Pla�num in games: a psychopoli�cal
enuncia�ve project
LEONARDO REITANO
São Paulo University (USP) – São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil.
E-mail: o.reitano@gmail.com
ORCID: 0000-0002-8451-1443
Volume 40
issue 2 / 2021
Contracampo e-ISSN 2238-2577
Niterói (RJ), 40 (2)
may/2021-aug/2021
Contracampo – Brazilian Journal
of Communication is a quarterly
publication
of
the
Programme
in
Communication
Graduate
Studies (PPGCOM) at Fluminense
Federal University (UFF). It aims
to contribute to critical reflection
within the field of Media Studies,
being a space for dissemination of
research and scientific thought.
TO REFERENCE THIS ARTICLE, PLEASE USE THE FOLLOWING CITATION:
Reitano, L. (2021). Platinum in games: a psychopolitical enunciative project. Contracampo – Brazilian Journal of
Communication, v. 40, n. 2.
Submitted on: 05/29/2021 / Accepted on: 08/16/2021
DOI – http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/contracampo.v40i2.50480
Abstract
Based on two theoretical models – the Flow Psychology, by Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi,
and the tensive semiotics by Claude Zilberberg – this essay aims to analyze the values
and the enunciative project of the platinum activity, which is precisely to complete
all the challenges proposed by the game development team. The paper then focuses
in understanding how the search for such strategy, of strong psychopolitical nature,
impacts the enunciative project of the game itself, reducing the effect of the narrative
proposal in the name of rewards that are outside the game, concerning the space of
neoliberal values of the digital world.
Keywords
Digital games; Tensive semiotics; Flow; Enunciative project; Psychopolitics.
2
Introduc�on
Video game consump�on is a solid phenomenon that drives a billion-dollar industry worldwide.
According to Ryan Wya�, director of Youtube1, the pla�orm had, in 2020, forty million channels focused
on games, which added up to 100 billion hours of views in that same year. Some of these channels are
even among the most popular not just in their segment, but across the en�re pla�orm.
Some of the producers and consumers of this content promote some sort of dissec�on of games,
bringing together informa�on, trivia, secret messages from the universe of specific games, developing
guides and strategies to overcome the proposed challenges, as well as giving management �ps for
players to op�mize their performance. To understand how this market interferes in the users' rela�onship
with games, this paper adopts the perspec�ve of Zilberberg's tensive semio�cs and Csikszentmihalyi's
psychological and posi�vist concept of flow. These two models will help understand the emo�ve
conven�ons that permeate the ac�vity of play.
Lastly, the paper proposes an answer to the following ques�on: how does this “market” of gaming
performance (herea�er referred to as the platinum or platinum activity) interferes with the emo�ve
values proposed by the game. From the psychopoli�cal strategies of power, proposed by Byung-Chul Han
regarding the neoliberal movements within the digital socializa�on space, and the cri�que of gamifica�on,
proposed by Goulart & Nardi, Conway, Woodcock and Johnson, among others, it becomes no�ceable that
the cultural manifesta�on of “pla�num games” brings with itself a charge of ac�vity control and exposure
of an individual who seeks – through submission to the digital collec�ve – valida�on of his illusion of “selfownership”.
Presenta�on of the flow model
Flow is a concept coined by psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi. In his book, Flow: the Psychology
of Optimal Experience, the author proposes that the characteris�cs of an enjoyable experience o�en
involve “a sense that one’s skills are adequate to cope with the challenges at hand, in a goal-directed,
rule-bound ac�on system that provides clear clues as to how well one is performing” (Csikszentmihalyi,
2008, p. 71). When the ac�vity seems too challenging, it creates anxiety and fa�gue; when it is too banal,
it generates boredom and a feeling of emp�ness.
To define the elements that cons�tute this “pleasant experience”, the author uses the book
Man, Play and Games, by Roger Caillois, in which there is a list of appropriate categories to represent the
essence of playing, “a division into four main formulas, as the role of compe��on, luck, simulacrum or
ver�go prevails in the considered games” (Caillois, 1990, p. 32)2.
The four categories listed by Caillois are:
• Agôn (compe��on) – a category that comprises games such as chess, Olympic sports, and some
board games, in which rules seek to simulate an equal playing field and fair play. “The Agôn presents itself
as the pure form of personal merit and serves to manifest it” (Caillois, 1990, p. 35)3.
• Alea (luck) – it encompasses games such as lo�ery, heads-or-tails, and slot machines. These are
games ruled by chance and luck, in which the player's abili�es are not considered, as well as their previous
Agrela, Lucas. (2020, December 10) YouTube teve 100 bilhões de horas assistidas de vídeos sobre games
em 2020 [YouTube achieved 100 billion hours of watched videos on games in 2020]. Exame Magazine.
Retrieved from: https://exame.com/tecnologia/youtube-teve-100-bilhoes-de-horas-assistidas-de-videos-sobre-games-em-2020/.
1
2
In the original: “uma divisão em quatro rubricas principais, conforme predomine, nos jogos considerados,
o papel da competição, da sorte, do simulacro ou da vertigem”.
3
In the original: “O Agôn apresenta-se como a forma pura do mérito pessoal e serve para o manifestar”
3
history in the compe��on or their accumulated knowledge, abolishing natural or social advantages that
may exist among the par�cipants.
• Mimicry (simulacrum) – a category in which children's make-believe and military reenactments
appear. In this instance, there is the crea�on of a temporary fic�onal universe, and all par�cipants
temporarily agree with the new rules of conduct, which aims to fascinate the viewer and par�cipant.
• Ilinx (ver�go) – it comprises games such as circus acroba�cs and extreme sports. In this
classifica�on, “The disturbance caused by ver�go is very o�en sought as an end in itself” (Caillois, 1990, p.
