesa del nazionalsocialismo alla crisi odierna in Medio Oriente. Il libro colloca gli eventi nel loro contesto storico originale, segnato dal crescente dissidio tra i vincitori, offrendo al lettore gli strumenti necessari a comprendere quanto e in che modo il processo di pace abbia influenzato gli sviluppi globali dei decenni a venire.
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Il Mulino, 2019
La storia dei mass media dell’epoca moderna e contemporanea è ormai da tempo in forte evoluzione.... more La storia dei mass media dell’epoca moderna e contemporanea è ormai da tempo in forte evoluzione. A ciò contribuiscono diversi fattori, tra cui i molteplici impulsi provenienti dalle esperienze odierne. Se sul fronte dell’offerta nuove piattaforme di comunicazione soddisfano i bisogni di informazione e di intrattenimento di ampi gruppi sociali, sul fronte della domanda si registra invece una continua decomposizione delle categorie tradizionali del pubblico. In un’ottica storica di lungo periodo, i mutamenti dell’ensemble mediale non costituiscono in realtà una novità assoluta; tuttavia i mass media che si sono affermati nelle epoche precedenti – ossia giornali, radio, film e televisione – possono ormai essere considerati come media storici. Anche dal punto di vista teorico il campo della storia dei media si è ampliato: la ricerca si basa oggi sulla convinzione che i mass media non siano una semplice ‘rappresentazione’ o uno ‘specchio’ di una realtà extramediale, ma che in virtù delle loro strutture specifiche riescano a produrre interpretazioni suscettibili di condizionare l’azione dei fruitori. Si tratta dunque di un sostanziale cambiamento di prospettiva, da una storia dei media verso uno studio della medialità della storia, che questo volume nel suo insieme intende affrontare.
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La storia dei mass media dell’epoca moderna e contemporanea è ormai da tempo in forte evoluzione.... more La storia dei mass media dell’epoca moderna e contemporanea è ormai da tempo in forte evoluzione. A ciò contribuiscono diversi fattori, tra cui i molteplici impulsi provenienti dalle esperienze odierne. Se sul fronte dell’offerta nuove piattaforme di comunicazione soddisfano i bisogni di informazione e di intrattenimento di ampi gruppi sociali, su quello della domanda si registra invece una continua decomposizione delle categorie tradizionali del pubblico. In un’ottica storica di lungo periodo, i mutamenti dell’ensemble mediale non costituiscono in realtà una novità assoluta; tuttavia i mass media che si sono affermati nelle epoche precedenti – ossia giornali, radio, film e televisione – possono ormai essere considerati come media storici. Anche dal punto di vista teorico il campo della storia dei media si è ampliato: la ricerca si basa oggi sulla convinzione che i mass media non siano una semplice «rappresentazione» o uno «specchio» di una realtà extramediale, ma che in virtù delle loro strutture specifiche riescano a produrre interpretazioni suscettibili di condizionare l’azione dei fruitori. Si tratta dunque di un sostanziale cambiamento di prospettiva, da una storia dei media verso uno studio della medialità della storia, che questo volume nel suo insieme intende affrontare.
Giovanni Bernardini è borsista «Marie Skłodowska-Curie» presso lo European University Institute di Firenze e collabora con l’Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico della Fondazione Bruno Kessler. Le sue ricerche riguardano la storia delle politiche di pianificazione nell'Europa occidentale del secondo dopoguerra, le relazioni transatlantiche, la storia della socialdemocrazia europea, la vicenda dell’Alto Adige nel Novecento e i rapporti sino-tedeschi durante la Guerra fredda. Christoph Cornelissen è professore di Storia contemporanea presso l’Università di Francoforte sul Meno e dal 2017 è direttore dell’Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico della Fondazione Bruno Kessler. I suoi principali ambiti di ricerca sono la storia dell’Europa nel XIX e XX secolo, la storia della storiografia e la storia della cultura della memoria.
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The Trentino-South Tyrol affair took the entire twentieth century to work its course. That it pre... more The Trentino-South Tyrol affair took the entire twentieth century to work its course. That it presents unique and unrepeatable features is evident even to a superficial inspection. Only the presumption which political model-making sometimes displays could possibly gloss over the peculiar local historical ins-and-outs of the Brenner Pass dispute, integration of the Trentino and South Tyrolean communities into Italian national life, the magnitude of the issue to Austria’s and Italy’s political and social life, or the interweaving of violence with dialogue from 1919 on. But the present volume stems from the belief that in many respects the Trentino-South Tyrol issue is pertinent to European and international history as well: analyzing its main developments may stimulate comparative and transnational study of similar phenomena, past and present. To be honest, the authors of this book can hardly claim this discovery for themselves. The international literature on many frontier disputes, ethno-linguistic conflicts, and bids for autonomy or independence has tended to include South Tyrol as an instance of dark days of violence being transcended by negotiatory formulas and rules that proved satisfactory to all involved in the dispute. Where the book is innovative is in all its authors’ shared decision to review the essential stages of that historical chapter through the prism of autonomy: the principle on which the Trentino-South Tyrol issue was first theoretically settled by the 1946 Gruber-De Gasperi Agreement, and then thrashed out in detail by the so-called “second statute” finalized in the early 1970s after a decade of intense negotiations interspersed with widespread violence.
