ISSN 1712-8056[Print]
ISSN 1923-6697[Online]
www.cscanada.net
www.cscanada.org
Canadian Social Science
Vol. 9, No. 6, 2013, pp. 204-209
DOI:10.3968/j.css.1923669720130906.2973
Colonial Impact on the Socio-Communicative Functions of Arabic Language in
Nigeria: An Overview
Alfa Muhammed Salisu[a]; Abubakar Salisu Abdullahi[b],*
[a]
Department of Arabic Language and Literature, Kulliyyah of Islamic
Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences, International Islamic
University Malaysia, Malaysia.
[b]
Senior lecturer. Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies, Faculty of
Arts and Humanities, Kogi State University, Anyigba, Nigeria.
*
Corresponding author.
Received 5 October 2013; accepted 1 December 2013
Abstract
Before the advent of the colonialist in Nigeria,
Arabic language was used as the official language of
communication and of daily intercourse. Historical records
also confirmed that for about three centuries between 17th
and 19th centuries Arabic documents remained the only
source of information for European writers on western
and central Sudan. A large number of these scholarly
works were written by native West African authors in
Arabic language, or in their native languages using Arabic
scripts. However, the scramble for West African countries
by the Europeans in the 19th century brought about the
occupation of the areas by the imperialists. This led to
change in socio –cultural life of the people of the regions
including the Muslims, which in turn has a spillover effect
on the communicative functions of Arabic language.
Thus, this paper intends to trace a brief history of Arabic
in Nigeria, its functions as the language of communication
and its subsequent subversion by the European colonialist.
Special attention is giving to the present status of Arabic
language in Nigeria and the subsequent implications.
Key words: Colonial impact; Arabic Language; West
African; Nigeria
Alfa Muhammed Salisu, Abubakar Salisu Abdullahi (2013).
Colonial Impact on the Socio-Communicative Functions of
Arabic Language in Nigeria: An Overview. Canadian Social
Science, 9 (6), 204-209. Available from: http://www.cscanada.
net/index.php/css/article/view/j.css.1923669720130906.2973
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3968/j.css.1923669720130906.2973.
Copyright © Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture
INTRODUCTION: ADVENT OF ARABIC
LANGUAGE IN NIGERIA
Historically, Arabic language and Islamic religion came
to this part of the world known as Nigeria today through
the North African States of Egypt, part of the Sudan,
Tunisia, Morocco, etc. (Sirajudeen, 2003). This process
was heralded through commercial contacts that connected
these states and the south of Sahara as far back as before
11th century. It is not easy, however to state precisely
when this commercial contacts began between the Arab
world and their counterparts in the south of Sahara
(Kanem Borno And some Hausa lands). But opinions are
unanimous on the fact that Islam came to these parts of
the globe (Kanem Borno and Kano Hausa states) between
11th and 14th centuries respectively. Therefore, the history
of Arabic language is not far from this because the Arab
traders who were sometimes the preachers of Islam
introduced their language to their trade counterparts and
converts for easy communication.
It is believed that with the expansion of Islam, Arabic
also spread and eventually became the official language
of government and correspondence in some of the
defunct kingdoms as far back as 13th century. It is also
very important to mention that in the south western part
of Nigeria such as Ibadan a lot of Arabic heritage were
discovered most of which were letters from the traditional
rulers and Ulama’ (scholars) to their counterparts in other
places in Yoruba land of Nigeria (Ogunbiyi, 2005). This
is a clear testimony that Arabic has also served as the
language of communication in this part of the country.
Arabic scholarship in Nigeria, however, started in
Borno and other Hausa States and from there spread to
other places like Yoruba land where its learning was given
a sense of belonging because the Muslims converts thenand up till today- considered Arabic learning as an integral
aspect of their religion-Islam. The reason being that some
ritual acts in the religion must be observed in Arabic
204
Alfa Muhammed Salisu; Abubakar Salisu Abdullahi (2013).
Canadian Social Science, 9 (6), 204-209
language, among these acts are call to prayers (Al-Adhan),
the recitations of Qur’an in prayers which are key aspects
of Islam.