43)4. The search for adrenaline in these games is jus�fied, according to the author, by the repressed desire
for ac�vi�es of disorder or destruc�on.
It is worth no�ng that games do not mobilize just of the four categories proposed by Caillois, and
that these are just four aspects of the same field of experience. A card game such as poker has elements
of Agôn and Alea, a game of RPG (Role-Playing Game) mobilizes Agôn and Mimicry. In more extreme
examples, a Russian roule�e “game” mobilizes Alea and Ilinx.
The four categories developed by Caillois encompass the antagonis�c poles of Paidia – which
represents fun, turbulence, improvisa�on – and Ludus – the space for training, concentra�on, and rules.
Such theore�cal framework provides Csikszentmihalyi with the basis for the following statement:
In our studies, we found that every flow ac�vity, whether it involved compe��on,
chance, or any other dimension of experience, had this in common: It provided a sense
of discovery, a crea�ve feeling of transpor�ng the person into a new reality. It pushed
the person to higher levels of performance and led to previously undreamed-of states
of consciousness. In short, it transformed the self by making it more complex. In this
growth of the self lies the key to flow ac�vi�es. (Csikszentmihalyi, 2008, p. 74).
Visually, Csikszentmihalyi's flow graph ha Visually, Csikszentmihalyi's flow graph has the following
appearance:
Figure 1 - Csikszentmihalyi’s Flow Graph
Source: the author.
4
In the original: “A perturbação provocada pela vertigem é procurada como fim em si mesma, muito
frequentemente”
4
In the third volume of the game design book collec�on, The Rules of the Game, Ka�e Salen and
Eric Zimmerman discuss Csikszentmihalyi's ideas about Flow. The authors highlight that:
Csikszentmihalyi outlines a person's experience along two axes. One axis represents
the degree of challenge an ac�vity offers. The other axis represents the skills that a
par�cipant has (…) On one side of the range is the state of anxiety, where the ac�vity
tests surpass the par�cipant's abili�es. On the other side is boredom, the state in
which the player's skills outweigh the challenge that the ac�vity can provide (Salen &
Zimmerman, 2012, p. 725).
It is important to keep in mind this “ideal” of game design – in which the player cannot be
consecu�vely overwhelmed by something beyond their capabili�es, nor le� in their comfort zone
indefinitely – it is not a constant state, but a point of reference. Ideally, the player must only temporarily
move between zones of boredom (in blue) and anxiety (in red), to then return to balance. Therefore, their
inability to meet the challenges must be only momentary (in graph 1: path A → B¹ → C) as well as their
mastery and absolute control of the game space (path A → B² → C).
According to Salen & Zimmerman, “The best games can scale their challenge to the player. Ideally,
games are simple to learn but difficult to master, offering an adequate degree of challenge for beginners
and advanced players” (Salen & Zimmerman, 2012, p. 736). Such observa�ons are echoed by asser�ons
from other developers7, journalists8 and game analysts9, which tes�fies that Csikszentmihalyi's flow
model can be considered as one of the several tools that guide the game development market.
Regarding this status of model a�ributed to the flow, some observa�ons are necessary. Several
ar�cles produced in the field of game studies make important cri�cisms of the flow model, from which we
will highlight The Circuit of Fun or From Ludology to Ideology: Fun, Escapism and Exclusion in the Culture
of Digital Game, by Lucas Goulart and Henrique Nardi. The authors note the existence of an effort, both
in the work of Johan Huizinga as in Caillois’, to advocate for a “purity” of playful ac�vity. According to the
authors, the "need to maintain a 'reality apart' - and that only in this way games would be possible - is
a very present theore�cal heritage within Game Studies (and the culture of digital games in general)"
(Goulart & Nardi, 2019, p. 7610).
This tendency of the ludic isola�onist model maintains its influence in the work of Csikszentmihalyi,
who is an author of the posi�vist school of psychology. The authors observe that the principle of the
dynamics of flow presupposes the uncri�cal repe��on of similar pa�erns and an isola�on from the social
context, always with the objec�ve of protec�ng the magic circle and the isola�on of play.
The problem is that these dynamics, as noted by Goulart and Nardi, add to the pre-eminence of a
white, Western, male, and heteronorma�ve culture in the games environment, as well as in the values of
the academics who validate them. The authors then rightly observe:
5 In the original: ”Csikszentmihalyi traça a experiência de uma pessoa em dois eixos. Um eixo representa
o grau de desafio que uma atividade oferece. O outro eixo representa as habilidades que um participante
possui (…) De um lado da faixa está o estado de ansiedade, onde os testes da atividade ultrapassam as
habilidades do participante. No outro lado está o tédio, o estado no qual as habilidades do jogador superam o desafio que a atividade pode proporcionar”.
6 In the original: “Os melhores jogos conseguem dimensionar seu desafio para o jogador. Idealmente os
jogos são simples de aprender, mas difíceis de dominar, oferecendo um grau adequado de desafio para os
jogadores iniciantes e avançados”.
7 See Chen, 2003.
8 See Baron, 2012.
9 See Berube, 2021.
10 In the original: “necessidade de manutenção de uma ‘realidade à parte’ – e de que apenas assim os
jogos seriam possíveis – é uma herança teórica muito presente dentro do Game Studies (e da cultura de
jogos digitais em geral)”
5
In this way, since the symbols and representa�ons that iden�fy heterosexual men (and
their worldviews) are the references of what is "real", it is understandable that, among
these so-called 'poli�cal issues' that must be avoided to maintain the ideological
illusion of the magic circle, include the historical struggles and conflicts of LGBTQ
popula�ons, women and non-white people. (Goulart & Nardi, 2019, p. 79)11.