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A quarant’anni dal suo completamento, la Ostpolitik del cancelliere Willy Brandt continua a rappr... more A quarant’anni dal suo completamento, la Ostpolitik del cancelliere Willy Brandt continua a rappresentare un esempio di accettazione del tragico passato collettivo tedesco e di riconciliazione con il presente di un Paese diviso. Tuttavia, essa fu anche un laboratorio progettuale orientato alla ridefinizione della futura sicurezza europea e alla promozione di un nuovo ordine di pace per il continente. Dato il suo carattere di accentuata autonomia, la Ostpolitik comportò fasi di dissidio e competizione con la distensione promossa dal presidente statunitense Richard Nixon, incentrata sul dialogo esclusivo con l’Unione Sovietica. Tali processi furono fortemente condizionati dal riaffiorare a Washington di timori e sospetti in merito alla rinnovata intraprendenza della politica estera condotta dalle autorità federali tedesche, a un quarto di secolo dalla fine della Seconda guerra mondiale. Grazie alle fonti d’archivio oggi disponibili, il volume ricostruisce le dinamiche attraverso cui i due processi si influenzarono reciprocamente e posero le basi per la riformulazione della Guerra fredda in Europa, conferendole alcuni caratteri che essa avrebbe conservato fino al definitivo smantellamento della «cortina di ferro» e alla riunificazione della Germania.
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Libro Il volume indaga i tempi, le forme e gli sviluppi della transizione storica che l'Italia ha... more Libro Il volume indaga i tempi, le forme e gli sviluppi della transizione storica che l'Italia ha affrontato nei primi anni del secondo dopoguerra. Quella compresa tra il 1945 e il 1948 fu un'età costituente che rimodellò in profondità la vita politica, sociale, economica e culturale di un Paese sospeso tra l'elaborazione di un passato da superare e la costruzione di un futuro ancora tutto da immaginare. Le ricerche qui presentate ruotano attorno a quattro nodi tematici: «i conti con il passato», «la gestione del presente», «la continuità nella rottura», «la costruzione del futuro». Si tratta di quattro livelli di analisi che consentono di mettere a fuoco alcuni dei fenomeni intorno a cui storicamente si sviluppa – e attraverso cui può essere reinterpretata – la transizione da un sistema politico a un altro. È una lettura che scompone per temi e problemi il frastagliato paesaggio istituzionale, politico e sociale dell'Italia che si appresta a farsi Repubblica. Emerge il quadro di un'epoca caratterizzata da forti tensioni, in cui il governo del presente implica al tempo stesso una presa di posizione sul passato e uno sguardo sul futuro.
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L’Accordo De Gasperi-Gruber fu stipulato nel settembre del 1946 con l’obiettivo di definire il qu... more L’Accordo De Gasperi-Gruber fu stipulato nel settembre del 1946 con l’obiettivo di definire il quadro della tutela degli «abitanti di lingua tedesca» residenti in Alto Adige/ Südtirol. Sebbene la sua piena attuazione abbia comportato lunghi anni di tensioni e di complessi negoziati, i principi e le linee guida dell’accordo posero le basi per la gestione pacifica di una controversia durata più di un quarto di secolo.
Meno nota è la rilevanza internazionale dell’accordo, che grazie alla lungimiranza dei suoi estensori costituì un unicum giuridico estremamente avanzato per l’epoca nella tutela delle minoranze etnico-linguistiche. Al contempo esso fu oggetto di discussioni e interferenze da parte dei paesi vincitori della Seconda guerra mondiale, interessati a risolvere un problema che in passato aveva accresciuto le tensioni in Europa. Il volume ricostruisce tale dimensione internazionale dell’accordo attraverso un’ampia antologia documentaria.
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Il volume vuole essere uno stimolo alla riflessione collettiva sul percorso storico dell’autonomi... more Il volume vuole essere uno stimolo alla riflessione collettiva sul percorso storico dell’autonomia del Trentino e dell’Alto Adige/Südtirol, sulle sue peculiarità e sui possibili spunti per una sua valutazione in chiave comparata e orientata al futuro. I contributi ripercorrono le tappe dell’autonomia esperita, negata, negoziata e infine realizzata con l’approvazione definitiva del Secondo Statuto di Autonomia negli anni Settanta del secolo scorso. In particolare la prima parte ripercorre sfortunate «prove di autonomia» nella tarda epoca liberale e la sua progressiva negazione durante il fascismo. Successivamente l’attenzione sarà concentrata sulle elaborazioni del secondo dopoguerra e sulla rinnovata internazionalizzazione della questione altoatesina anche in ragione del nuovo ruolo dell’Austria. Infine, sarà esaminato nel dettaglio il negoziato che condusse al Secondo Statuto e la sua applicazione dopo gli anni Settanta.
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Chapters by Giovanni Bernardini
F. Niglia, D. Pasquinucci (a cura di), "La Germania nell'Unione europea. Stereotipi e ruolo storico", Istituto Italiano di Studi Germanici, 2019, 2019
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25 Jahre Streitbeilegung 1992-2017, 2018
Many years of tensions, blasts and deaths characterized the history of South Tyrol in the post-wa... more Many years of tensions, blasts and deaths characterized the history of South Tyrol in the post-war years. Austria brought the South Tyrol problem before the United Nations in 1960 and 1961. It demanded the fulfillment of the Paris Treaty of 1946. The UN General Assembly passed two resolutions on this. The Assembly called on Italy and Austria to "resume negotiations with a view to finding a solution for all differences (...)". According to a new “Package” between Italy and Austria, the new South Tyrolean Statute of Autonomy of 1972 and a series of implementing regulations, in 1992 it was finally time: Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti declared in Parliament in Rome the full implementation of the South Tyrol autonomy.