The system of learning Arabic and Islam in Nigeria
then was through traditional system as stated by
Galadanci (1993, p.150), the system where the schools
were established by Muslim scholars, who vary in
their educational qualifications. Some of who may be
graduates of Qur’anic schools and others with a higher
degree of Islamic and Arabic knowledge. Without specific
curriculum, knowledge then was whole some and not
compartmentalized. Muslim scholars were champions
of value –laden knowledge. A learned Muslim scholar
for instance, was a jurist, expert in medicine, astronomy,
astrology, philosophy, science etc. Graduates of these
schools were teachers and most of the times preachers of
Islam (Alfa & Abubakar, 2012).
Hence, Muslims learning Arabic then was primarily
for proper understanding of their religion. It was equally
observed that in Nigeria Arabic was studied to serve
Islam. This explains why greater percentages of Arabic
works of Nigerian Authorship were concentrated on
Islamic subjects. And in cases where other subjects were
discussed Islamic terminologies were often used. Example
of the situations could be observed from literary works of
scholars like Abdullah b. Fudi, Uthman b. Fudi and other
great writers of the 19th century.
The community of the Nigerian Islamic revivalists
of the 19th century was established on Islamic principles
subjected to the canons of Islamic Law, which
necessitated thorough knowledge before application.
Hence, the scholars wrote many texts on Islamic tradition
of reforms, as regards politics, ethnography, sociology,
education, economy and urbanization, historiography,
law, jurisprudence as well as administrative organization.
All these subjects were in Arabic. They also produced
numerous titles in prose and poetry on subjects that
cut across disciplinary boundaries such as history and
medicine, apart from the traditional religious themes of
Islamic jurisprudence, Qur’anic exegesis and different
aspects of the Arabic language itself, including its
grammar (Ogunbiyi, Opcit, pp.1-30.).
Before the defeat of the Sokoto Caliphate and the
colonization of the Northern region, there existed a very
viable culture of learning and scholarship. The founder
and leader of the Sokoto Caliphate, Usman dan Fodio and
his brother, Abdullahi dan Fodio, and son, Muhammad
Bello, were great scholars who had written hundreds of
books on the subjects mentioned above. The scholarly
contributions of the founding fathers undoubtedly helped
the Caliphate to be an important centre for Islamic and
Arabic education. Arabic learning in Nigeria in this spirit
has exclusive process which has tremendously shaped
the destiny of the scholars’ emotion and thoughts as
manifested in their literary productions
205
ARABIC LANGUAGE AND SOCIOCOmmUNICATION IN NIGERIA BEFORE
COLONIALISm
The term social refers to a characteristic of living
organisms as applied to populations of humans and other
animals. It always refers to the interaction of organisms
with other organisms and to their collective co-existence,
irrespective of whether they are aware of it or not, and
irrespective of whether the interaction is voluntary or
involuntary (Morrison, 2009).
Communication, on the other hand, is the exchange
and flow of information and ideas from one person
to another; it involves a sender transmitting an idea,
information, or feeling to a receiver (U.S. Army, 1983).
Communication (from Latin “communis”, meaning to
share) is the activity of conveying information through
the exchange of thoughts, messages, or information,
as by speech, visuals, signals, writing, or behavior.
When it come to normal human communication, we can
find two main parts of communication channels. One
is verbal communication and the other is non verbal
communication. If we think of communication based on
style and purpose, however, it can be categorized into
two, formal and informal communication. Considering
the two main parts of channels of communication, verbal
communication is also divided into two parts, oral and
written communication. Oral communication takes place
when two or more parties communicate verbally with
words. The other type is written communication. This can
happen through normal letter writing or any other form of
documented writing. Letters can, however, be formal or
informal (Bizymoms, 2013).
Looking at the aforementioned definition and other
elements of communication, Arabic language has served
as the language of communication before the arrival of
the colonial masters to Nigeria, as mentioned before.
Since the Jihad of Sheikh Uthman bin Fudi of the 19 th
century, Arabic has become widespread and means of
communication in West Africa. Previously it had been
the written language of the educated elite and of the
government for nearly 500 years.