Goulart and Nardi point out that, far from ensure the purity of playful ac�vity within society,
models such as flow and the magic circle end up being co-opted by the mechanics of neoliberal capitalism,
in their strategies to transform all culture into a product and all ac�vity into profit-genera�on. However,
this does not mean that such models should be abolished. Jamie Woodcock and Mark Johnson, when
analyzing the harmful consequences of gamifica�on with a neoliberal bias, acknowledge the role of magic
circle and flow theories in legi�mizing this movement, but point out that “An important point that we
therefore want to reiterate is that game elements themselves are not the problem. They are like the brick
in Deleuze and Gua�ari’s analogy, as they come with the possibility of being used for a variety of purposes”
(Woodcock & Johnson, 2017, p. 547). Similarly, Mussa, Falcão and Macedo (2020), when cri�cizing the
phenomenon of coloniza�on of play, remark that:
Rewards or �me-limited events, taken in isola�on, don't tell us much. It is necessary
to understand how these gears fit into a higher order of mechanisms, whose purpose
is to provide models for crea�ng games that produce the most desired effect in the
industry: a�rac�ng and maintaining players' a�en�on (Mussa, Falcão & Macedo,
2020, p. 329)12.
Based on this, some researchers have proposed new ways of using models such as the flow and
the magic circle. Instead of trying to preserve its unsustainable and ar�ficial isola�on from the social world,
they seek to understand what such an ini�a�ve meant at its �me, and to reframe its purpose within the
present context, diverging from the interpreta�on that subjugates such principles to neoliberal efficiency.
Efforts in this sense have already been made with the work of Huizinga (Mussa, Falcão & Macedo,
2020), Caillois (Kristensen & Wilhelmson, 2017) and Csikszentmihalyi (Conway, 2014). This ar�cle believes
that the flow can also be observed beyond its role in legi�mizing the neoliberal gamifica�on model, if
paired with principles from the French school of semio�cs. Such proposal will be formalized forward in the
following sec�on, a�er the presenta�on of the tensive semio�c model.
Presenta�on of the tensive semio�c model
Once outlined the conceptual field of game studies in which this ar�cle will base its discussion,
it is necessary to approach the meaning within the linguis�c domain in our object of analysis. This ar�cle
uses the work of the French semio�cian Claude Zilberberg, who proposed a framework of analysis aimed
at “overcoming the tenacious prejudice according to which the 'Dionysian' affec�on would do nothing
but disturb, derange the 'Apollonian' form” (Zilberberg, 2011, p. 45)13. The author gave the work of his
predecessors – Algirdas Julien Greimas and collaborators – a configura�on that some have pointed out as
li�le explored in tradi�onal theore�cal models. It brings a more fluid reading of the categories which are
In the original: “Dessa maneira, sendo os símbolos e representações que identificam homens heterossexuais (e suas visões de mundo) as referências daquilo que é “real”, é compreensível que entre essas
chamadas ‘questões políticas’ que devem ser evitadas para que se mantenha a ilusão ideológica do círculo
mágico, se incluam lutas e conflitos históricos das populações LGBTQ, mulheres e pessoas não brancas”
11
In the original: “Recompensas ou eventos com prazo limitado, tomados em isolamento, não nos informam muita coisa. É necessário compreender de que modo essas engrenagens se encaixam em mecanismos de ordem superior, cuja finalidade é fornecer modelos de criação de jogos que produzem o efeito mais
desejado da indústria: a atração e manutenção da atenção dos jogadores”
12
In the original: “ultrapassar o tenaz preconceito segundo o qual o afeto ‘dionisíaco’ não faria nada além
de perturbar, desarranjar a forma ‘apolínea’”
13
6
present in these models of strong structuralist inspira�on.
The author sought to bring greater flexibility to the rigidity of posi�ons within the models,
considering the scale of intensity and extension values, thus acknowledging previously unan�cipated scalar
spectra of the semio�c presence. It is precisely about the grada�ons, star�ng from the “hypothesis that
the discourse, when advancing, seeks, from the more and less emerged and accumulated, to recognize the
elected growing direc�on” (Zilberberg, 2011, p. 64)14. The graphic form that the author found to represent
this theore�cal proposal can be seen below:
Figure 2 - Zilberberg’s Tensive Graph
Source: the author.
Zilberberg produced a two-dimensional graph, composed of intensity and extensity. The author
argues that intensity governs extensity, since, according to his interpreta�on, the impact of a “something”
on the observer directly interferes with their ability to observe its objec�ve elements. To Zilberberg,
valences are sub-dimensions that cons�tute each of the two dimensions, which increase or a�enuate
themselves, configuring discursive statutes defined by the combina�on or opposi�on between such
valences. To exemplify these dynamics between valences and dimensions, the author describes his own
chart as follows:
From the perspec�ve of universal values, sensi�ve to extensive valences, absolute
values are certainly strong, but they have the serious defect of being concentrated.
Universal values, in turn, are weak, but they have the advantage (to them, more
significant) of being diffuse; from the perspec�ve of absolute values, sensi�ve mainly
to intensive valences, universal values are diffuse but weak; the absolute values, in
turn, are certainly concentrated, but their strong impact largely compensates for this
defect (Zilberberg, 2011, p. 91)15.
In the original: “hipótese de que o discurso ao avançar procura, a partir dos mais e dos menos surgidos
e acumulados, reconhecer a direção crescente eleita”
14
In the original: “Na perspectiva dos valores de universo, sensíveis às valências extensivas, os valores de
absoluto são, certamente, intensos, mas apresentam o grave defeito de serem concentrados. Os valores
de universo, por sua vez, são tênues, mas têm a vantagem, a seus olhos mais significativa, de serem difusos; na perspectiva dos valores de absoluto, sensíveis principalmente às valências intensivas, os valores
de universo são difusos, mas tênues; os valores de absoluto por seu turno, são por certo concentrados,
mas seu impacto compensa amplamente esse defeito”
15
7
To be�er understand this principle, it is necessary to understand how Zilberberg categorizes the
valences in his work. For the author, the intensity is composed of the tempo and tonicity subdimensions,
and in general terms it is close to the generic concept of strength, which "can be measured in their quality
of suddenness, 'precipita�on' and energy" (Zilberberg, 2011, p. 69)16. Extensity, on the other hand, is
composed of the temporality and spatiality sub-dimensions, represen�ng the measure, or extension, of
the reach of intensity in rela�on to the subject.