It was on Thursday, January 30, 1992, in the afternoon around 4:00 pm. The session of the Chamber of Deputies in Rome was burdened by a serious crisis. The detection of corruption (Tangentopoli) triggered an earthquake in Italy's political system. Minister-President Andreotti should announce the premature dissolution of the parliament. In his government statement he also talked about relations with Austria and South Tyrol. He explained that the Italian Government has now fulfilled all the duties required to bring about the full implementation of the 1969 package. It followed step by step. Austria declared the end of the protracted dispute before the United Nations
This article reviews and analyzes all stages and original documents that have led to the new, relaxed relations between Italy and Austria.--------------------------------
Deutsch:
Viele Jahre Spannungen, Sprengungen und Tote hatten die Geschichte Südtirols in den Nachkriegsjahren gekennzeichnet. Österreich brachte in den Jahren 1960 und 1961 das Südtirol Problem vor die UNO. Es verlangte die Erfüllung des Pariser Vertrages von 1946. Die Uno Generalversammlung fasste dazu zwei Resolutionen. Sie forderte die Italien und Österreich auf, “Verhandlungen aufzunehmen, um eine Lösung aller Differenzen (…) zu finden“. Nach dem zwischen Italien und Österreich ausgehandelten „Paket“, dem neuen Südtiroler Autonomiestatut von 1972 und einer Reihe von Durchführungs-Bestimmungen, war es 1992 endlich soweit: Ministerpräsident Giulio Andreotti erklärte im Parlament in Rom die volle Durchführung der Südtirol Autonomie.
Es war am Donnerstag, der 30. Jänner 1992, am Nachmittag gegen 16 Uhr. Die Sitzung der Abgeordne¬tenkammer in Rom war belastet von einer schwerwiegenden Krise. Die Aufdeckung der Korruptionsaf¬färe (Tangentopoli) hatte im politischen System Italiens ein Erdbeben ausgelöst. Ministerpräsi¬dent Andreotti sollte die vorzeitige Auflösung des Parlamentes an¬kündigen. In seiner Re¬gierungserklärung kam er auch auf die Beziehun¬gen zu Österreich und Südtirol zu sprechen. Er erklärte, dass die italienische Regierung nunmehr allen Pflichten nachgekommen sei, die zur vollen Verwirklichung des „Paketes“ von 1969 führen sollen. Es folgte Schritt auf Schritt. Österreich erklärte vor der UNO das Ende des langwierigen Streites
In diesem Beitrag werden alle Etappen und Original-Dokumente wiedergegen und analysiert, die zu den neuen, entspannten Beziehungen zwischen Italien und Österreich geführt haben.-----------------------
ITALIANO:
Molti anni di tensioni, attentati e morti hanno caratterizzato la storia dell'Alto Adige Südtirol negli anni del dopoguerra. L'Austria portò il problema dinanzi alle Nazioni Unite nel 1960 e nel 1961. Richiedeva l'adempimento dell’Accordo di Parigi del 1946. L'Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite approvò due risoluzioni. Sollecitò l’Italia e l'Austria a "riprendere i negoziati per trovare una soluzione a tutte le divergenze (...)". Dopo un nuovo "Pacchetto" concordato tra l'Austria e l'Italia, il nuovo statuto di autonomia del 1972 e una serie di norme di attuazione, nel 1992 finalmente si arrivò alla conclusione: Il Presidente del Consiglio Giulio Andreotti dichiarò in Parlamento a Roma la piena attuazione dell'autonomia dell'Alto Adige.
Era giovedì, il 30 gennaio 1992, nel pomeriggio verso le ore 16. La sessione della Camera dei Deputati era stata gravata da una pesante crisi. La scoperta della corruzione dei partiti (Tangentopoli) aveva innescato un terremoto nel sistema politico italiano. Il Presidente del Consiglio Andreotti dovette annunciare lo scioglimento anticipato delle Camere. Nella sua dichiarazione di governo parlò anche dei rapporti con l'Austria e l'Alto Adige. Dichiarò che il governo italiano ha ora adempiuto tutte gli adempimenti richiesti per realizzare la piena attuazione del Pacchetto del 1969. Seguì poi passo dopo passo. L'Austria dichiarò la fine della lunga disputa dinanzi alle Nazioni Unite
Quest’articolo riporta e analizza tutte le fasi e i documenti originali che hanno portato alle nuove e rilassate relazioni tra l'Italia e l'Austria.
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M. Schatz, L. De Giorgi, P. Ludes, "Contact Zones in China. Multidisciplinary Perspectives", De Gruyter, 2020
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Ricerche di Storia Politica, 2018
In recent years, international historiography has devoted increasing attention to the concept of ... more In recent years, international historiography has devoted increasing attention to the concept of transition as a way to describe specific historical times that are characterized by deep and transversal change in every field of political and social life. The category of transition seems to offer an effective tool to investigate and interpret historical time in moments of change, while avoiding the shortcomings of teleological or evolutionist paradigms. We have debated the heuristic value of this category, as well as its limits, with four scholars with different backgrounds: from the history of ideas to law history, from the history of historiography to the historical-philosophical implications of the theories of modernity.
