DOI 10.1515/bz-2024-0010
BZ 2024; 117(1): 183–192
Konstantine Panegyres
Hymn fragments on a papyrus from the
ruins of the monastery at Deir el-Bala’izah,
Egypt
Abstract: In BZ 18 (1909), 309 – 323, Paul Maas published six hymns belonging to the
fifth or sixth century. The earliest textual witnesses he was able to use were
P.Lond. III 1029 of the sixth century (for only one of the six hymns), and MS Erlangensis 1234 (53v–56r), dated to 1025 (for all six of the hymns). Mercati in 1932 discovered that parts of the fourth and fifth hymn were also attested on a different papyrus of the fifth or sixth century (P.Lond.Lit. 235). No other witnesses from the same
early period have since come to light. The purpose of this article is to publish a new
papyrus fragment datable to the sixth century from the Bodleian Library, MS. Gr.
liturg. f. 2 (P), on which verses from the fourth and fifth hymns have also been preserved. This papyrus contains substantial textual variations, and is to be regarded
as a witness of considerable importance in the textual tradition of the hymns.
Adresse: Dr. Konstantine Panegyres, School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, Faculty of Arts,
University of Melbourne, Parkville 3010, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia;
konstantine.panegyres@unimelb.edu.au
The papyrus fragment in question, Bodleian MS. Gr. liturg. f. 2 (P), was excavated
from the ruins of the monastery of Deir el-Bala’izah, Egypt, by Flinders Petrie in
1907, and was subsequently given over to the Bodleian Library, Oxford, in 1908.
Its dimensions are 6.7 cm (w) × 12.6 cm (h). It was mounted alone on a small
glass frame (see figures 1a and 1b).
Preserved is a fragment of a papyrus roll. The text is written on both sides of
the papyrus. The greater part of the side written along the fibres (→) is free of text,
and this is because the scribe finished writing the fourth hymn somewhere in the
central part of the column and did not use the leftover space to write anything else,
preferring to begin the fifth hymn at the top of the next side of the sheet. A small
The papyrus and its photographs are published here by permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
1 This information comes from an unpublished handlist belonging to the archive of the Bodleian
Library. On the site of Deir el-Bala’izah and its excavation, see P. Grossmann, Ruinen des Klosters
Dair al-Balaiz in Oberägypten. JbAC 36 (1993), 171 – 205.
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part of the right-hand margin is preserved on the side written against the fibres (↓).
The papyrus itself is remarkably clean and well preserved, with only a few stains
on the back side (↓).
The hand is a clear and fairly elegant sloping majuscule. Notable letters are β
with a fat and rounded base; ε with an extended middle stroke; ο small and sometimes raised from the baseline; and χ with a left leg that extends considerably and
has a small ornamental tick at its end. The scribe almost always avoids having letters touching, except sometimes in the case of αρ (→ 2), ει (e. g. ↓ 3), and γι (e. g. ↓ 5).
The hand bears a close resemblance to P.Oxy. XI 1357 = TM 65049 = LDAB 6290 (‘Liturgical church calendar’, securely dated to 535/536), and to P.Oxy. XXXI 2531 = TM
62827 = LDAB 4017 (‘Theophilus of Alexandria, On Contrition’, assigned to the first
half of the sixth century). The writing is a little more formal than what is found
on those papyri, though the scribe does tend to vary the spaces between letters and
letter sizes considerably, with the result that in the reconstructed computerized edition printed here the line lengths look more uneven than they really would have
been in handwritten form. There must also have been some abbreviation of at
least a few of the words, since otherwise the verses do not fit so well into the
space on the papyrus. On palaeographical grounds, therefore, the present papyrus
may be assigned to the first half of the sixth century.
In 1909 Paul Maas published from collation of over a dozen manuscripts of a
Horologion (‘Book of Hours’) six anonymous hymns of the fifth or sixth century.
The hymns were meant to be sung for the �π�δειπνον (compline) during Lent. The
hymns were later republished in 1931. At the time of publication, Maas knew of
only one papyrus in which any one of these six hymns was transmitted, namely
P.Lond. III 1029 = TM 65190 = LDAB 6432), of the sixth century. This papyrus contained the first of the six hymns, and had originally been published by Kenyon and
Bell in 1907, and in 1908 Maas himself had discussed P.Lond. III 1029 in some detail in a paper of his own.