The author also iden�fies two possible correla�ons within this tensive dynamic, determinant of
the status of a semio�c object: the inverse correlation and the direct correlation:
Figure 3 – Direct and Inverse Tensive Correlations
Source: the author.
To exemplify the inverse correla�on phenomenon, shown on the le� of Figure 3, the author
compares this correla�on to the principle of Aura proposed by Walter Benjamin, in which the Aura of the
artwork, whose impact comes from its own uniqueness, is in the area of the absolute, while the excessive
availability of a same reproducible work, provided by technical reproducibility, is located in the area of
the universe. Moments of extremely high intensity and low extensity are the impacts that loom over the
subject, while moments of extremely high extensity and low intensity are the atonies that almost escape
the subject's percep�on.
To describe the direct correla�on, it is said that “impact values and universal values increase each
other, and everything runs smoothly in the best of all possible worlds” (Zilberberg, 2011, p. 92)17, that is,
there is some form of reinforcement of one value over the other due to their tensive configura�ons which,
in this case, are not inverse, but in the same direc�on.
Despite the visual and terminological similari�es between the Flow graph (proposed by
Csikszentmihalyi) and the tensive graph (proposed by Zilberberg), any proposal for fusion or equivalence
between the two must be resisted. The first is a graph that proposes a guide for the game designer's
ac�vity, while the second is a model that aims to quan�fy the emo�onal investment within a proposed
discourse. Although uncommon, there are cases in which the strategies towards game's difficulty and
their emo�onal impact do not converge in the same direc�on. Therefore, by bringing such models into
discussion, this is purpose of this ar�cle: to demonstrate how graphics can promote an understanding of
the enunciative project of a game, when analyzed separately on the same game.
The term enunciative project is used by several authors, among them, Renata Mancini, in the
16
In the original: “podem ser medidos em sua qualidade de subitaneidade, de ‘precipitação’ e de ‘energia’”
In the original: “os valores de impacto e os valores de universo aumentam-se uns aos outros, e tudo
transcorre da melhor forma no melhor dos mundos possíveis”
17
8
ar�cle A tradução enquanto processo [Translation as process]. The semio�cian, when discussing the
transla�on process, states that this project is the guiding thread of several decisions made by a translator,
which cut across linguis�c or language concerns – in the case of transla�ons between different languages
– as they try to capture the inten�on of the translated discourse. We use the author's conceptualiza�on,
inspired by Zilberberg’s model, to also use the concept in our work:
We understand as enuncia�ve project the set of textualiza�on strategies put into
prac�ce in the act of crea�on that embody the persuasion project of an enunciator
(the discursive profile of one who “says”) in rela�on to the interpre�ve act of the
specific profile of the targeted enunciatee (the discursive profile of the reader, viewer,
listener, etc.). It is worth emphasizing that the interpre�ve ac�on also contemplates
the modes of sensi�ve engagement, in addi�on to the construc�on elements of
intangibility (Mancini, 2020, p. 26)18.
This enuncia�ve project, along the lines observed by Mancini, is built from the manipula�on of
three main axes: (i) the hierarchiza�on of narra�ves that present the content within the text, (ii) the
personal/spa�al/temporal loca�on strategies and (iii) the seman�c choices of the figures and themes of
the discourse.
The iden�fica�on of the increases and decreases in intensity caused by the enuncia�ve project
builds what Mancini names as a tensive arc. In her studies, focused on transla�on, this arc can be defined
as “the design of the sensi�ve interface of a work, a profile that is built from the alterna�on between
moments of impact (stronger and more tenuous) and so�er moments (in degrees of atony)” (Mancini,
2020, p. 25)19.
Based on this defini�on, this ar�cle argues that the observance of the tensive graph, allied to the
flow graph, allows one to understand the enuncia�ve project of a game, and that this makes it possible to
also analyze which ideological values are in mo�on in a given discourse.
By promo�ng a tradi�onal semio�c analysis – in which the game is the text/discourse to be analyzed
– the fundamental and narra�ve levels are observed (in which narra�ve structures are understood), as well
as the discursive level, in which the figures20 of a discourse are visible and, consequently, its ideological
bias. As the semio�cian Diana Pessoa de Barros observes, when sta�ng that "The seman�c figures of
discourse, as explained, seek, essen�ally, to create the illusion of reality." (Barros, 1988, p. 154)21, the
figures of the discursive level are largely responsible for promo�ng the “bridge” between the text/game
discourse and the “world of things”.
When tensive semio�cs is included in the analysis of the text/game, it is possible to observe
the emo�onal accents that such discourse uses, and also understand which of the present figures are
mobilized to be impac�ul – therefore, mobilizing within the discourse - or to remain toneless, in the
background.
Finally, the observa�on of the flow model – not as a quality scale of a game, as proposed by
In the original: “Entendemos por projeto enunciativo o conjunto de estratégias de textualização postas
em prática no ato de criação que dão corpo ao projeto de persuasão de um enunciador (o perfil discursivo
de quem “diz”) em relação ao fazer interpretativo do perfil específico de enunciatário visado (perfil discursivo do leitor, espectador, ouvinte etc.). Vale reforçar que o fazer interpretativo contempla também os
modos de engajamento sensível, para além dos elementos de construção da intangibilidade”
18
In the original: “o desenho da interface sensível de uma obra, um perfil que se constrói a partir da alternância entre momentos de impacto (mais fortes e mais tênues) e momentos mais brandos (em graus
de atonia)”
19
Within semiotics, the figure represents the “cover” that is given to an element in the discourse. For
example: in the Duke Nukem series, the protagonist-hero figure, with his profanity, machismos, physical
strength and indulgence in drink, sex and tobacco, makes the sexist and toxic ideology of the game's
discourse identifiable.
