Platformed audiovisualities on the strategies by
female independent musicians
Belisa Zoehler Giorgis, Tiago Ricciardi Correa Lopes
Unisinos University – Brazil
Abstract
Questo articolo discute le riflessioni di una ricerca riguardante il concetto di platformed audiovisualities
nelle strategie delle musiciste indipendenti di Porto Alegre (Brasile) e di Milano (Italia) durante la
pandemia di Covid-19, considerando le loro pratiche di resistenza in questo periodo attraverso gli usi e
le appropriazioni della tecnologia. In base alla ricerca qualitativa con l’utilizzo del metodo cartografico
(Canevacci, 1997), abbiamo mappato le musiciste (compositrici, cantanti e strumentiste) e i loro video.
Abbiamo anche intervistato queste artiste. La nostra analisi mostra due tendenze relazionali,
costellazioni (Canevacci, 1997) che illuminano le informazioni raccolte, rendendone possibile la
comprensione e l’analisi attraverso il collegamento e l’elaborazione dei dati empirici, in un processo
interpretativo che custodisce il senso luminoso della conoscenza: 1) la narrazione costruita attraverso le
tappe di divulgazione; e 2) la rete articolata con il pubblico e con altri musicisti. Considerando le loro
strategie, la nostra ricerca evidenzia l’artivismo presente nelle loro azioni. In questo modo,
nell'attualizzare le audiovisualità, essendo donne e impegnate in pratiche di resistenza, possono aver
anche attualizzato l’ethos do-it-yourself in entrambe le scene musicali indipendenti.
This article discusses insights of a research regarding the platformed audiovisualities on the strategies
by the female independent musicians of Porto Alegre (Brazil) and Milan (Italy) during the Covid-19
pandemic, considering their practices of resistance in this period with the usages an appropriation of
technology. Based on qualitative research using the cartographic method (Canevacci, 1997), we
mapped female musicians (composers, singers and instrumentalists), and their videos. We have also
interviewed these artists. Our analysis shows two relational tendencies, constellations (Canevacci,
1997), which illuminate the information gathered, making it possible to understand and analyse it by
means of the empirical data connection and edition, in an interpretative process which holds the
knowledge’s luminous sense: 1) the narrative built on the divulgation steps; and 2) the network
articulated with the audience and other musicians. Considering their strategies, our research highlights
the artivism which is present on their actions. With that, when actualising the audiovisualities, being
women and into practices of resistance, they might have also actualised the do-it-yourself ethos in
both independent music scenes.
Parole chiave/Key Words
Donne; Musica; Audiovisualità; Pratiche artistiche.
Women; Music; Audiovisualities; Artistic practices.
DOI: 10.54103/connessioni/19992
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Introduction
On 11th March 2020, the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 as a pandemic.
Three days before, a lockdown was determined in the city of Milan (Italy), in order to contain
the spread of the virus. In Porto Alegre, the capital city of the most southern state of Brazil,
Rio Grande do Sul, the virus containment measures started to be defined, based on the
experience of Milan, a place with whom it has many similarities, starting from the size of the
city. Also, the first case of Covid-19 in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, registered on 9th March,
was the detected in a person who came from a travel to Milan.
With the necessary containment measures, in which public places as cultural centres,
restaurants, concert venues, among others, had to remain closed, scheduled concerts had to
be cancelled. Therefore, the cultural sector has undergone financial difficulties during those
times. For independent musicians, that is, those who do not hold a contract with a major
recording label, concerts are an important source of income, by means of selling tickets and
also their products (such as t-shirts, CDs, pins etc), as well as an opportunity for networking
with other members of the scene and for growing their audience (Zoehler Giorgis, 2016,
2017a; Tarassi, 2018).
Considering the difficulties already faced by women because of gender inequalities in
our societies, which increased during the Covid-19 pandemic and hold specificities in the
music environment, it is possible to visualise how these were challenging times for the
independent female musicians. Nevertheless, a number of them was able to release new
music projects and to divulgate them, using various video formats on their online strategies.
Our research comprises female musicians who released singles, albums and EPs between 8th
March 2020 and 31st August 2021, using videos on online platforms for their divulgation.
Thereby, this research focuses on strategies and practices of resistance on the independent
female musicians’ work in this period.
Existing research discuss technoculture (Shaw, 2008), platformisation (Djick et al.,
2018; Bonini and Gandini, 2019), digital literacy and the digital divide (Gran, A. et al. 2021),
the do-it-yourself ethos in the independent music scenes (Bennett et al., 2021), gender and
intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989) and its relation to music (Sá, 2019), and the independent
music scenes of Porto Alegre (Zoehler Giorgis, 2016, 2017a) and Milan (Tarassi, 2018). We
understand there is a gap on research field regarding an approach on female independent
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musicians and their platformed audiovisual strategies during the Covid-19 pandemic, which
we believe we contribute to fill with our study.
Based on qualitative research using the cartographic method (Canevacci, 1997), we
mapped female musicians (composers, singers and instrumentalists), and their videos, and
interviewed these artists. We also mapped female professionals involved with each one of
both music scenes and projects which aim to give visibility to the female musicians’ work and
interviewed them. These interviews were based on the life report method (Bertaux, 2005).