2 For plates and descriptions, see G. Cavallo / H. Maehler, Greek bookhands of the early Byzantine period. London 1987, 68 – 69, where these papyri are nos. 30a and 30b respectively.
3 P. Maas, Gleichzeilige Hymnen in der byzantinischen Liturgie: I. Die Abendhymnen. BZ 18 (1909),
309 – 323.
4 P. Maas, Frühbyzantinische Kirchenpoesie, I: Anonyme Hymnen des V.–VI. Jahrhunderts. Berlin
2
1931, 3 – 8.
5 On the date of this papyrus, see now Á. Mihálykó, The Christian liturgical papyri: an introduction. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 114. Tübingen 2018, 336 note 161, whose conclusions are accepted here. Kenyon originally dated the papyrus to the sixth century, whereas Maas
dated it to the sixth or seventh century.
6 F. Kenyon / H. I. Bell, Greek papyri in the British Museum III. London 1907, 284 – 285.
7 P. Maas, Ein frühbyzantinisches Kirchenlied auf Papyrus. BZ 17 (1908), 307– 311.
K. Panegyres, Hymn fragments on a papyrus
185
At the time when he was working on this material, Maas had access only to a
limited number of manuscripts. Although he had the sixth-century papyrus of the
first hymn, the earliest manuscript available to him in which all six of the hymns
were transmitted was MS Erlangensis 1234 (53v–56r), dated to 1025 owing to its
subscription. The other manuscripts only transmitted a partial number of the
six hymns.
As Maas observed, this Erlangen manuscript was the oldest copy of a Horologion that was accessible to him, and the only one that was fully intact and preserved the six hymns together. Maas knew of but could not access an older copy
of a Horologion in the Library of the Monastery of Saint-Catherine on Sinai,
namely Codex Sinaiticus Graecus 864, of the ninth century. This manuscript with
versions of the six hymns was published by Sister Maxime Leila Ajjoub.
A few decades after Maas wrote his contributions, Silvio Giuseppe Mercati
recognized in a papyrus of the fifth or sixth century, P.Lond.Lit. 235 = TM
64882, lines from the fourth and fifth hymns. As Maas wrote in reviewing Mercati’s contribution, “Der Text besteht aus Hymn. 4, 1 – 8. 5, 9. 8. 10. 13. 17, alles ohne
Kolometrie und ohne Lesezeichen. Die Orthographie ist ebenso barbarisch wie die
in [P.Lond. III 1029]”. This papyrus was later re-edited by Dieter Hagedorn (and
printed as a parergon to his edition of P.Heid. IV 293), and its reconstruction has
since received some further discussion from Diethart and Grassien. As was noticed by Hagedorn and later by Diethart and Grassien, it turns out that P.Lond.Lit. 235 preserves part of a single hymn that is a composite of material from the
known hymns, with verses from the fourth hymn mixed with verses from the
fifth hymn. This curious fact, as Diethart and Grassien observed, attests to
“une production hymnographique massive et infiniment variée”. No other new
early witnesses to the text have since come to light.
8 On this manuscript, see H. Thurn / O. Stählin, Die griechischen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen. Wiesbaden 1980, 21.
9 M. Ajjoub, Livre d’heures du Sinaï (Sinaiticus Graecus 864). SC, 486. Paris 2004. This was the doctoral dissertation of Sister M. Ajjoub, worked up for publication with the collaboration of J. Paramelle.
10 H. J. M. Milne, Catalogue of the literary papyri in the British Museum. London 1927, 198 (no. 235).
11 S. G. Mercati, Osservazioni sul testo e sulla metrica di alcuni papiri Cristiani. Chronique
d’Égypte 7 (1932), 183 – 201: 186 – 189.
12 P. Maas, BZ 32 (1932), 423. For his later views on this subject in general, see P. Maas, Gleichzeilige Hymnen in der Liturgie der Griechischen Kirche. Studia Patristica 2 (1957), 47– 48.
13 J. Diethart / C. Grassien, Remarques sur la composition, la transmission et l’édition de trois hymnes chrétiennes en provenance d’Égypte. Archiv für Papyrusforschung 51 (2005), 95 – 104: 102 –
104.
14 Ibid., 95.
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The current state of the question, therefore, is that whereas the first hymn is
earliest attested in a papyrus fragment of the sixth century (P.Lond. III 1029), material from the fourth and fifth hymns is earliest attested in a papyrus fragment of
the fifth or sixth century (P.Lond.Lit. 235). The papyrus being published in this article, Bodleian MS. Gr. liturg. f. 2 (P), contributes to this picture in a substantial way.