20
In the original: “As figuras semânticas do discurso, conforme foi explicado, procuram, essencialmente,
criar a ilusão de realidade.”
21
9
the neoliberal gamifica�on model, but as a key to reading the game's enuncia�ve project – allows us to
understand that the text/game develops itself in interspersed cycles of anxiety and monotony. It can be
observed, within the flow regime, which figures are used to represent the obstacles/challenges, or which
are meant to solve them, or even which figures represent or challenge the monotony of the already known
and mastered, as well as the figures used to break such control.
The flow analysis, observed in line with the tensive semio�c model, allows the comprehension
of the enuncia�ve project of a game. This project and the mobiliza�on of its discursive figures, promo�ng
accents and atonies, exposes the game's ideological bias. However, the prac�ce of the pla�num ac�vity,
promoted by the neoliberal way of life, ends up clouding the efficiency of this analysis, as it will be
demonstrated next.
The play and the “pla�num”
Within gamer terminology, pla�num22 is the ac�vity of achieving all the objec�ves, or
achievements, available in a game. As more achievements are acquired, some games even offer new
cosme�c or interac�ve elements – or even points to be exchanged for new games – to the player. Mikael
Jakobsson, in the introduc�on to his ar�cle “The Achievement Machine”, sums up the importance of such
an element of gaming ac�vity:
Systems where players collect virtual rewards that in some sense are separated
from the rest of the game have seen a drama�c rise in popularity during the last few
years. These systems that connect different games that share for instance the same
technological pla�orm or publisher are o�en called achievements (…) Collec�ng
achievements has become an integral part of Xbox 360 gaming. The system has divided
gamers in camps for and against achievements and changed the way many people play
games. (Jakobsson, 2011, online).
Such structures of achievements, badges and challenges are one of the cornerstones of the
phenomenon of gamifica�on23 – the prac�ce of building loyalty in customers and employees towards a
brand, product or service, through playful strategies – that spread throughout the business world in the
last decade (Conway, 2014).
Byung-Chul Han even sees such gamifica�on as a way of submi�ng the game to the regime of
neoliberal capitalism and psychopoli�cs:
In order to create more produc�vity, emo�onal capitalism also appropriates games,
which should be, indeed, the other of work. It “gamifies” the world of work and life.
The game grants an emo�onal and even drama�cal weight to work, thus genera�ng
more mo�va�on. Through its reward system and the quick sense of achievement,
the game generates more performance and yield. The player, with their emo�onal
investment, is much more engaged than a merely func�onal or ra�onal worker. (Han,
2020, p.69)24.
In this sense, resuming the remark of Woodcock and Johnson (2017) on how to not alienate a
Azevedo, Theo. (2014, may 09). Caçadores de troféus: conheça brasileiros fanáticos por “platinar” jogos [Trophy hunters: meet the Brazilians obsessed with “platinum” games]. UOL Start. Retrieved from:
https://www.uol.com.br/start/ultimas-noticias/2014/05/09/cacadores-de-trofeus-conheca-brasileiros-fanaticos-por-platinar-jogos.htm.
22
23
See Galessi, 2018.
In the original: ”Para gerar mais produtividade, o capitalismo da emoção também se apropria do jogo,
daquilo que seria, na verdade, o outro do trabalho. Ele ‘gamifica’ o mundo do trabalho e da vida. O jogo
emocionaliza e até dramatiza o trabalho, criando assim mais motivação. Através da rápida sensação de
realização e do sistema de recompensas, o jogo gera mais desempenho e rendimento. O jogador com suas
emoções está muito mais envolvido do que um trabalhador meramente funcional ou que atua apenas no
nível racional”
24
10
technique based on its perverted use by the neoliberal regime, the authors propose the existence of two
modali�es of gamifica�on: the first one would be gamifica�on-from-above, the preferred modality of
the neoliberal regime, which elevates work to its maximum value and aims only to gamify ac�vi�es that
generate profit for the company, condi�oning employees to play in order to achieve excellence in their
performance. The second modality would be the gamifica�on-from-below, a kind of counter-gamifica�on,
with situa�onist and autonomist roots, where workers gamify their rou�nes to have fun, which generally
does not suit the obsession with produc�vity of the psychopoli�cal neoliberal regime.
Both modali�es cover the axis, proposed by Caillois, between Ludus (training, rules and discipline
of training, i.e., gamifica�on-from-above) and Paidia (iconoclasm, chaos, inven�on, i.e., the gamifica�onfrom-below). The importance of this remark is highlighted by the authors themselves when they observe
that:
Context is, therefore, everything for ‘gamifica�on’, and the applica�on of game
systems to life can be used to enhance or curtail work. In doing so, two sets of polar
opposite poli�cal entanglements are apparent; ‘game mechanics’ are consequently
not neutral, and ‘fun’ is an emergent property dependent on context far more than on
formal systemic game elements (Woodcock & Johnson, 2017, p. 553)
In this ar�cle, henceforth, where gamifica�on is noted, it will refer to the modality of gamifica�onfrom-above and, specifically, its applica�on within the neoliberal context: that of a capitalist nostrum,
which makes employees more produc�ve and mo�vated, regardless of their surroundings.