The intuitive method (Bergson, 2006; Deleuze, 2004), was used to define the research
question, or “the composite”, split in two tendencies: the “virtual” and the “actual”. Based on
that, the research question, or the “composite”, is how the audiovisual processes into
audiovisualities are actualised by the female musicians’ audiovisual strategies, considering “the
audiovisual processes into audiovisualities” as the virtual, and “the female musicians’ audiovisual
strategies” as the actual. The objective is to understand how their strategies actualise the
audiovisual processes, in its relation to technoculture, gender and intersectionality.
This article presents in its sections the methodological moves regarding cartography
and its findings, the theoretical approach, the current results of this research and the
conclusions related to them.
Cartography
The first move of cartography is flânerie (Kilpp, 2010), inserting disorientation inside the
researcher’s own horizons and remapping in search for defamiliarising from what is usual, in
order to overcome it in a logical and empirical way, under the inspiration of Walter Benjamin
(Canevacci, 1997). Flânerie is a way of drifting that comprises a random transit guided by the
affections of the researcher (Kilpp, 2010), which starts with the definition of an initial territory
and a strategy for the first steps. In this research, it was conducted on digital media, in order
to map the following profile: independent female musicians from Porto Alegre who play
musical instruments, are singers and composers, who released music products on streaming
platforms during the Covid-19 pandemic, between March 2020 and August 2021, doing it
through digital strategies using videos.
Therefore, the initial territory defined was Google, starting with a combination of search
terms: “artistas mulheres música Porto Alegre”, in Portuguese (in English: artists women
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music Porto Alegre). Continuing this process, other eight combinations of terms, in
Portuguese, were used related to Porto Alegre. The same move was made regarding Milan,
with the combination of terms in Italian. The variations included, translating them to English,
words as “independent artists”, “independent singers” “independent singer-songwriters”,
“independent bands”, “DIY”, “composers”, and “independent music labels”.
On the results pages, filtering has been done to select the links that were pertinent to
what was sought. The searches in Portuguese resulted in 165 selected links to be accessed,
and the searches in Italian resulted in 83 links. These links were clicked on and, inside the
pages opened, other contents were accessed, such as websites, social network platforms and
PDF files available for download.
We decided to use Google for the searches related to the mapping, considering it is a
widely used platform for the purpose of seeking information on the Internet, but also having
in mind that it is an algorithmised structure. The different combinations of terms used and the
action of clicking on other contents inside the links found were a way to try to reach the largest
and deepest number of information possible.
When visiting these links and moving forward on other links inside the accessed pages –
that is, doing flânerie on these territories –, it was possible to find artists, who were listed: from
Porto Alegre’s independent music scene, Gabriela Lery, Clarissa Ferreira, Bel Medula, Bianca
Obino, Dessa Ferreira and the Três Marias group; from Milan’s scene, Emanuela Drei, Francesca
Incudine, Guendalina, Marianne Mirage and Micol Martinez. During the process of flânerie and
the systematisation of the findings, the music releases by the artists were also listed, together
with information about their type – album, single, music video, live stream – the product’s name
and its link. It allowed us to make decisions towards the definition of the corpus.
Next up it is possible to see their releases, as well as main audiovisual strategies and
screenshots of their videos.
a) Gabriela Lery has released the album “Arquipélago”, and the singles
“Teletransporte” and “Tamborim”, the latter included in a compilation album edited
by the Panapaná collective. Here we can find screenshots of her audiovisuals related
to these projects, with Instagram and YouTube videos, including live streams, a
lesson on how to play one of the songs, interviews, Spotify Canva, and a commented
audition and a n online concert in Zoom.
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Fig. 01. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Gabriela Lery
b) Clarissa Ferreira released the singles “Satélites”, “Mulheres da Guerra” and “Je suis
SUS”. Below we can see screenshots of her audiovisuals, with Instagram, YouTube,
TikTok and Twitch videos, including live streams, a mini documentary, interviews, a
lesson on how to play one of the songs, videoclips and Spotify Canva.
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Fig. 02. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Clarissa Ferreira
c) Bel Medula released the albums “Semente”, “Luna”, and “4x4”, the single “Na
quarentena até as casas astrais têm parede”, a video performance and a video
poem, with Instagram and YouTube videos, including concert and interview live
streams, videoclips and Spotify Canva.
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Fig. 03. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Bel Medula
d) Bianca Obino released the EP “Volta ao mundo de dentro”, the singles “10.000
vezes” and “Volta ao mundo de dentro remix” and the “Slow art identity” project,
with Instagram and YouTube videos, including videoclips, lyric videos, interviews on
live streams, and Spotify Canva.
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Fig. 04. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Bianca Obino
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e) Dessa Ferreira released the single “Pulso”, with a series of Instagram videos,
including backstage images, a videoclip and a YouTube live.
Fig. 05. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Dessa Ferreira
f)
Grupo Três Marias released the single “Santo Festeiro”, with Instagram and YouTube
videos, including a videoclip and a mini documentary on the backstage process.