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G. Pallaver, M. Gehler, M. Cau (eds.), "Populism, Populists, and the Crisis of Political Parties A Comparison of Italy, Austria, and Germany 1990-2015", Il Mulino -Duncker & Humblot, 2018, 2018
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Guido Samarani, Carla Meneguzzi Rostagni and Sofia Graziani (eds.), "Roads to Reconciliation People’s Republic of China, Western Europe and Italy During the Cold War Period (1949-1971)", Ca' Foscari University Press, 2018
This article deals with the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the People’s Re... more This article deals with the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the People’s Republic of China during the early Cold War decades. The traditional historiographical paradigm of the East-West confrontation assumes that any form of cooperation was impossible between the two countries. However, a shift of focus from the political sphere to the economic one reveals how pattern of conduct predating 1949, as well as purely economic reasons, brought actors from both sides to agree on a set of rules for bilateral exchange, and to improve the trade performance despite the highs and lows of the political climate and the bloc allegiance of both countries.
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Knud Andresen, Stefan Müller (eds.), "Contesting Deregulation. Debates, Practices and Developments in the West since the 1970s", Berghahn, 2017, 2014
The chapter focuses on the approach of the Federal Republic of Germany Chancellor Helmut Schmidt ... more The chapter focuses on the approach of the Federal Republic of Germany Chancellor Helmut Schmidt to the international economic crisis of the 1970s. During his years in power (1974-1982), Schmidt took part in the newborn G6 (later G7) ‘club’ which promoted the deregulation of the international economy and more generally the adoption of a ‘neoliberal’ course. The chapter shows how Schmidt had been an active promoter of a more ‘laissez-faire’ oriented approach, which he deemed as a necessary alternative to the no longer productive Keynesian recipes. Besides, Schmidt estimated that only a renewed Transatlantic solidarity under US leadership could stand the challenge brought by the ‘South’ of the world and by its requests of a new and fairer economic order. Thus, moving away from the traditional tenets of social democracy, Schmidt’s approach ended up promoting a new ‘bipartisan consensus’ towards the reborn neoliberal doctrine.
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G. Bernardini, M. Cau, G. D'Ottavio, C. Nubola (a cura di), "L'età costituente. Italia 1945-1948", Il Mulino, 2017
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M. Gehler, M. Graf, "Europa und die deutsche Einheit Beobachtungen, Entscheidungen und Folgen", Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2017, 2017
This chapter deals with the attitude displayed by the Socialist International (SI) towards German... more This chapter deals with the attitude displayed by the Socialist International (SI) towards German reunification shortly before and after it was achieved. Still, three preliminary caveats are necessary. First, the very nature of the SI, a loose forum of debate and coordination among sovereign and heterogeneous parties, makes it pointless—if not impossible—to chart the day-to-day evolution of its political approach to the events of 1989–1990.1 Rather, this study will focus on the occasions when the most intense debates and exchanges of opinions occurred among the SI leaders and members, and especially its congresses summoned in 1986, 1989, and 1992.
Second, the article will prove how the charismatic leadership of President Willy Brandt impressed on the SI activities a shift in focus from direct involvement in the transition of each East European state to the broader goals of building a continental system of peaceful relations and on facilitating the “reunification” of Europe after the divisions imposed by the Cold War. Within this framework, social democracy largely failed to assert itself as a leading force of German reunification and more generally of the transition in Eastern Europe, unlike it had occurred during the emancipation of three Southern European countries (notably Portugal, Greece, and Spain), from dictatorship and their adhesion to the Western values of freedom and pluralism during the 1970s. Against this background, it is more productive to take into consideration the interests of the SI in the whole process of “European reunification” as a consequence of the events of 1989, instead of focusing exclusively on the peculiarities of the German question.
Third, although the article will ascribe the scant influence exerted by the SI on the Eastern European transition to the developments occurred since after the late 1970s, a complementary line of interpretation could rely on longer-term analyses. The birth (or rebirth) of the SI in Frankfurt in 1951 was the result of a complex process that had begun soon after the end of World War II. During this long preparatory phase, a considerable degree of disagreement had emerged among the brother parties about specific questions left unsolved by the conflict (above all the future of Germany) and complicated by the new Cold War scenario; and about the future of Western Europe as a whole, of its economic and political integration process and of its relations with the United States. Because of the inability to work out a common definition of the tasks of European social democracy, the SI member parties diverted their efforts toward the creation of a “world socialist agreement” which was motivated by the assumption that “the tasks facing the international socialism in the European area [were] only one of the immediate aspects of its mission.” Thus, if the Frankfurt meeting “can be considered as the (symbolic) starting point of a genuine process of globalization” for the new SI, this was also the result of the failure to establish a detailed European agenda. When more binding forms of socialist cooperation emerged slowly within the European space during the late 1950s, the institutional basis of cooperation and integration had been laid down by someone else, mostly Christian-Democratic-led governments. The opportunity to develop a coherent social democratic project for Europe was overtaken by the need to find a pragmatic approach to the existing institutional framework: significantly, the cooperation among socialist parties at the European level tightened considerably only after the EC summit held in The Hague in 1969 resolved to hold direct elections for the European Parliament. Thus, the later disposition of the SI toward a global approach was not only the result of a genuine push to abandon the traditional Eurocentric view but also of the failure to deal effectively with the European regional level.