Play, compe��veness and status
Johan Huizinga, at the end of his book Homo Ludens, noted how various ac�vi�es considered
"playful" – such as organized sports, or medieval jous�ng – had lost their playful spirit, and exemplifies
his point by analyzing a "fever" of the 30s, �me when the book was wri�en: the card game called bridge:
From the days of ombre and quadrille to whist and bridge, card games have undergone
a process of increasing refinement, but only with bridge have the modern social
techniques reigned completely over the game. The paraphernalia of handbooks,
systems and professional training has made bridge a deadly earnest business. […]
Proficiency at bridge is a sterile talent, one that sharpens mental facul�es in a very
one-sided manner, with no enrichment of the soul in any way, while it consumes an
amount of intellectual energy that could be be�er applied elsewhere. (Huizinga, 2014,
p. 221)25.
In a more recent historical reading, we find the same cri�que on game ac�vity and its parallel
prac�ces. Henry Lowood published an ar�cle in 2007 en�tled A tecnologia encontrada: Jogadores como
inovadores na produção de machinima [The discovered technology: Players as innovators in produc�on],
in which he registers some of the social and technological developments that culminated in what is now
the machinima26 industry.
According to the author, it was the players' needs to record their performance for training and
strategy discussion, and also to develop scenarios and specific tests for their skills, that led game produc�on
In the original: “Desde os tempos da quadrilha até aos do uíste e do bridge, os jogos de cartas passaram
por um processo de aperfeiçoamento cada vez maior, e só com o bridge as técnicas sociais modernas se
apoderaram inteiramente do jogo. A proliferação de manuais, de sistemas e de preparação profissional fez
do bridge um jogo extremamente sério. [...] A habilidade para o bridge é um talento estéril, aguçando as
faculdades mentais de maneira muito unilateral e sem de modo algum enriquecer o espírito, consumindo
uma quantidade de energia intelectual que poderia ter melhor aplicação”.
25
26
Machinima is a term used to designate movies or videos captured within the video game software itself.
Both the movement of the characters and the visual effects are built within the game's programming, not
using any other image capturing or editing software.
11
companies to standardize the development of the code that controls the games. This led to the crea�on
of interfaces with friendlier codes – the so-called game engines – which allowed for the improvement of
tools such as game registra�on and scenario editors, so that players could use them to train and record
their performances.
The game engine also represented a new business model (...) as much as a game
development. Standardizing game produc�on has also opened the door to a flood
of player-created content, which in turn would extend the game's commercial life.
(Lowood, 2011, p. 18)27.
The popularity of these tools, which allowed players to use game resources differently from the
canonical narra�ve proposed by the developer, was due to the nature of the player community. Both in
Lowood's period of analysis and in more recent �mes, clans, or teams – as is customary to call groups of
players who play on the same team, especially in compe��ons – are characterized by a gregariousness and
compe��veness that spawned, among others effects, e-sports.
Carl Sagan even proposes that this behavior is a gene�c inheritance, and that such pleasure in
compe��on and exhibi�onism in sports and events are remnants of such ins�ncts:
Some part of our beings longs to join a small band of brothers on a daring and
intrepid quest. We can even see this in role-playing and computer games popular
with prepubescent and adolescent boys. The tradi�onal manly virtues— taciturnity,
resourcefulness, modesty, accuracy, consistency, deep knowledge of animals,
teamwork, love of the outdoors— were all adap�ve behavior in hunter-gatherer �mes.
We s�ll admire these traits, although we've almost forgo�en why. (Sagan, 1997, p.
16)28.
This need for conten�on and exhibi�onism is also noted by Lowood, when describing how “players
formed groups maintained by their increased mul�player connec�vity and chat op�ons. Like hacker gangs
dissec�ng the details of computer networks, these clans [...] shared high-performance techniques, both in
gaming and in programming” (2011, p. 19)29. Such gregarious behavior can even be considered as one of
the facets of the "gamer ethos":
The reinterpreta�on of the player as an actor had not just one but two predominant
forms: the superior player, the god of the joys�ck and mouse, and that of the
player-programmer capable of hacking the game's code and displaying a mastery of
technology. Both forms of performance occurred as audience demonstra�ons, in ways
that would later influence the use of games to make movies, while illustra�ng the sort
of experimenta�on and informal learning that have accompanied computer games for
so long. (Lowood, 2011, p. 21-22)30.
In the original: “O game engine também representou um novo modelo de negócios (...) tanto quanto
uma desenvolvedora de jogos. A padronização da produção de games também abriu os portões para uma
enxurrada de conteúdos criados por jogadores, o que, por sua vez, estenderia a vida comercial do game”.
27
It should be noted that Carl Sagan's reading is problematic in terms of gender, as it works in harmony
with binarist ideologies. In the context of this research, this excerpt shows that the “naturalization” of the
desire for competition and dispute is not a new phenomenon, having been addressed in several fields of
study. However, this article considers that the characteristics raised by Sagan are not necessarily linked
to male gender.
28
In the original: “os jogadores formaram grupos mantidos por sua incrementada conectividade multiplayer e opções de chat. Como gangues de hackers dissecando os detalhes das redes de computadores,
esses clãs [...] compartilhavam técnicas de alta performance, tanto de jogo quanto de programação”
29
In the original: “A reinterpretação do jogador como um ator teve não só uma, mas duas formas predominantes: a do jogador superior, o Deus do joystick e do mouse, e a do jogador-programador capaz de
hackear o código do game e exibir o domínio da tecnologia. Ambas as formas de performance ocorreram
como demonstrações do público de formas que, mais tarde, influenciariam o uso de games para se fazer
filmes, ao mesmo tempo em que ilustravam os tipos de experimentação e aprendizagem informal que tem
acompanhado os games de computador há tanto tempo”.
30
12
Therefore, it is possible to observe the existence of a program parallel to the narra�ve program of
a game, in which the player seeks – through their achievements and performance in the ac�vity of playing
– recogni�on from their status and other rewards. Here, it is stated that the platinum prac�ce enhances
this dynamic, opposed to the ac�vity of play, as we intend to demonstrate further.