For the fact that Arabic predated any other foreign
languages in Nigeria in particular and Africa in general,
the language was used officially in administration with
which chancery prose, official letters, other materials
were documented. Indeed, it then served as the earliest
exclusive means of vast record keeping, literature as well
as historical record in many centuries before the coming
of the Europeans to Nigeria. It remained the first imported
language used as the official language of education and
of daily intercourse (oral communication) in West Africa
and it has contributed a great deal to the reconstruction
of the African history. A renowned scholar of history,
Professor Dike, commented on the role Arabic had played
in Nigerian history thus;
Copyright © Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture
Colonial Impact on the Socio-Communicative Functions of
Arabic Language in Nigeria: An Overview
The Arabic scholars of the present, drawing upon the writing s
of the Arabic scholars of the past, will be able to bring before
us the events and happenings of the past ages of Nigeria, and so
help us to write a history we may rightly call our own (Ogunbiyi,
Op cit, pp.1-30).
He added;
As a historian myself , I have taken the keenest interest in this
development for it is through the aid of these Arabic documents,
and these written in Arabic languages in the Arabic script that
the scholar will be aided in his task of unlocking the secrets
of African past. It has been a revelation to the whole world
of scholarship to realize for the first time that Africa before
European penetration, so far from being a “dark continent”
was in fact a continent of where the light of scholarship shone
brilliantly, as the Arabic work now being discovered bear
testimony (Raji, 2002).
From the statement above it could be deduced that
the history of Nigeria would be incomplete without the
contribution of the Muslim scholars and their knowledge
of Arabic language. This implies that no one can glean the
understanding of the true history of Nigeria without the
understanding of the original source language which is
Arabic.
It was the first language used in recording historical
events as it was used during the old Empires such as
Ghana, Songhai, Borno etc (Ogunbiyi, Op cit, pp.130). this is further corroborated by the early Nigerian
Historians that Nigeria is greatly indebted to Arabic for its
tremendous role played to disprove the notion that Africa
was a “dark continent”- without history. Historians further
affirmed that West African history would be incomplete
without reference to those Arabic scripts by the Arab
scholars as stressed above by Professor Dike. (Smith,
1989, pp.142-143) also stressed that:
All government in western Sudan (that is, including those
territories that later formed part of Nigeria) used Arabic for
correspondence, and the indication is that written documents
played a large part of their administration.
According to Hunwick (1970), Almaghili’s letter (in
Arabic) to Sultan Ibrahim of Katsina is dated 1492, and
in archives of Istanbul (Turkey) a letter from the Ottoman
Sultan there to the ruler of Borno, in Kanem Born Empire
dated 16th century. In Sokoto, according to Malami (1989)
Sarkin Musulumi, Hassan and the Emir of Gwandu
Haliru wrote to Fedrick Lord Lugard, acknowledging
him of a visit accorded them to England by the Colonial
Officers, all in Arabic language. In the same vein, it was
mentioned by Ogunbiyi, as quoted above that in the south
western part of Nigeria such as Ibadan a lot of Arabic
heritage were discovered most of which were letters
from the traditional rulers and Ulama’ (scholars) to their
counterparts in other places in Yoruba land of Nigeria.
Other works of the Jihadists that cover the Northern
Nigeria and some parts of south western Nigeria were all
testimony of the service of Arabic language in Nigerian
long before the advent of the Europeans. Works on
biography such as Muhammad Bello`s infaaqul maysuur
Copyright © Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture
contains biographical materials on scholars before the
19th century. Sheikh Abdullah b. Fudi on the other hand
has texts like Tazyinul waraqat in which he discussed the
brief history of the revivalist movement, the intellectual
and military as well as the political concept of the author
(Ogunbiyi, Op cit pp.1-30).
On the intellectual plane Sokoto Jihad succeeded
partly because of an effective method of planning in the
used of this language as a vehicle of communication.