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G. Bernardini, G. Pallaver (eds.), "Dialogue against Violence. The Question of Trentino-South Tyrol in the International Context", Duncker & Humblot - Il Mulino, 2017
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Research Projects by Giovanni Bernardini
The project will start with a comparative analysis of four national cases (France, Great Britain, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy), of the approach to planning policies displayed by their respective governments, with a special attention to the differing
or converging patterns during phases of left-wing/right-wing alternation. For each case, the project will observe planning institutes and policies as they learned and borrowed from respective national traditions or other experiments by European
countries with a longer tradition in the field (not just restricted to the four project countries). The research will also take into consideration the influence exerted by the US example, especially Roosevelt’s “New Deal”; and the Western debate at the time on the possibility of technical convergence with specific features and institutes of the “Real Existing Socialism” model, despite insuperable differences of political regime. The project will also deal with the transnational circulation of knowledge, technical know-how and ‘experts’; with the process of inspiration that specific institutes and policies exerted among the four national cases; and lastly with the relevance or otherwise of planning in bringing about long-term convergence among these countries. Finally, the project will turn to the supranational dimension to gauge how the different national traditions and experiments in planning policies were transferred to the European cooperation/integration level from the outset of the OEEC and the ECSC to the late 1960s.
Books by Giovanni Bernardini
Giovanni Bernardini è borsista «Marie Skłodowska-Curie» presso lo European University Institute di Firenze e collabora con l’Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico della Fondazione Bruno Kessler. Le sue ricerche riguardano la storia delle politiche di pianificazione nell'Europa occidentale del secondo dopoguerra, le relazioni transatlantiche, la storia della socialdemocrazia europea, la vicenda dell’Alto Adige nel Novecento e i rapporti sino-tedeschi durante la Guerra fredda. Christoph Cornelissen è professore di Storia contemporanea presso l’Università di Francoforte sul Meno e dal 2017 è direttore dell’Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico della Fondazione Bruno Kessler. I suoi principali ambiti di ricerca sono la storia dell’Europa nel XIX e XX secolo, la storia della storiografia e la storia della cultura della memoria.
Meno nota è la rilevanza internazionale dell’accordo, che grazie alla lungimiranza dei suoi estensori costituì un unicum giuridico estremamente avanzato per l’epoca nella tutela delle minoranze etnico-linguistiche. Al contempo esso fu oggetto di discussioni e interferenze da parte dei paesi vincitori della Seconda guerra mondiale, interessati a risolvere un problema che in passato aveva accresciuto le tensioni in Europa. Il volume ricostruisce tale dimensione internazionale dell’accordo attraverso un’ampia antologia documentaria.
Chapters by Giovanni Bernardini
It was on Thursday, January 30, 1992, in the afternoon around 4:00 pm. The session of the Chamber of Deputies in Rome was burdened by a serious crisis. The detection of corruption (Tangentopoli) triggered an earthquake in Italy's political system. Minister-President Andreotti should announce the premature dissolution of the parliament. In his government statement he also talked about relations with Austria and South Tyrol. He explained that the Italian Government has now fulfilled all the duties required to bring about the full implementation of the 1969 package. It followed step by step. Austria declared the end of the protracted dispute before the United Nations
This article reviews and analyzes all stages and original documents that have led to the new, relaxed relations between Italy and Austria.--------------------------------
Deutsch:
Viele Jahre Spannungen, Sprengungen und Tote hatten die Geschichte Südtirols in den Nachkriegsjahren gekennzeichnet. Österreich brachte in den Jahren 1960 und 1961 das Südtirol Problem vor die UNO. Es verlangte die Erfüllung des Pariser Vertrages von 1946. Die Uno Generalversammlung fasste dazu zwei Resolutionen. Sie forderte die Italien und Österreich auf, “Verhandlungen aufzunehmen, um eine Lösung aller Differenzen (…) zu finden“. Nach dem zwischen Italien und Österreich ausgehandelten „Paket“, dem neuen Südtiroler Autonomiestatut von 1972 und einer Reihe von Durchführungs-Bestimmungen, war es 1992 endlich soweit: Ministerpräsident Giulio Andreotti erklärte im Parlament in Rom die volle Durchführung der Südtirol Autonomie.
Es war am Donnerstag, der 30. Jänner 1992, am Nachmittag gegen 16 Uhr. Die Sitzung der Abgeordne¬tenkammer in Rom war belastet von einer schwerwiegenden Krise. Die Aufdeckung der Korruptionsaf¬färe (Tangentopoli) hatte im politischen System Italiens ein Erdbeben ausgelöst. Ministerpräsi¬dent Andreotti sollte die vorzeitige Auflösung des Parlamentes an¬kündigen. In seiner Re¬gierungserklärung kam er auch auf die Beziehun¬gen zu Österreich und Südtirol zu sprechen. Er erklärte, dass die italienische Regierung nunmehr allen Pflichten nachgekommen sei, die zur vollen Verwirklichung des „Paketes“ von 1969 führen sollen. Es folgte Schritt auf Schritt. Österreich erklärte vor der UNO das Ende des langwierigen Streites
In diesem Beitrag werden alle Etappen und Original-Dokumente wiedergegen und analysiert, die zu den neuen, entspannten Beziehungen zwischen Italien und Österreich geführt haben.-----------------------
ITALIANO:
Molti anni di tensioni, attentati e morti hanno caratterizzato la storia dell'Alto Adige Südtirol negli anni del dopoguerra. L'Austria portò il problema dinanzi alle Nazioni Unite nel 1960 e nel 1961. Richiedeva l'adempimento dell’Accordo di Parigi del 1946. L'Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite approvò due risoluzioni. Sollecitò l’Italia e l'Austria a "riprendere i negoziati per trovare una soluzione a tutte le divergenze (...)". Dopo un nuovo "Pacchetto" concordato tra l'Austria e l'Italia, il nuovo statuto di autonomia del 1972 e una serie di norme di attuazione, nel 1992 finalmente si arrivò alla conclusione: Il Presidente del Consiglio Giulio Andreotti dichiarò in Parlamento a Roma la piena attuazione dell'autonomia dell'Alto Adige.