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Fig. 06. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Grupo Três Marias
g) Micol Martinez released the album “I buoni spropositi”, with a video explaining that
considered the possibility of postponing the date of release because of the Covid-19
pandemic situation but thought that the songs could bring people some hope.
Fig. 07. Set of screenshots of an audiovisual by Micol Martinez
h) Giungla released the singles “Walk On The Ceiling”, “CTR”, “Turbulence”, “Jump”,
and an EP called “Turbulence”, with YouTube and Instagram videos, including lyric
videos, and Spotify Canva.
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Fig. 08. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Giungla
i)
Francesca Incudine released the singles “Non è finita” and “Zinda”, with YouTube
and Instagram videos, including one explaining the origin of a song and videoclips.
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Fig. 09. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Francesca Incudine
j)
Guendalina released the singles “Veluto Rosso”, “Fuoriposto” and “Impressione”, with
YouTube and Instagram videos, including a videoclip, lyric videos and Spotify Canvas.
Fig. 10. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Guendalina
k) Marianne Mirage released the single “Vulnerabili” and the album “Mirage”, with
Instagram videos, singing and being interviewed, and Spotify Canvas.
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Fig. 11. Set of screenshots of audiovisuals by Marianne Mirage
On the following table, it is possible to visualise the quantitative of audiovisuals mapped,
by artists/group of each music scene. Because of the already expressive amount of material,
we have considered videos published on social media platforms pages, profiles and channels,
on feed or as live streams subsequently published, as well as Spotify canvas, and we have not
taken in account ephemeral content such as Instagram stories and other similar media.
Music
scene
Porto
Alegre
Milan
Audiovisuals
Artists/group
Bel Medula
Bianca Obino
Clarissa Ferreira
Dessa Ferreira
Gabriela Lery
Grupo Três Marias
Guendalina
Giungla
Francesca Incudine
Marianne Mirage
Micol Martinez
56
65
29
21
22
7
11
48
7
12
1
Tab. 01. Quantitative of audiovisuals mapped, by artist/group
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The subsequent methodology moves regard the construction of the collections (categories
for analysis), which, related to the strength of the audiovisualities found on the musicians’ online
strategies on platforms such as Instagram, YouTube, Zoom, TikTok and Twitch, and considering
audiovisual processes, are divided in categories regarding strategies and relationship
communication goals with their audience and other members of the music scenes. The categories
are: “Check out what I am creating”; “See what's coming on”; “Have you already checked out this
new release?”; “This is the mood of this release”; “Come to know more about this release”; and
“Thank you for your support!”.
Alongside with that, based on the life report method (Bertaux, 2005), interviews were
conducted so far with Gabriela Lery, Clarissa Ferreira, Bel Medula, Bianca Obino, and Dessa Ferreira,
from the music scene in Porto Alegre; and with Guendalina, Giungla, Micol Martinez and Francesca
Incudine, from the music scene in Milan. We also interviewed the following professionals related to
the music scenes: Alice Castiel, who leads the female artists music project “Projeto Concha” in Porto
Alegre, which includes concerts, workshops and artistic residencies; Luiza Padilha, who works as an
executive producer, photographer and designer, involved in many projects related to female
independent musicians in Porto Alegre, being herself a DJ; Marian Trapassi, who leads the project
“Because the Night” in Milan, a monthly concert with female singers, instrumentalists and
songwriters, being also herself one; Silvia Tarassi, researcher on the independent music scene in
Milan and currently consultant for cultural projects of the local city hall; and Letizia Angelini, a
professional of Italia Music Lab also involved in the Keychange project, which supports artists for
promoting gender equality in the music environment. On the continuity of this research, our
objective is to interview all the artists and the group mapped, as well as other professionals related
to both music scenes. This methodological move aims to understand their stories, the choices that
were made during the time period covered on the research and the context of the independent
music scenes of Porto Alegre and Milan.
On the next section, we will present the theoretical approach for this research, as well as the analysis.
Audiovisualities, technoculture and platformisation: entanglement with the
female independent musicians’ strategies during the Covid-19 pandemic
Considering the audiovisualities perspective, audiovisual is understood as a virtuality
which is actualised on media as well as transcends it (Kilpp, 2010). Our approach occurs from
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technoculture, an interdependence between culture and technology (Shaw, 2008) and the
possibility of the emergence of alternative cultural forms, as the audiovisual and its potential
experimental tendencies, together with the different media practices through usages and
appropriations, and its aesthetics and techniques, in a feedback loop between technologies.
In relation to that, the circumstance that many economic sectors and life spheres are
permeated by digital platforms is defined as platformisation, which impacts the processes of
practices reorganisation and cultural imaginaries (Poell et al., 2020). Platforms are structures
powered by data, which is organised and automatised by algorithms and interfaces, as well as
acquire formalisation from property relations, that are guided by business models and
regulated by terms of usage (van Dijck et al., 2018). They are algorithm machines, then based
on output produced by the processing of instructions and data, by means of steps that are
structured in sets, which are the algorithms (Gillespie, 2014 apud Kitchin, 2017), and that
shape an expressive amount of tasks and practices of everyday life (MacCormick, 2013 apud
Kitchin, 2017). This means that platforms’ technological and economic features contribute to
shape their users’ behaviour and also social standards. These aspects are related to
technocultural issues regarding the usages and appropriations for production and consume
and that derive from the platforms’ features, and include the audiovisualities in this context.