Arabic has in no small measure helped in the growth of
local languages such as Hausa, Kanuri, Kiswahili, and
Fulfulde. It also became one of the local languages of
part of today’s Borno State of Nigeria spoken by over two
million indigenes of Nigerians.
In the South western Nigeria, particularly among the
Yoruba Muslim scholars Arabic became the medium of
literary communication and flourished well alongside the
precedence of Islam before the advent of the colonialist.
In Ibadan, for example, Arabic served as a secondary
means of verbal communication after the efflorescence of
its literary activities in early 20th century.
BRITISh COLONIAL RULERS AND ThE
ISSUE OF ARABIC
If one looks at the activities of the Colonial Rulers in
Nigeria from the surface,-especially the Northern parthe would have no option than to be lured into praising
them for their positive contributions to the development of
Arabic language. Some researchers have done so because
of the establishment of the school of Arabic studies,
Kano and the introduction of centers of learning such as
the universities wherefrom Arabic flourished and a lot
of scholarly works are produced. But the fact remains
that, prior to the conquest of the Fulani Sokoto Caliphate
by the British in 1903 and the subsequent establishment
and consolidation of colonial rule, an Islamic educational
system, which had Arabic as the language of instruction
already existed. A renowned historian on the Sokoto
Caliphate, Murray Last (2005), acknowledges the existence
of a thriving and broad-based Islamic educational system
that also incorporated the teaching of European languages
and new sciences in its core curricula. The Caliphate
recruited teachers, educational advisors and planners from
Egypt, Tripoli and Ottoman Turkey, to help in teaching
and reforming the Islamic system of education. This
enduring legacy of Arabo-Islamic education from the
Sokoto Caliphate continued before and after the advent
of colonialism. Scholars established Qurʾanic schools and
for so many centuries up to the colonial period, Islamic
schooling was the formal educational system in northern
Nigeria (Lemu, 2002). In the Northern Protectorates, when
Lord Lugard came to take over as the Governor of northern
Nigeria in 1914, he found over 25,000 Qurʾanic schools
with a total enrolment of 218,618 pupils (Fafunwa, 1991,
206
Alfa Muhammed Salisu; Abubakar Salisu Abdullahi (2013).
Canadian Social Science, 9 (6), 204-209
pp.100-101). These Qurʾanic schools known as Tsangaya
and their students called Almajirai from the Arabic word,
Almuhājir or an immigrant, later enrolled in more advanced
theological schools, or madrasahs where they studied
Islamic Jurisprudence, Theology, History, Philosophy,
Arabic Grammar and the Sciences (Umar, 2013).
Under the British colonial administration, the system
of Qurʾanic schools was maintained in order to avoid
destroying the social fabric of the Islamic North. While
the children of the aristocracy were educated in the elite
schools, the majority of the rural population was able to
send their children to Qur anic schools. Lugard, in the first
instance, not only acknowledged their existence, but also
accorded them official status by paying monthly stipends
to the teachers. However, things began to change after the
consolidation of British colonial rule in northern Nigeria,
with the introduction of colonial education.
The British era, however, witnessed a decline in the
fortune of Arabic language as the Colonial rulers and the
Missionaries decided to confront the two entrance doors
of the Arabic language, the Emirates of Northern Nigeria
administered by the Caliphate of Borno and Sokoto
which were first attacked and conquered by the British.
Infact, the strength of Arabic in these part of the world
was because of the relationship that existed between
them and Egypt to the extent that a hostel was said to be
established in Cairo for Borno students, especially in AlAzhar University between 1242 and 1252 (Raji, Op cit.
p.18). With the conquest of the Northern Nigeria, some
of the Emirs who posed stiff resistance to the situation
were either killed or deposed. These Emirs were replaced
by people who were prepared to be puppets or who the
European rulers thought would compromise and serve
under the colonial rule (Mustapha, 2001).
The British Rulers, however, later deposed and exiled
some of the Emirs who replaced their fellow Muslims in
the first instance. With this situation, the role of Northern
Emirs changed from the custodian of Arabic and Islamic
legacies which had earned them privilege; honour,
integrity and influence, manipulated and swept into
oblivion by the colonial masters (Raji, Op cit p.19).