Era giovedì, il 30 gennaio 1992, nel pomeriggio verso le ore 16. La sessione della Camera dei Deputati era stata gravata da una pesante crisi. La scoperta della corruzione dei partiti (Tangentopoli) aveva innescato un terremoto nel sistema politico italiano. Il Presidente del Consiglio Andreotti dovette annunciare lo scioglimento anticipato delle Camere. Nella sua dichiarazione di governo parlò anche dei rapporti con l'Austria e l'Alto Adige. Dichiarò che il governo italiano ha ora adempiuto tutte gli adempimenti richiesti per realizzare la piena attuazione del Pacchetto del 1969. Seguì poi passo dopo passo. L'Austria dichiarò la fine della lunga disputa dinanzi alle Nazioni Unite
Quest’articolo riporta e analizza tutte le fasi e i documenti originali che hanno portato alle nuove e rilassate relazioni tra l'Italia e l'Austria.
Second, the article will prove how the charismatic leadership of President Willy Brandt impressed on the SI activities a shift in focus from direct involvement in the transition of each East European state to the broader goals of building a continental system of peaceful relations and on facilitating the “reunification” of Europe after the divisions imposed by the Cold War. Within this framework, social democracy largely failed to assert itself as a leading force of German reunification and more generally of the transition in Eastern Europe, unlike it had occurred during the emancipation of three Southern European countries (notably Portugal, Greece, and Spain), from dictatorship and their adhesion to the Western values of freedom and pluralism during the 1970s. Against this background, it is more productive to take into consideration the interests of the SI in the whole process of “European reunification” as a consequence of the events of 1989, instead of focusing exclusively on the peculiarities of the German question.
Third, although the article will ascribe the scant influence exerted by the SI on the Eastern European transition to the developments occurred since after the late 1970s, a complementary line of interpretation could rely on longer-term analyses. The birth (or rebirth) of the SI in Frankfurt in 1951 was the result of a complex process that had begun soon after the end of World War II. During this long preparatory phase, a considerable degree of disagreement had emerged among the brother parties about specific questions left unsolved by the conflict (above all the future of Germany) and complicated by the new Cold War scenario; and about the future of Western Europe as a whole, of its economic and political integration process and of its relations with the United States. Because of the inability to work out a common definition of the tasks of European social democracy, the SI member parties diverted their efforts toward the creation of a “world socialist agreement” which was motivated by the assumption that “the tasks facing the international socialism in the European area [were] only one of the immediate aspects of its mission.” Thus, if the Frankfurt meeting “can be considered as the (symbolic) starting point of a genuine process of globalization” for the new SI, this was also the result of the failure to establish a detailed European agenda. When more binding forms of socialist cooperation emerged slowly within the European space during the late 1950s, the institutional basis of cooperation and integration had been laid down by someone else, mostly Christian-Democratic-led governments. The opportunity to develop a coherent social democratic project for Europe was overtaken by the need to find a pragmatic approach to the existing institutional framework: significantly, the cooperation among socialist parties at the European level tightened considerably only after the EC summit held in The Hague in 1969 resolved to hold direct elections for the European Parliament. Thus, the later disposition of the SI toward a global approach was not only the result of a genuine push to abandon the traditional Eurocentric view but also of the failure to deal effectively with the European regional level.
The project will start with a comparative analysis of four national cases (France, Great Britain, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy), of the approach to planning policies displayed by their respective governments, with a special attention to the differing
or converging patterns during phases of left-wing/right-wing alternation. For each case, the project will observe planning institutes and policies as they learned and borrowed from respective national traditions or other experiments by European
countries with a longer tradition in the field (not just restricted to the four project countries). The research will also take into consideration the influence exerted by the US example, especially Roosevelt’s “New Deal”; and the Western debate at the time on the possibility of technical convergence with specific features and institutes of the “Real Existing Socialism” model, despite insuperable differences of political regime. The project will also deal with the transnational circulation of knowledge, technical know-how and ‘experts’; with the process of inspiration that specific institutes and policies exerted among the four national cases; and lastly with the relevance or otherwise of planning in bringing about long-term convergence among these countries. Finally, the project will turn to the supranational dimension to gauge how the different national traditions and experiments in planning policies were transferred to the European cooperation/integration level from the outset of the OEEC and the ECSC to the late 1960s.
Giovanni Bernardini è borsista «Marie Skłodowska-Curie» presso lo European University Institute di Firenze e collabora con l’Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico della Fondazione Bruno Kessler. Le sue ricerche riguardano la storia delle politiche di pianificazione nell'Europa occidentale del secondo dopoguerra, le relazioni transatlantiche, la storia della socialdemocrazia europea, la vicenda dell’Alto Adige nel Novecento e i rapporti sino-tedeschi durante la Guerra fredda. Christoph Cornelissen è professore di Storia contemporanea presso l’Università di Francoforte sul Meno e dal 2017 è direttore dell’Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico della Fondazione Bruno Kessler. I suoi principali ambiti di ricerca sono la storia dell’Europa nel XIX e XX secolo, la storia della storiografia e la storia della cultura della memoria.