Algorithms have a transformative effect in domains they are deployed, with implications
in their labour market (Kitchin, 2017), and also in the mediation of relationships and content
producing (Anderson, 2011 apud Kitchin, 2017). Therefore, the discussion on strategic usage
of platforms related to audiovisualities implies on dealing with their algorithmic logics, acting
through planned actions (Inghan, 2018, apud Bonini, Gandini, 2019). On platforms, in which
videos are usually distributed by the streaming technology, we find editorial human action
combined with algorithmic logics, permeated by power relations and determinative for digital
music curation, in a process that could be named as “algo-torial” (Bonini, Gandini, 2019).
It is important to consider the power and the effects of algorithms, which are not modes of
operation or forms of knowledge which could be seen as impartial and neutral, whose work is
apolitical and impassive (Kitchin, 2017): the way we understand the world is shaped by them
(Kitchin, Dodge, 2011, apud Kitchin, 2017), which are profoundly performative (Mackenzie,
Vurdubakis, 2011 apud Kitchin, 2017). Thus, critical attention must be focused on the algorithms’
effects, that shape life chances with hidden and opaque source codes (Kitchin, 21017).
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The recommendation systems based on machine learning algorithms, at the same time
as, by means of identification and possession, are able to establish a stronger relation, also
create segregation when are updated by similarity of new and previous data, as well as trigger
the user reactions towards predictive behaviour (Chun, 2021). Thereby, these systems reduce
the collective diversity possibilities, understanding identity categories as non-authentic latent
factors that cross a category boundary and using race, gender and sex orientation information
for discriminatory purposes (Chun, 2021).
The way algorithms work impact fundamentally and unequally people’s lives, beyond
the categories of digital divide such as usage, general benefits, skills and access, in unequal
and fundamental extents (Gran et al., 2019). This circumstance also includes the awareness
on the functions and influences of algorithms on platforms, which implies in a digital strength
that is distributed differently between people. It consists in a very important knowledge in
order to enable people to interact in a critical and conscious way with these technologies
(Gran et al., 2019). Consequently, it is a matter of digital literacy.
Algorithm awareness might vary according to demographic factors. Therefore, considering
geographic location, education, age and gender, it is possible to find that these variables cause a
gap, in a strong way, regarding this skill (Gran et al., 2019). We believe that, beyond what is shown
on these researchers’ study, which points that the awareness is lower on women, on people least
educated and of a higher age (Gran et al., 2019), that the issues related to the digital divide
between the Global North and the Global South, considering levels of development and
opportunities, directly related to social and historical processes, are highly relevant. With this, we
observe the geographic location factor in a broader way, deeply connected to the technoculture
regarding usages and appropriations of technology and their impact on culture.
The platformisation of cultural and creative industries is a phenomenon in process way
before the Covid-19 pandemic, which was dramatically increased during this specific period.
For example, platformed live music concerts and the consumption of musical contents such
as videos on online platforms were part of the changes in cultural practices (Valiati et al.,
2021). Personalised recommendation systems and algo-torial logic are also present on music
streaming platforms, what led artists to create strategies as the pre-save campaigns and to
divulgate them, many times, with videos. In the context of social media and the meeting
platforms, different video formats are used aiming on that, such as stories, reels, live
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streams, longer videos, online meetings and others, depending on the new features often
released by the platforms. They were used by the artists for interviews, for playing their
songs and being in touch with their audience – and also trying to make it grow – as well as
performing concerts, and to show their videoclips – in parts or entirely. The objectives might
be divulgating a teaser for a new release, informing about an upcoming live stream of online
concert, showing new songs, being grateful to their audience or also reminding them to
watch the videos and to listen to the songs.
We can see these platform logics aspects on the strategies by the mapped musicians,
with all their divulgation actions in that period of time and their usages and appropriations of
audiovisual. These factors are also present on the discourse of all the professionals already
interviewed, considering the musicians and the other members of the scene that were heard
by us. Dealing with the algorithms’ logics is an important theme on all their actions on
platforms, trying to understand the functionalities and to manage them in order to make their
work in music happen and succeed. It holds a close relation to the aspects regarding the
circumstances of independent music scenes.
Independent music scenes and the DIY ethos in the context of creative industries
Considering that, we can relate how technoculture entangled with audiovisualities goes
through a transformation and a feedback loop between technologies, temporalities and what
holds specific senses and is recognized in the context we are observing. Therefore, we can
observe the symbolic codes in relation to music scenes, which dialogue with urban contexts
and typify socialising spaces (Gelder, Thornton, 1997, apud Bennet et al., 2021). Lifestyle in a
local community reflect new tendencies of a society and the do-it-yourself or DIY practices
(Bennet et al., 2021). It is deeply entangled with the usages and practices and appropriations
of technologies in an independent music scene.