Pla�num effects – tedium and atony
Observing the channels dedicated to game analysis, it is possible to perceive the effects of
psychopolitics, a phenomenon that Byung-Chul Han analyzes in his book Psicopolítica: o neoliberalismo
e as novas técnicas de poder [Psychopoli�cs: Neoliberalism and New Technologies of Power]. According
to the author, psychopoli�cs can be considered as an heir of biopolitics, a concept idealized by Michel
Foucault as a form of control of an individual's body by the power dynamics – which sought to adapt such
bodies to greater efficiency in their work and social func�ons – and it operates with such deep roots in
society that Foucault even considers it as a kind of “soul”:
It should not be said that the soul is an illusion, or an ideological effect, but that it
exists, that it has a reality, that it is permanently created, around, on the surface and
inside the func�oning body of a power that exerts itself over those who are punished
– in broad terms, over those who are watched, trained and corrected, over the insane,
children, students, the colonized, over those who are locked in a produc�on apparatus
and controlled throughout existence (Foucault, 2001, p. 31)31.
According to Han's proposal, in the last century’s rise of the neoliberal regime, biopoli�cs has
developed into psychopoli�cs, replacing control of the body as a poli�cal force by the mental op�miza�on,
in which the need for performance and recogni�on shapes the individual into its own and hardest
watchman:
The neoliberal performance subject, as an ‘entrepreneur of himself’, engages in selfexploita�on willingly and even passionately. The making of the self as a work of art
brings a beau�ful and decei�ul appearance that the neoliberal regime maintains in
order to exploit it completely. The power technique of the neoliberal regime takes
on a subtle form. It does not take over individuals directly. Instead, it ensures that
individuals, voluntarily, act against themselves in a way that they reproduce and
interiorize the context of domina�on, to then interpret it as freedom (Han, 2020, p.
44).
Within pla�num culture, such psychopoli�cal ideology shows itself throughout the “business
model” of pla�num gaming, which can be seen in some YouTube channels focused on the topic. Figure 4
shows two channels on the pla�orm, called Dawallades Gameplay and Gebirges BR.
If one types in the YouTube search bar the word “Detonado” (Brazilian jargon for guides that
describes all the secrets and easter eggs hidden in a game, also called walkthroughs) and “Zerado” (a
jargon that refers to a game that was played un�l all of its achievements and secrets were conquered,
being also synonymous with “pla�num”), most of the first results come from these two channels32, which
this ar�cle proposes to be symbolic of the adequacy of these channels to the psychopoli�cal model of
pla�num ac�vity.
In the original: “Não se deveria dizer que a alma é uma ilusão, ou um efeito ideológico, mas afirmar que
ela existe, que tem uma realidade, que é produzida permanentemente, em torno, na superfície, no interior do corpo em funcionamento de um poder que se exerce sobre os que são punidos – de uma maneira
mais geral sobre os que são vigiados, treinados e corrigidos, sobre os loucos, as crianças, os escolares,
os colonizados, sobre os que são fixados a um aparelho de produção e controlados durante toda
a existência”
31
32
This statement takes into consideration the Brazilian interface of the platform.
13
Figure 4 - Print screens from the YouTube channels Dawallades and GebirgeBR
Source: YouTube (2021).
Producers of this type of content, as well as their consumers – considering that the syncre�sm of
these two categories is not uncommon – embrace some principles, that cons�tute to some extent the two
types of ethos proposed by Lowood, the "joys�ck god" and the “player-programmer”: (i) the dynamism of
the content, since players look for news and guides on new games as soon as they are released, with the
first walkthrough videos launched a�er such releases becoming the most accessed of the pla�orm during
a certain period; (ii) the completeness of the content, as the best walkthroughs and guides for pla�num
gaming are those containing the most complete and detailed informa�on about the game's data, including
informa�on on its development process.
This type of behavior disrupts Zilberberg’s tensive analysis model and Csikszentmihalyi’s flow
analysis, which we are using for our discussion. When the player seeks pla�num, the challenges he faces
have all been researched and scru�nized in videos and walkthroughs – where guides on how to defeat
challenges faster and with the least expense of resources can be found – and, because of this, the element
of surprise/unpredictability and challenge, responsible for the player's temporary mo�ons through the
field of flow anxiety, decrease, keeping the experience in the field of boredom.
By observing how the tensive model func�ons, similar interferences of the pla�num ac�vity in
the game's enuncia�ve project become no�ceable. The dimensions of extensity result from the subject's
sensi�ve percep�on towards space and �me. The previous research on the game’s spaces and the loca�on
of the collectable items within its chronology broadens the player's knowledge on the whole extensity
of the game, while the descrip�on and analysis of each one of the obstacles and opponents reduces the
intensity of such elements. Such events concentrate the tensivity of the enuncia�ve project in the field of
atony.
The strategy behind this scru�ny of the game universe, as well as the repe��ons and prepara�ons
involved in the search for achievements, create a serializa�on and inventory of the gaming ac�vity, which
14
builds a bureaucra�c understanding of the game and renders the playing experience toneless. A�er
iden�fying the atoniza�on of the narra�ve, along with the increase of the boredom in the player's flow
experience, it is now impera�ve to inves�gate how such elements interfere in the game's enuncia�ve
project.
Pla�num as an enuncia�ve project
Byung-Chul Han states that "Neoliberalism is a very efficient – even intelligent – system of
freedom exploita�on: everything that belongs to the prac�ces and forms of expression of freedom (such
as emo�on, play and communica�on) is exploited" (2020, p. 11)33.