Meno nota è la rilevanza internazionale dell’accordo, che grazie alla lungimiranza dei suoi estensori costituì un unicum giuridico estremamente avanzato per l’epoca nella tutela delle minoranze etnico-linguistiche. Al contempo esso fu oggetto di discussioni e interferenze da parte dei paesi vincitori della Seconda guerra mondiale, interessati a risolvere un problema che in passato aveva accresciuto le tensioni in Europa. Il volume ricostruisce tale dimensione internazionale dell’accordo attraverso un’ampia antologia documentaria.
It was on Thursday, January 30, 1992, in the afternoon around 4:00 pm. The session of the Chamber of Deputies in Rome was burdened by a serious crisis. The detection of corruption (Tangentopoli) triggered an earthquake in Italy's political system. Minister-President Andreotti should announce the premature dissolution of the parliament. In his government statement he also talked about relations with Austria and South Tyrol. He explained that the Italian Government has now fulfilled all the duties required to bring about the full implementation of the 1969 package. It followed step by step. Austria declared the end of the protracted dispute before the United Nations
This article reviews and analyzes all stages and original documents that have led to the new, relaxed relations between Italy and Austria.--------------------------------
Deutsch:
Viele Jahre Spannungen, Sprengungen und Tote hatten die Geschichte Südtirols in den Nachkriegsjahren gekennzeichnet. Österreich brachte in den Jahren 1960 und 1961 das Südtirol Problem vor die UNO. Es verlangte die Erfüllung des Pariser Vertrages von 1946. Die Uno Generalversammlung fasste dazu zwei Resolutionen. Sie forderte die Italien und Österreich auf, “Verhandlungen aufzunehmen, um eine Lösung aller Differenzen (…) zu finden“. Nach dem zwischen Italien und Österreich ausgehandelten „Paket“, dem neuen Südtiroler Autonomiestatut von 1972 und einer Reihe von Durchführungs-Bestimmungen, war es 1992 endlich soweit: Ministerpräsident Giulio Andreotti erklärte im Parlament in Rom die volle Durchführung der Südtirol Autonomie.
Es war am Donnerstag, der 30. Jänner 1992, am Nachmittag gegen 16 Uhr. Die Sitzung der Abgeordne¬tenkammer in Rom war belastet von einer schwerwiegenden Krise. Die Aufdeckung der Korruptionsaf¬färe (Tangentopoli) hatte im politischen System Italiens ein Erdbeben ausgelöst. Ministerpräsi¬dent Andreotti sollte die vorzeitige Auflösung des Parlamentes an¬kündigen. In seiner Re¬gierungserklärung kam er auch auf die Beziehun¬gen zu Österreich und Südtirol zu sprechen. Er erklärte, dass die italienische Regierung nunmehr allen Pflichten nachgekommen sei, die zur vollen Verwirklichung des „Paketes“ von 1969 führen sollen. Es folgte Schritt auf Schritt. Österreich erklärte vor der UNO das Ende des langwierigen Streites
In diesem Beitrag werden alle Etappen und Original-Dokumente wiedergegen und analysiert, die zu den neuen, entspannten Beziehungen zwischen Italien und Österreich geführt haben.-----------------------
ITALIANO:
Molti anni di tensioni, attentati e morti hanno caratterizzato la storia dell'Alto Adige Südtirol negli anni del dopoguerra. L'Austria portò il problema dinanzi alle Nazioni Unite nel 1960 e nel 1961. Richiedeva l'adempimento dell’Accordo di Parigi del 1946. L'Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite approvò due risoluzioni. Sollecitò l’Italia e l'Austria a "riprendere i negoziati per trovare una soluzione a tutte le divergenze (...)". Dopo un nuovo "Pacchetto" concordato tra l'Austria e l'Italia, il nuovo statuto di autonomia del 1972 e una serie di norme di attuazione, nel 1992 finalmente si arrivò alla conclusione: Il Presidente del Consiglio Giulio Andreotti dichiarò in Parlamento a Roma la piena attuazione dell'autonomia dell'Alto Adige.
Era giovedì, il 30 gennaio 1992, nel pomeriggio verso le ore 16. La sessione della Camera dei Deputati era stata gravata da una pesante crisi. La scoperta della corruzione dei partiti (Tangentopoli) aveva innescato un terremoto nel sistema politico italiano. Il Presidente del Consiglio Andreotti dovette annunciare lo scioglimento anticipato delle Camere. Nella sua dichiarazione di governo parlò anche dei rapporti con l'Austria e l'Alto Adige. Dichiarò che il governo italiano ha ora adempiuto tutte gli adempimenti richiesti per realizzare la piena attuazione del Pacchetto del 1969. Seguì poi passo dopo passo. L'Austria dichiarò la fine della lunga disputa dinanzi alle Nazioni Unite
Quest’articolo riporta e analizza tutte le fasi e i documenti originali che hanno portato alle nuove e rilassate relazioni tra l'Italia e l'Austria.