We propose a sight regarding a relation of technoculture and audiovisualities through a
transformation process which leads to a feedback of technologies, temporalities and which,
considering the specificities of the Covid-19 pandemic time, hold specifics senses and logics,
as well as is recognised. Together with that, the DIY ethos’ characteristics unfolded in
resistance moves seeking to maintain the authenticity and the sustainability of the
independent work in music build a set of networked cultural practices entangled with
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sociability patterns articulated from common interests. The DIY practices have developed a
socioeconomic and technology transformation from the popularisation of creative digital
technologies (Bennett et al., 2021). Therefore, it is possible to visualise a nearness between
the usages and appropriations that transform and then actualise the technology and, thereby,
the technoculture in the independent music scenes during the pandemic.
A music scene might be defined by a music genre, location or social activity, which are
related to a search for interests, to sociality, to collective identities which take shape and to
experimental and innovation actions in cultural life (Straw, 2013). It is articulated to affinities
and interconnections, funded in a cultural consuming ethics (Straw, 2006). An independent
music scene is the one composed by artists who do not hold a contract with one of the major
recording companies, which are currently Universal Music, Sony Music and Warner Music.
Independent music scenes hold two main characteristics: entrepreneurship actions
mobilised through networked relations, the multi-tasking activities of their members, who
work with different attributions in order to make that scene happen, beyond their activity as
musicians (Tarassi, 2018). This also relates to the entanglement between practices on digital
media and sociality on music scenes, that are part of the cultural digitalisation processes which
increased during this century (Sá, Janotti Jr, 2013).
The digital environment demands technical, aesthetical and economic actions by the
members of a music scene, that imply also on this scene’s identity, through a complex process.
Therefore, the digital environment might also be central for the constitution of a scene, which can
also be understood as a sociotechnical network (Sá, 2013). Although the work in an independent
music scene is not necessarily sustainable or rewarding from an economic point of view, its
members seek to structure satisfactory professional trajectories (Threadgold, 2018 apud Bennett
et al, 2021; Tarassi, 2018). To achieve that, they combine key roles, so, beyond being musicians,
singers and composers, they might also be music producers, educators, cultural producers, press
officers and concert venue owners, among others (Bennett et al, 2021; Tarassi, 2018).
This plural activity makes the work in music viable, as well as foster the sociality and
articulation networks, which might make it stronger (Tarassi, 2018), but, as many times at
least part of this work in voluntary, the way it unfolds impact the sustainability of a music
scene in the medium and long terms (Terranova, 2000 apud Tarassi, 2018). On the
independent music scene of Porto Alegre, for example, during the first two decades of this
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century, the usages and appropriations of digital technologies enabled this scene to grow
(Zoehler Giorgis, 2017a), but usually their members had other paid jobs not directly related to
music. Those with professional experience related to communication usually used this
knowledge to promote their work in music. The need for dedicating time to other kinds of
work in order to be able to make a living, nonetheless, impacted on their articulation in the
scene and the continuity of their work in music (Zoehler Giorgis, 2016).
In the context of the independent music scenes, a significant strength of the scene’s
articulation happens by means of concerts, which are an important source of income for the
artists, also because they usually sold their products in the venues, as well as got in touch with
their audience and other members of the scene (Zoehler Giorgis, 2016). When we transpose
it to the reality of the context of the Covid-19 pandemic and the needed restrictions in order
to contain the spread of the virus, when these articulations had to happen practically only
online, other issues arise.
The creative industries where one of the economic areas most affected by the
pandemic. This sight comes from a European point of view, but is surely useful when we
observe that with the spread of the pandemic, also the crisis followed this move, remembering
this process started before in Europe and then in South America. Some reasons are the
opportunity for visibility and the relationship with the public, and their economic
characteristics (Benghozi, 2022).
Situated between the social and the economic, music is a form of art and at the same
time a creative economy sector (Ferrareli, 2021), thus being part of the creative industries.
Informal work is a fundamental characteristic of the music professionals’ reality, which affects
the measurement of their impact on the local economy (Núñez, 2017 apud Ferrareli, 2021).
Regarding to music scenes in the context of the creative industry, the pandemic period
catalysed transformations, as those related to the appropriation of digital technology.
Therefore, it was at the same time a crisis and an opportunity that resulted in strong resilience
(Benghozi, 2022), being the challenges of creativity at the heart of the capacity to survive, that
is, the characteristics of the cultural and creative industries that are innate (Salvador, 2022).
Alongside with that, cultural and creative activities played an important role to people who
stayed at home during social distance procedures and lockdowns, who consumed more
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cultural products, what showed how the cultural and creative industries could bring a positive
contribution to everyday life in societies (Salvador, 2022).
In a survey conducted about the work in music in the context of the creative industry of
Rio Grande do Sul (the state in Brazil of which Porto Alegre is the capital city) during the
pandemic, in which 67,9% of the respondents have declared to be men and 32,1% to be women,
89,3% declared to be white, 37,5% informed that during that time were not producing authorial
work, 28,6% claimed that their creative production was affected and 50% affirmed they were
not doing musical live streams. That is, the profile observed was of a majority of white men from
Porto Alegre and region, as the study informs (Ferrareli et al., 2021). Interestingly, this kind of
research was not able to detect what female independent musicians of Porto Alegre were
creating and producing, when they compose, play, and sing their songs, as well as release
musical products such as albums, EPs and singles, and doing videos, live streams, online concerts
and commented auditions to divulgate them. There are no register of similar research focused
on music as part of the creative industry regarding Milan during the pandemic.