Similarly, researches in game studies, some of which men�oned in this ar�cle, also observe the
neoliberal capitalist prac�ce of co-op�ng the playful and its mechanics, in order to create dynamics that
colonialize and hierarchize ac�vi�es, favoring privilege maintenance and the efficient genera�on of profit.
Gamification and platinum gaming are the two most frequently used gears within this system, being
based on a set of strategies that have been effec�vely summarized by Mussa, Falcão and Macedo, when
analyzing the coloniza�on strategy within certain games:
Notably, it is possible to focus the analysis on the following a�ributes: the progress
structuring systems, the organiza�on of the game by commitment and grinding34,
in addi�on to the player’s management and collec�on of extrinsic rewards and/or
punishments throughout the game process (Mussa, Falcão & Macedo, 2020, p. 327)35.
Within the field of semio�cs and discursive analysis, these neoliberal strategies reveal themselves
through yet another symptom: the subjuga�on of the tensive impact of the enuncia�ve project of a game,
favoring the rewards of the pla�num ac�vity.
The pla�num player seeks, with this enuncia�ve project, to gain all of the achievements, find all
the collec�bles sca�ered throughout the game and acquire the knowledge of all the easter eggs. Through
these ac�ons and the acknowledgments they trigger – the insignias, trophies, the comments on the videos
– the pla�num player comes closer to the ethos of the programmer-player and/or the god-of-the-joystick,
as proposed by Lowood. The gaming experience is subjugated by Dataism, Han’s term to describe the
almost sexualized obsession with data hoarding, created by the ostensible use of Big Data36 within digital
culture.
By observing the pla�num enuncia�ve project from the discursive semio�cs point of view, it is
no�ceable how the pla�num player is condi�oned to ignore the analy�cal and cri�cal poten�al of the
narra�ve.
As previously stated in this ar�cle, the understanding of the discursive figures in a game is made
possible, among other mechanics, by their impact and role within the game's enuncia�ve project. Whether
in iden�fying themselves with an enuncia�ve project, or to cri�cize and sa�rize it, players need to perceive
In the original: “O neoliberalismo é um sistema muito eficiente – diria até inteligente – na exploração
da liberdade: tudo aquilo que pertence às práticas e formas de expressão de liberdade (como a emoção,
o jogo e a comunicação) é explorado”
33
According to the authors, grinding is “the incessant repetition of a task, without variation or risk, a repetition encouraged not by the intrinsic pleasure that the game/gamified system elicits, but by the results
and external rewards generated by the behavior” (Mussa, Falcão & Macedo, 2020, p. 328).
34
In the original: “Notadamente, é possível concentrar a análise nos seguintes atributos: os sistemas de
estruturação de progresso, a organização do jogo por comprometimento e o grinding, além da administração e coleção por parte do jogador de recompensas extrínsecas e/ou punições ao longo do processo
de jogo”
35
Big Data is an umbrella term for strategies aimed at maintaining, interpreting, and organizing large
volumes of data. According to Han (2020), Big Data is one of the main control tools used by the psychopolitical model.
36
15
such values within the game. They need to be impacted by what the game promotes as figura�vely
impac�ng, as well realize which figures the game's enuncia�ve project defines as a challenge that hinders
them, or an aid that gives them power.
However, the platinum-player, who seeks the enuncia�ve psychopoli�cal project of the neoliberal
regime, goes through this enuncia�ve project of the game in a more flat and tedious way, absorbing
the values embedded within the narra�ve in an apathe�c manner, not being sufficiently impacted by
them. The whole game becomes a great, toneless, and universal background, where all the figures in the
project are accepted – fulfilling here the neoliberal objec�ve by co-op�ng the flow and the magic circle:
transforming figures and ideological choices of a discourse/game into something neutral, �me-consuming,
and universal. Something that doesn't need to be cri�cally observed.
The pla�num’s enuncia�ve project requires that the player absorbs all the values of the neoliberal
discourse in an uncri�cal, dynamic, and produc�ve37 way, as the data and achievements to be accumulated
and mastered are proof of his �tle of player-programmer and god-of-the-joystick.
Final remarks
The paper argued that the prac�ce of pla�num gaming presents itself as a psychopoli�cal
enuncia�ve project. As such, it is a parallel and dataist prac�ce to the game itself, and it makes heavy use
of gamifica�on strategies, mobilizing content producers, discussion forums, websites, and several other
players in pursuit of informa�on – and achievement – hoarding spread throughout the game.
Pla�num has a different pace: the player must reach “pla�num status” as quickly as possible, and
also, they must have as much informa�on on the subject as possible. Therefore, it is chosen to sacrifice
the game's enuncia�ve project – as well as to suspend the possibility of a cri�cal view of the game and
its mechanics – leading to atony and boredom. In return, the players receive badges, views, and posi�ve
comments on their profiles, a dynamic that is summarized by Byung-Chul Han, when he states that
“Gamifica�on as a means of produc�on destroys the emancipatory poten�al of games” (2020, p.73)38.
This prac�ce fulfills the psychopoli�cal model: subjuga�ng all its ac�vi�es to the need for
performance, constantly exhibi�ng it to a digital collec�ve and promo�ng self-vigilance. Unsurprisingly,
when trying to visualize a “pla�num game” or a “pla�num player”, both objects look like trophies on the
walls of an office, impressing visitors.
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17
Leonardo Reitano is a PhD student in Semiotics and General Linguistics at Faculty of Philosophy,
Literature and Humanities (FFLCH), Universidade de São Paulo (USP). Holds a Master´s degree by the same
institution. Has 10 years of experience researching games and narratives, and organized the Maratona de
Desenvolvimento de Jogos SPJam (2011 a 2016), the Lounge HeartBITS da Spcine (2015), and was jury
of Game Music Brasil – GMB (2012) as well as of Festival ComKids Interativo (2020), also has acted as a
game design teacher in primary and high school private institutions.
18