Second, the article will prove how the charismatic leadership of President Willy Brandt impressed on the SI activities a shift in focus from direct involvement in the transition of each East European state to the broader goals of building a continental system of peaceful relations and on facilitating the “reunification” of Europe after the divisions imposed by the Cold War. Within this framework, social democracy largely failed to assert itself as a leading force of German reunification and more generally of the transition in Eastern Europe, unlike it had occurred during the emancipation of three Southern European countries (notably Portugal, Greece, and Spain), from dictatorship and their adhesion to the Western values of freedom and pluralism during the 1970s. Against this background, it is more productive to take into consideration the interests of the SI in the whole process of “European reunification” as a consequence of the events of 1989, instead of focusing exclusively on the peculiarities of the German question.
Third, although the article will ascribe the scant influence exerted by the SI on the Eastern European transition to the developments occurred since after the late 1970s, a complementary line of interpretation could rely on longer-term analyses. The birth (or rebirth) of the SI in Frankfurt in 1951 was the result of a complex process that had begun soon after the end of World War II. During this long preparatory phase, a considerable degree of disagreement had emerged among the brother parties about specific questions left unsolved by the conflict (above all the future of Germany) and complicated by the new Cold War scenario; and about the future of Western Europe as a whole, of its economic and political integration process and of its relations with the United States. Because of the inability to work out a common definition of the tasks of European social democracy, the SI member parties diverted their efforts toward the creation of a “world socialist agreement” which was motivated by the assumption that “the tasks facing the international socialism in the European area [were] only one of the immediate aspects of its mission.” Thus, if the Frankfurt meeting “can be considered as the (symbolic) starting point of a genuine process of globalization” for the new SI, this was also the result of the failure to establish a detailed European agenda. When more binding forms of socialist cooperation emerged slowly within the European space during the late 1950s, the institutional basis of cooperation and integration had been laid down by someone else, mostly Christian-Democratic-led governments. The opportunity to develop a coherent social democratic project for Europe was overtaken by the need to find a pragmatic approach to the existing institutional framework: significantly, the cooperation among socialist parties at the European level tightened considerably only after the EC summit held in The Hague in 1969 resolved to hold direct elections for the European Parliament. Thus, the later disposition of the SI toward a global approach was not only the result of a genuine push to abandon the traditional Eurocentric view but also of the failure to deal effectively with the European regional level.
Starting from this premise, our analysis has basically been focussed on the two main turning points of this peculiar history. The first turning point being that which saw the SPD abandon its initial sceptical attitude in favour of a more pragmatic attitude towards European integration in around the mid-1950s, while the second turning point is that which saw the SPD assume a leading role both within and outside of Western Europe after the Conference of Bad Godesberg and the Great Coalition experience of the late 1960s. The key assumption is that the two shifts, both in the SPD’s attitude towards European integration, from rejection to support, and in its political placement, from opposition party to party in government, are closely linked to each other. More precisely, among the main aims of this paper is explaining how these two shifts are connected, by considering the circumstances under which the SPD abandoned its previous negative approach and discussing if there was any peculiar Social Democratic impact on Germany’s European Policy and on European integration, in particular during the period where the SPD was in power.
and supportive of the demands for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) put forth by Third World governments and liberation movements. This complex movement was soon given the name Eurocommunism, a neologism coined by the press and eventually accepted by the PCI itself, that highlighted both its distinction from the monolithic Soviet model and the European flavor of the endeavor, which also encompassed a new relationship with the continent's socialist and socialdemocratic movements.
A political shooting star around 1974-75, Eurocommunism quickly raised notable interest and concern in Italy, Western Europe and in the rest of the world – especially in United States and in the Soviet Union. By the end of the decade it was then forgotten just as quickly. Recent analyses have highlighted the appeal of the PCI's far-reaching diplomatic moves as the main reason for the early interest in Eurocommunism, but also dismissed Berlinguer’s goals as “unfeasible and destined to fail”. They ascribe this failure to the PCI's ultimate inability to rescind all its links with the Soviet Union and accept social-democratization. While these interpretations do raise a set of important issues, it is our impression that Eurocommunism's steep parabola simply paralleled the rise and fall of the PCI’s electoral performance. In turn, the party's electoral decline at the end of the decade appears more due to positions actually taken by its leadership in the Italian context during the crucial period 1976 - 1978, rather than to philosophical disputes about the possibility of finding the desired “third way” between Soviet communism and Western European social democracy. This does not imply that international factors did not play their part. However, they took a path that did not replay the traditional Cold War scenarios. Based on extensive research in US, West German and Italian archives, this essay argues that Eurocommunism, born in connection with the economic crisis of the early 1970s and the transatlantic disputes that it generated, began to decline as the PCI's leadership failed to understand the implications of the closing of the Transatlantic rift at the end of 1975 and the changed model of capitalism produced by the newly found Transatlantic unity."
hanno impresso dinamiche tanto peculiari alla vicenda altoatesina.
Questo senza pretesa di esaustività né di determinismo,
giacché il percorso dell’autonomia non può essere interpretato
alla stregua di un processo chimico calcolabile e ripetibile. Ma
anche nella convinzione che l’alveo delimitato dalle condizioni
interne e internazionali abbia fatalmente contribuito a definirne
le forme e i tempi. Fuori di metafora, si cercherà di individuare
in quale misura il contesto internazionale e quello nazionale
italiano abbiano condizionato la soluzione individuata nelle
forme e nei contenuti del Secondo Statuto.
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