Circumstances as those inform that, besides doing the work in music, women still have
to deal with the invisibility produced by the misogynist context of our society, the creative
industries and the music scenes. Being a woman, even more in the independent music scenes
during the pandemic, being creatively productive, considering the social context which
silences women and at the same time demand them for much more work – paid and unpaid
–, and also finding ways to make this creative work visible, definitely constitute a kind of
activism. This will be more discussed on the following parts of this study.
Therefore, to face the new reality during the pandemic, the female artists needed to
amplify their multitasking skills, now related not only to audiovisual but also to digital
communication and live streaming. Even with the possibility of counting on other members of
the scene for help, the technocultural viability and what was adequate in that sense community
many times included the need to avoid physic presence, because of social distancing procedures
and the inexistence, at that time, of anti-Covid vaccine. Therefore, the DIY skills of these artists
were transformed during this period, also considering the circumstance that, from a certain
point of view, they became digital content creators, using for that an amount of time that could
be used for their musical skills improvement (Chioccarello, 2020).
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We can see on the mapped musicians’ strategies and also on their discourse on
interviews the aim not only to divulgate their work, but also to empower the relations and,
consequently, the music scene. With multi-tasking activities and building relationships with
other members of the scene, they sought to make their work in music happen, as well as to
give visibility to other artists and professionals, dialoguing with the notion of a collective. The
usage of audiovisual strategies, possibly in a way to manage the issues related to the absence
of physical presence, was a very important factor in this matter.
Gender and intersectionality issues related to music
These aforementioned aspects are related to gender and intersectionality issues. We
propose that based on the need of more complex articulations between music and gender,
with the deployment of the more recent feminism waves, crossed by postcolonial
perspectives (Sá et al., 2019) as well as the emergence of a research field relating music and
gender, as a counterpoint to the constant exclusion and silencing process of women in music,
a filed which is predominantly androcentric, male, white and Eurocentric (McClary, 2021;
Zerbinatti et al., 2018).
The movements to include women in the music environment still need to build and
amplify spaces for them as instrumentalists, composers and singers, considering their
representativity and the space for their voices and to what they have to say (McClary, 2021).
In relation to that, there is also a discussion about the representation of women in
compositions written by men (McClary, 2002; Zoehler Giorgis, 2017b). The act of giving
visibility to women’s work in music, including composing and playing instruments, beyond
singing, contributes to the construction of multiple histories and to the existence of models
of women who create and compose, being a reference and an inspiration for other female
musicians (Nogueira, 2019).
In this context, the constitution of collectives, festivals and organisations are crucial for
women’s professionalisation in music, which include mutual support and knowledge
exchange, are network articulated and enable them to build strategies for visibility and space
(Polivanov, Medeiros, 2020). Nevertheless, it also implies with other nuances, as those who
consider the global south and the global north, the differences between the reality of women
based in other inequalities and their entanglement with the DIY’s ethos and practices (Guerra,
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2020), which might also make that some women to feel excluded from movements because
they did not identify with those who lead them (Polivanov, Medeiros, 2021).
We can visualise on this the relevance of the intersectional perspective, as an analytical
sensibility to think identity and to discuss its relation with power. The exclusions made visible
by intersectionality refer to class oppression, sexism, transphobia, racism, ableism, which
unfold on vulnerabilities faced, for example, by women on immigration moves, people of
colour in LGBTTQIAP+ movements, people with disabilities fighting against police abuse, trans
women in feminist movement, among other situations and circumstances (Crenshaw, 2015).
As the conceptualisation of gender discrimination was funded centred on the
experience of white women, this is a speech that reinforces the black women’s exclusion, in a
process that counts on the white women privileges, also those of domination. Therefore, the
discussion that led to coin the term “intersectionality”, the sum of racism and sexism, as well
as other aspects, is minor than the intersectional experience (Crenshaw, 1989).
For this reason, we believe that an approach in relation to women must always take into
account the other characteristics that traverse their existence. In this study, when we observe
the strategies by female independent musicians, we consider the crossings regarding gender,
class, age, gender identity, sexual orientation, colour/race, geographic location, their social
and historic context and the circumstance of being of not people with disability. In this
process, we see that the difficulties faced by women in our societies also unfold on their
activities in the music environment, where they are entangled with discriminatory actions in
their work context, which lead to work overload, besides sexual and moral harassment,
making their careers harmed by the gender inequality (Mulheres, 2019).
These difficulties for women were increased during the Covid-19 pandemic, and the
unequal division of domestic work and family care, which became more severe during these
period, led women to multiple work shifts, in a processed that harmed their music careers,
also because of emotional overload (Segnini, 2014; Pichoneri, 2011; Requião, 2020; Barros et
al., 2020; Data Sim, 2019 apud Sandroni et al., 2021). In addition to that, the lower income
and less work opportunities due to gender prejudice, as well as urban and domestic violence
– the latter, intensified and more difficult to detect because of the social distance. All these
aspects have made women even more vulnerable.