As a cover-up, the British established the Northern
Provinces law school in 1934 which later metamorphosed
into school of Arabic studies, Kano. This school was
established when the religio-political propaganda against
the interest of the British in Northern Nigeria became
imminent. It was, besides teaching the Islamic law which
was apparent, to serve the interest of the European and
to contain the inflow of “subversive” elements, ideas
and cultures into the region from Sudan, Egypt, and the
Maghrib (Abubakar, op. cit.). They, therefore, put a
barrier between the region and the relationship that existed
between them and the Arab world of Sudan, Egypt,
Maghrib and Ottoman Turkey. The introduction of English
language and its literature into the school of Arabic studies
Kano as well as employment of some British lecturers
207
like Mr. C.E.J. Whitting, and Mr. M. Hisket to help in the
design and implementation of the curriculum mark the
beginning of a campaign and propaganda to discredit AlAzhar University, Egypt. As rightly pointed at, Al-Azhar
University used to be a great centre of learning for the
scholars of the region. The propaganda was launched and
sponsored by Mr. Whitting who called on the Government
to make a tour of Educational institution to Egypt and
Maghrib. Mr. Whitting was mandated to do the job and
submit a report. His assessment report in 1947 reads thus:
It will be folly to give any Government support to sending
any of our student to Al-Azhar or other of the Egyptian
institutions of Higher Education. They only come in contact
with the crudest and extremist forces of Nationalism and ‘antiBritish propaganda, and so much working time is lost through
disturbances, students’ strikes and the like, that many courses
have only a nominal value. The Sudan were reaping the bitter
political harvest of having used the Egyptian facilities for her
education, and the retiring Director of Education told him that
Bahrain had withdrawn its pupils from Egypt for the above
reasons (Abubakar, op. cit.).
The Colonialists became instrumental to the stagnation
of Arabic because it was denied of the privilege of full
administrative support which it has enjoyed throughout
the preceding century. Although the British colonial
authority adopted a system of indirect rule that initially
preserved the pre-1903 administrative structure for
purposes of local administration, the loss of political
paramountcy by the Muslim rulers in the caliphate and the
introduction of western education marked the beginning
of the decline in multifaceted functions of Arabic earlier
identified. The decline was further reinforced in 1914
when the northern and southern protectorates were
merged to form what is now known as Nigeria. With the
objective of evolving a language policy that will gradually
replace Arabic with English. The educational policy not
only shifted from religious to secular, but also structured
in such a way as to favour Western education. Traditional
Islamic education in the form of the Qurʾanic school
system became marginalized and teachers who taught in
the traditional Islamic method were either disregarded
or forced to adopt the new system. There were other
obstacles, too, one of which was finance. The Qurʾanic
Arabic schools were left on their own with very little
or no support from the government. They relied on the
support of parents which was normally meager as well as
on charity which rarely came. Qurʾanic school teachers
resorted to sending their pupils to beg for food and money.
This tarnished the image of the schools and undermined
the integrity of the teachers as well as their pupils up till
today. However, despite the limited means of finance,
the Qurʾanic schools thrived because the teachers of such
schools were dedicated. Not only did they consider their
mission as a divine injunction, they were also convinced
that their efforts would be worthy of being rewarded in
the hereafter. Both strong faith and goodwill helped to
sustain the Qurʾanic school system. There was no doubt
Copyright © Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture
Colonial Impact on the Socio-Communicative Functions of
Arabic Language in Nigeria: An Overview
that these schools served a useful purpose especially from
the social, educational and religious perspectives during
the period of transition from traditional Islamic education
to dual educational system introduced by the British.
One of recorded achievements of these Qurʾanic schools,
as mentioned above, was that they had an enrolment of
approximately a quarter of a million pupils. In addition,
Umar 2012 stressed that:
These Qurʾanic schools had produced a literary class known
as “Mallamai,” learned in Arabic and the teachings of Qurʾan
and commentaries, from whose ranks the officers of the
Native Administration, the judges of the Native Courts and the
exponents of the creed of Islam were drawn. They are a very
influential class, some of them very well read in Arabic literature
and law, and deeply imbued with the love of learning
Galadanci observed the situation of Arabic during this
period in the following words:
The colonial authorities realized the importance of the Arabic
language in the north as the language of administration and the
language of culture and thus tried everything within their power
to replace it with their own language. They therefore made
English the official language so that government offices and
registries the Sharia courts would use English instead of Arabic.