The front side of the fragment (written along the fibres, →) offers the end of the
fourth hymn, while the back side of the fragment (written against the fibres, ↓) offers the end of the fifth hymn.
The papyrus interestingly, like P.Lond.Lit. 235, also supplies evidence that lines
were shared between the fourth and fifth hymns. Most of the lines on the front
side (→) come from the fourth hymn, while most of the lines on the back side
(↓) come from the fifth hymn. However, on the front side (→), line 1, the traces
do not match anything in the known versions of the fourth hymn, and the best option for reconstruction is that the traces in the line belong to a verse attested in
hymn no. 5, line 33 Maas. On the back side (↓), lines 4 – 5, there are two unreconstructable verses that do not appear in the other versions of the fifth hymn; and in
lines 6 – 7, the traces in the line seem to belong to a verse attested elsewhere in
hymn no. 4, line 13 Maas.
The obvious question this new evidence raises is whether the present papyrus
offers expanded versions of the hymns known in shorter form in the other manuscripts, or whether the hymns known in the other manuscripts are reduced versions of hymns that were originally longer in form. That seems difficult to answer
unless further witnesses come to light. The evidence of P.Lond.Lit. 235, mentioned
above, suggests also that the hymns underwent expansion of various kinds, and if
the evidence from P.Lond. Lit. 235 is combined with that of the present papyrus,
then one would have to conclude that the main form of expansion was the exchange of a line or lines from one hymn into the other.
The hymns preserved on the papyrus are both in the same metre. The metre is
what Maas calls a ‘proparoxytone eleven syllable-line’, namely υ υ – υ υ – υ υ – υ υ
(–). The main freedom of this metre is the possible addition of various syllables
15 Similar overlaps of content could already be seen in the previously extant medieval manuscript
material written in the same metre: for example, the second hymn (line 6 Maas) has Χερουβ�� κα�
Σεραφ�� τ� πολυ���ατα, and the same line occurs in the fifth hymn (line 20 Maas). The second,
fourth, and fifth hymns also all end with the words σο� γ�ρ πρ�πει τι�� κα� προσκ�νησις ε�ς α��νας α�τ�ν τ�ν α��νων, ���ν (“for honour and adoration are fitting for you for ever and ever,
amen”).
16 Maas, Gleichzeilige Hymnen. BZ 18 (1909), 309 – 356: 317, describes the rules of this metrical
form.
K. Panegyres, Hymn fragments on a papyrus
187
anywhere in the line; corruption in such poems by the addition of extraneous syllables is common.
In the present papyrus, in order to save space, the scribe did not write out the
hymn colometrically with a single verse per line of the papyrus, but instead indicated the divisions between metrical cola with small rightward-slanting diagonal
slashes between words (i. e. / ): this form of verse division can be seen in ↓ 2
and 7. The scribe only seems to have placed this division after each eleventh syllable (thus the mark comes before the added twelfth syllable at the end of the verse
at ↓ 7 ε�, and there is no similar diagonal slash after it). The indication of cola by
the use of dashes of this kind is known elsewhere in early Christian hymns; for an
example, compare another papyrus of the sixth century that uses oblique strokes
to divide cola, namely P.Ryl. III 465 (TM 65053, 65054). Another scribal marking
that might have served a metrical purpose is the dot to the above right of � in ↓
3 Χερουβε��. This dot is of uncertain purpose, but perhaps it served to indicate
that the previous syllable had the stress accent. The purpose of the scribal middle-dot in → 3 after α�]τ̣�ν is also unclear.
The only place in the preserved portion of the fragment where there is a new
metrical difficulty (that is to say, a metrical difficulty not already found in the
other manuscript witnesses and not discussed by Maas or other editors) is at ↓
6 – 7. The correct metrical form of the line is �ν Τρι�δι θε�της ���ριστος (“divinity
indivisible in the Trinity”), but the scribe wrote � �ν Τρι�δι θε�της ���ριστος (“the
divinity invisible in the Trinity”). The additional syllable created by the writing of
the article violates the pattern υ υ – υ υ – υ υ – υ υ. It would be incautious to describe this as an error, since as noted above the addition of extra syllables is a feature of this metre. The presence of the article in this line brings it into structural
symmetry with � καθ��ενος in 7– 8, but there the article fits the metre perfectly.