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This led UNO Women, yet in April of 2020, to recommend measures to ease the impact
of the pandemic on women (Bublitz, 2020). Together with that, a study published by the
Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean in February of 2021 points that
there has been a reduction of women’s participation in the work market, and that the
dependence of families on the unpaid female work, which leads women to leave other
activities to be in charge of their houses, children and elder people. The study concludes that
the setback caused by the pandemic in work condition for women will be of more than a
decade (Ferreira, 2021).
Considering the discussions here presented regarding gender and music issues, in
dialogue with the enhancement of the platformisation processes during the Covid-19
pandemic, it is possible to observe how they are entangled with technoculture and
audiovisualities. It also happens in the context of the independent music scenes in the creative
industries, like the ones we are focusing on in this research.
Other elements and discussion
With all the aspects already discussed in this study related to platformisation,
technocultures and audiovisualities, alongside with the Covid-19 pandemic context, creative
industry and independent music scene, and gender and intersectionality, it is very interesting
to observe the capacity, empowerment, creativity and resilience (Benghozi, 2022; Salvador,
2022) of the female musicians we mapped. They were able to compose (McClary, 2002;
Zoehler Giorgis, 2017b; Nogueira, 2019), record, play, sing and also to create many divulgation
and relationship strategies (Guerra, 2020; Tarassi, 2018; Zoehler Giorgis, 2016; Bennett et al,
2021; Sá; Janotti Jr, 2013) using the resources available in very challenging times, building
possibilities for them, for other women and for the other professionals involved in the music
scenes (Straw, 2006; Straw, 2013). Therefore, we see that the mapped artists have built and
found ways to deal with the difficulties faced by them as women (Mulheres, 2019; Polivanov;
Medeiros, 2020; 2021) during the pandemic (Segnini, 2014; Pichoneri, 2011; Requião, 2020;
Barros et al., 2020; Data Sim, 2019 apud Sandroni et al., 2021; Bublitz, 2020; Ferreira, 2021),
in the independent music environment and in a platformed context.
The digital divide (Gran, A. et al. 2021) is also present on the consequences of the different
kinds of discrimination which resonate in their lives: it is an intersectional (Crenshaw, 1989)
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circumstance that relates to gender, geographic location, age, ethnicity and other factors,
supplemented by the algorithmics’ logics we are immerse on (Kitchin, 2017; van Dijck et al.,
2018; Poell et al., 2020; Bonini, Gandini, 2019; Chun, 2021). Interestingly, the musicians of Porto
Alegre, the capital city of the most southern state in Brazil, an underdeveloped country in the
Global South, notably have released more music projects and have published more videos than
the ones of Milan, considered to be a very creative and important city, not only in Europe but in
the whole world, located in a developed country. This, for us, shows interesting elements
related to uses and appropriations of technology, therefore imbricated with technoculture
(Shaw, 2008) and audiovisualities (Kilpp, 2010), as well as changes in cultural practices in the
creative industry (Valiati et al., 2021; Benghozi, 2022; Salvador, 2022).
Reflections considering also the interviews conducted might indicate this as an effect
regarding the resilience capability, the ability of building artistic networks between women
and other professionals that could collaborate for the projects, and motivations such as
financial survival, seeking to be in contact with the members of the scene and the audience,
and the importance of speaking their minds about their feelings, their reality and the whole
situation people were going through.
This does not mean that the musicians from one or the other place were not resilient,
able to build networks or interested in bringing out their voices: we understand that the
difference between both contexts implies also in cultural aspects, which impact the modes of
existence and the musicians’ discourse, in their songs, videos and also during the interviews.
Nonetheless, we must bring on and analyse what is present in the data collected. Despite
these differences, we rather prefer to focus on the importance of their actions of resilience
through art as women in societies in which their existences, lives, and professional work are
already challenging as a consequence of gender inequality. This, for us, is evident artivism.
In what regards the strategies related to the divulgation of music releases, for example,
we could also observe during the interviews that the musicians of Porto Alegre expressed
more concern related to the platforms’ environment, the algorithms and their effects. The
same was not evident in the discourse of those of Milan, what led us to start to ask them if
this was an important factor for their strategies, but their algorithms awareness has not
showed to go much further. This might also be an issue related to a likely lack of discussion of
this theme in the Italian society, and not only among women. So we have here other nuances
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of the idea of algorithms’ awareness and the digital literacy and the digital divide (Gran, A. et
al. 2021), also related to intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989).
When we consider the collections, “Check out what I am creating”; “See what's coming
on”; “Have you already checked out this new release?”; “This is the mood of this release”;
“Come to know more about this release”; and “Thank you for your support!”, it is important
to observe that not all musicians had videos included in all the categories. Mainly the ones of
Porto Alegre have audiovisuals in most of them, and sometimes they were included in more
than one category. We could see these categories as divulgation steps, but we prefer to see
them as relationship building steps, in which the music releases are a subject.
They relate to strategies and relationship communication goals with their audience and
other members of the music scenes, therefore working as a way to foster the DIY ethos,
transforming it by means of giving visibility, in challenging times, to what was being produced
and communicated by musicians as them: women, composers, singers, instrumentalists and
independent ones, all at the same time, a during such a challenging social and historical period
as the Covid-19 pandemic. It seems to us as a very strategic way of dealing with the platformed
logics based on algorithms, in which recommendation systems shape our world and lives.