Even the local languages such as Hausa and Fulfulde
which were already being written in Arabic script known
as Ajami scripts, were now been taught in formal schools
in Latin scripts. The same situation was found in the
southwest in the formal schools established by Muslim
Organizations in response to the challenge posed by
Christian schools. Their orientation was largely dictated
by the fact that the opportunities for employment in the
colonial civil service, in commerce and industry were
only open to those literate in English language (Ogunbiyi,
pp.1-30).
P R E S E N T S TAT U S O F A R A B I C
LANGUAGE IN NIGERIA
Arabic language has faced a lot of challenges in Nigeria
over time despite the tremendous services it has rendered
as a communication tool in Africa before the Colonialist.
The teaching and learning of which ought to be given
the topmost priority it deserve especially because of
the historical and religious significant but the reverse
has always been the case. This is because of political
antecedent of the colonialist that had made English the
official languages of education, administration, politics
and diplomacy in Nigeria.
In recent time, the government policy on language
in Nigerian educational sector has made it further
complicated. This is for the fact that the policy continues
to relegate Arabic to the background as French is given
priority to be studied as “second official language”.
Government appreciates the importance of language as a
means promoting social interaction and national cohesion, and
Copyright © Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture
preserving cultures. Thus every child shall learn the language
of the immediate environment. Furthermore, in the interest of
national unity it is expedient that every child shall be required to
learn one of the three languages: Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. For
smooth interaction with our neighbours, it is desirable for every
Nigerian to speak French. Accordingly, French shall be the
second official language in Nigeria and it shall be compulsory in
schools.
Looking at the aforementioned policy, Arabic language
has no place with the Government. Therefore, no provision
is made to develop the language. However, in the National
Policy on Education published in 1977 (revised 1981,
1988 etc) and the government’s views on implementation
of committee’s Blueprint on the document, Arabic is given
explicit mention only in relation to its link with Islam. At
the primary school level, the Blueprint states that “where
Arabic is the medium of instruction in Religion and
moral instructions, it will continue to be used (Akinnaso &
Ogunbiyi, 1990).
From the above, Arabic is only relevant when it comes
to “Islamic Religion and moral instruction.
CONCLUSION
The transition from traditional and Arabo-Islamic
educational and administrative system from under the
Sokoto Caliphate to the modern and secular British
system of governance in Nigeria had a tremendous impact
on the issue of Arabic language. The British colonial
policy of indirect assistance to the Christian missionary
at the expense of Islamic education has left an indelible
mark on the later until the present time. In summary, of all
the non-Nigerian languages, none has more claims to our
attention and recognition than the Arabic language. That
Arabic is unparalleled by any other language in its role as
a communication tool and as a written medium in which
much of the Nigerian and African history is recorded; the
past thus preserved in this medium is a common national
heritage and not a sectional or religious one. That Arabic
language is ignorantly misconceived most of the times for
Islamic studies by many Nigerians, including the educated
elite. These misconceptions as well as religious bias are
what had led Arabic to its present state of negligent in the
country where some scholars of Arabic feel inferior to
their counterparts in other fields.
If these misgivings are not corrected and the glory of
Arabic restored- to some extent, the future generation
might consider it irrelevant to be studied as a school
subject. Therefore, causing more harm to Islam in
Nigeria. Conferences and workshops can be organised
regularly by scholars and Islamic organizations to
improve the present status of Arabic language. This
can be achieved through agitations to Government and
issuing of communiqué to revise the present status of
Arabic in Government schools, at least to feature as one
of the elective subjects if not compulsory.
208
Alfa Muhammed Salisu; Abubakar Salisu Abdullahi (2013).
Canadian Social Science, 9 (6), 204-209
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