The orthography of the papyrus does not display anything unusual. There is
the writing of ο for ω (↓ 8 �ς for �ς). In the writing of Hebrew names the scribe
prefers the forms Χερουβε�� and Σεραφε�� (↓ 3), whereas the other manuscript
witnesses have Χερουβ�� and Σεραφ�� in the same place. This just reflects a common type of variation between ει and ι, and should not be interpreted in any other
way. As for lectional markings, the scribe marks breathings: smooth breathings
17 Ibid., 317 (“Auch im Versinnern ist Zusatz von einer oder zwei Silben gewöhnlich”).
18 Á. Mihálykó, Christian liturgical papyri (as footnote 3 above) 171.
19 Maas does not correct these intrusive syllables by deleting them from the text; Ajjoub prefers
to put brackets around the extra syllables.
20 See F. T. Gignac, A grammar of the Greek papyri of the Roman and Byzantine periods, I: Phonology. Milan 1976, 189 – 190: “There is a very frequent interchange of ει and ι (whether long or
short etymologically) in all phonetic environments throughout the Roman and Byzantine periods”.
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with a small apostrophe to the above right of the vowel (for ε� in ↓ 6 and 7) and
rough breathings with a horizontal dash above a letter (for �ς l. �ς in ↓ 8). The
comma marks on the baseline after ε� in ↓ 7 and �ς in↓ 8 are of uncertain significance.
The full dimensions of the papyrus cannot be determined with absolute certitude, given that the hymns show signs of expansion. However, basic possibilities
can be put forward. Since the front side of the papyrus preserves the end of the
fourth hymn and the remaining space seems to have been left free, the fifth
hymn most probably began at the start of the next side. Taking Maas’ edition of
the fifth hymn as a guideline, there would have been about thirty-three verses
written before the first verse preserved on the papyrus. Since the scribe wrote
about one and a half verses per line of papyrus, there would have been about
twenty-two lines lost. The same calculation can be applied to the fourth hymn. Taking Maas’ edition of the fourth hymn as a guideline, there would have been about
twenty-three verses written before the first verse preserved on the papyrus. Since
the scribe wrote about one and a half verses per line of papyrus, there would have
been about fifteen lines lost. No weight can be given to this apparent disparity of
several lines between the respective number of lines that might have come above
what survives on both sides of the papyrus. The difference of several lines suggested by these figures could be resolved easily if we assume that this version
of the fourth hymn was several verses longer than the version printed by Maas,
or that the version of the fifth hymn was shorter than the version printed by Maas.
There were usually around forty letters written per line. The spacings of the
papyrus strongly suggest that some words in the text must have been abbreviated,
even though no abbreviations appear in the preserved portions of the papyrus.
These probably took the form of nomina sacra and other common abbreviations.
The spacings of the text ↓ do not work so well unless the use of scribal abbreviations is assumed. At any rate, because as mentioned earlier the scribe’s spacings
between letters are inconsistent, the handwritten version of the text will have
been more uniform than the text as it appears in reconstructed computerized
form.
Some ancient grammarians claim that the forms Χερουβε�� and Σεραφε�� are to be written for the
singular, whereas the forms Χερουβ�� and Σεραφ�� are to be written for the plural (Suid. σ 241
Adler: Σεραφ��· πληθυντικ�ς δι� το� ι, �π� δ� �νικο� Σεραφε�� δι� διφθ�γγου – “Seraphim: in
the plural with the iota, but in the singular Serapheim with a diphthong”); this difference is not
observed in practice in ancient texts, and the spellings of the papyrus should just be regarded
as orthographical equivalents. The plurals are obviously required by sense in the place where
they appear in the hymn.
K. Panegyres, Hymn fragments on a papyrus
189
Bodleian MS. Gr. liturg. f. 2 (P), recto and verso
Commentary below is only given to problems raised by the papyrus itself. For full
commentary and explanatory notes on these lines of the hymns, the edition of Ajjoub provides everything necessary. The line divisions given below are conjectural.
Bodl. MS. Gr. liturg. f. 2 (P)
Deir el-Bala’izah, Egypt
12.6 cm (h) × 6.7 cm (w)
Sixth century
Recto (→)
1
2
3
4
] [̣ ]β
̣ ̣ [̣
]υπυροσεξαρ[
] ιτι�ηκα[
̣
] ων·των[
̣
] [̣ ]β
̣ ̣ [̣
το]� πυρ�ς �ξαρ[π�σαι κα� σ�σαι ���ς σο�]
[γ�ρ πρ�π]ε̣ι τι�� κα[� προσκ�νησις, ε�ς α� ]
[�νας α�]τ̣�ν τ�ν [α��νων, ���ν.]