We must observe, with that, a context in which segregation (Kitchin, 2017; Chun, 2021)
is created by platforms, based on predictive behaviour considering the androcentric, male,
white context of music, which creates a constant exclusion and silencing process for women
(McClary, 2021; Zerbinatti et al., 2018). Thus, fostering a relationship network with other
members of the music scene and the audience, by means of strategic steps using audiovisuals,
which the musicians have declared on the interviews that were used as possible substitutes
of presential actions, is a way to deal with the algorithmic logics, also trying to find, reach and
connect to other people similar to them. This could be also a process in which they use the
platforms’ logics to subvert them in a positive way, and the musicians inform in the interviews
they were able, with their actions during the pandemic, to expand their connections. Also
these moves, for us, represent artivism in the context.
Therefore, analysis on their audiovisual strategies indicate two relational tendencies: 1)
the narrative built on the divulgation steps; and 2) the network articulated with the audience
and other musicians. These tendencies are constellations (Canevacci, 1997), which illuminate
the information gathered, making it possible to understand and analyse it by means of the
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empirical data connection and edition, in an interpretative process which holds the
knowledge’s luminous sense. Thus, it is possible to visualise, across these musicians’ practices,
the artivism which is present by means of the use of technology to keep on doing their work
in music and building a network with other musicians and the audience.
Considering the gender inequalities in society, alongside with the work and emotional
overload, increased during the pandemic, their artistic practices might constitute activism
permeated by art and media, bringing on their art and voices as women in such challenging
times. We also observe the differences, specificities, difficulties, and privileges, regarding the
intersectionality in their condition as women, as sexual orientation, gender identity, race,
geographical location, and class. The circumstances of the Global North and South, for
example, and the digital divide and the digital literacy, strongly related to the platforms’
affordances and functionalities, as well as the inequalities they might produce, considering
also the characteristics of the independent music scene, in which the artists usually hold a
small audience when compared to mainstream artists, are also evident.
Therefore, our research shows that the musicians, when actualising the audiovisualities,
being women and into practices of resistance, might have also actualised the do-it-yourself ethos
in the independent music scenes they integrate. Their ways of existing and producing in these
music scenes might have brought new lights and possibilities for the female musicians to build a
space to keep on working with music, and making their voices and speeches be heard through
their relations and their songs, and also across themselves, the audience and the platforms.
Final remarks
This research aims observe the audiovisual strategies by independent female musicians
of Porto Alegre and Milan during the Covid-19 pandemic, in order to understand how their
strategies actualise the audiovisual processes, in their relation to technoculture, gender and
intersectionality. To build and articulate this discussion, we sought to reunite a theoretical
approach related to platformisation, independent music scenes, gender and intersectionality.
Doing research about platforms, music and gender, considering the platformed context,
is challenging and has, of course, limitations. We believe that visiting and revisiting the
contents found, as well as listening to the artists and other members of the scene through
interviews is crucial to deal with them. To amplify their discourses and to build relations
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between them, the context and the audiovisual that were mapped, have so far given a broader
view regarding what we consider as audiovisualities and audiovisual processes in this matter.
Therefore, we believe that these artists, with their actions and in relations to the DIY
ethos, dealt with challenging times using creativity, in a kind of artivism. Their moves and their
visibility are entangled with the construction of supportive networks and representativity, which
are fundamental for a fairer world in which women’s voices can be heard, also across art.
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https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCVvpjy9yygBmrk3AkiH7u4w (accessed 01 January 2023)
Biografie degli autori/ Authors’ biographies
Belisa Zoehler Giorgis è dottoranda in Scienze della Comunicazione all’Universidade do Vale do Rio dos
Sinos (Unisinos University – Brasile) e PhD visiting scholar presso il Dipartimento di Scienze Sociali e Politiche dell’Università degli Studi di Milano. Ha la laurea magistrale in Processi e Manifestazioni Culturali
(Feevale University), la laurea specialistica in Cultura Digitale e Reti Sociali e le lauree triennali in Comunicazione Sociale – Pubbliche Relazioni e Comunicazione Sociale – Pubblicità (Unisinos University).
Tiago Ricciardi Correa Lopes è professore della Scuola dell’Industria Creativa e del Programma Post-laurea
in Scienze della Comunicazione all’Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos (Unisinos University – Brasile)
Belisa Zoehler Giorgis is a PhD candidate in Communication Science at Unisinos University (Brazil) and a
PhD visiting scholar at the Department of Social and Political Sciences of the University of Milan (Italy).
She holds a master’s degree in Cultural Processes and Manifestations (Feevale University), a specialisation postgraduate course in Digital Culture and Social Networks, and a bachelor’s degree in Social Communication - Public Relations and in Social Communication - Advertising (Unisinos University).
Tiago Ricciardi Correa Lopes is a professor at the Creative Industry School and at the Graduate Programme in Communication Science of Unisinos University.
Articolo sottoposto a double-blind peer-review
Zoehler Giorgis, Ricciardi Correa Lopes
Connessioni Remote n. 5 - 6/2023
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