Normalized and arranged into verses, the papyrus reads as follows (the letters preserved on the papyrus are highlighted in bold):
Reconstruction
Uncertain
��γα �υστ�ριον κα� φοβερ�ν
Uncertain
Metre
Hymn and line number according to Maas (1931)
Unknown
–υυ–υυ–υυ–
Unknown
Unknown
No. 5, line 33
Unknown
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Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 117/1, 2024: I. Abteilung
το� πυρ�ς �ξαρπ�σαι κα� σ�σαι ���ς
σο� γ�ρ πρ�πει τι�� κα� προσκ�νησις
ε�ς α��νας α�τ�ν τ�ν α��νων, ���ν.
υυ–υυ–υυ–υυ–
υυ–υυ–υυ–υυ
υυ–υυ–υυ–υυ–
No. 4, line 24
No. 4, line 25
No. 4, line 26
Translation: “… a great and fearful mystery … he snatches us from the fire and
saves us. For honour and reverence are fitting for you for ever and ever, amen”.
1 – 2 There is space for two verses to have been written here. Since the β does not
match anything in the known lines that come in this position in the fourth hymn in
the other witnesses, it seems that there was a variant verse here. What matches
the traces is a verse from the fifth hymn, line 33 Maas, ��γα �υστ�ριον κα�]
φ̣[ο]βε̣ρ[�ν
“a great and fearful mystery” (probably ��γα stood in the previous
̣
line of the papyrus, since the space in this line of the papyrus is not quite big
enough for it, unless some words were abbreviated). It is possible that the rest
of the space here was filled by the verse that follows in the fifth hymn, line 44
Maas, �τι δο�λος δεσπ�την �β�πτισεν (“because slave baptized master”), but
since no traces at all remain it is prudent not to put this in the reconstructed version of the papyrus.
2 Maas corrects this to �ξαρπ�σ� κα� σ�σ�.
3 The writing in this line is followed by a large blank space. This was the end of the
hymn and the scribe did not use the rest of the space to write anything else.
Verso (↓)
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
] βαπτισεν
�τι δο�λος δεσπ�την] �̣β�πτισεν
̣
]ησεν/τετρα [τετρακ�ρυφον δ�νδρον �βλ�στ]ησεν, τετρα]βει�’σεραφε [̣ [π�ρατον κ�σ�ον �φ�τισεν, Χερου]βε�� Σεραφε�[�]
] προσαγ
[̣
[πολυ���ατα] προσαγ
[̣
̣
̣
]αγιονυ�νο ̣
[τ�ν τρισ]�γιον ��νον̣
] ̣ /ει’οεντρια [προσφ�ρουσιν σο�, �τι �γιος �γιος �γιο]ς ̣ ε�, � �ν Τρι�]αγιοσ/ει’,οκα[ [δι θε�της ���ριστος, �τι �γιος �γιος] �γιος ε� � κα[θ� ]
] σ,αχωριστ[ [�ενος �ν δεξι� το� Πατρ�ς.] �ς �χ�ριστ[ος
] [̣
] [̣
Normalized and arranged into verses, the papyrus reads as follows (the letters preserved on the papyrus are highlighted in bold):
Reconstruction
�τι δο�λος δεσπ�την �β�πτισεν·
τετρακ�ρυφον δ�νδρον �βλ�στησεν,
Metre
Hymn and line number according to Maas (1931)
υυ–υυ–υυ–υυ
υυ–υυ–υυ–υυ
No. 5, line 34
No. 5, line 35
K. Panegyres, Hymn fragments on a papyrus
τετραπ�ρατον κ�σ�ον �φ�τισεν.
Χερουβε�� Σεραφε�� πολυ���ατα
Uncertain
Uncertain
τ�ν τρισ�γιον ��νον προσφ�ρουσιν σο�,
�τι �γιος �γιος �γιος ε�,
� �ν Τρι�δι θε�της ���ριστος
�τι �γιος �γιος �γιος ε�
� καθ��ενος �ν δεξι� το� Πατρ�ς.
�ς �χ�ριστος σο� � θε�της, Χριστ�.
υυ–υυ
υυ–υυ
Unknown
Unknown
υυ–υυ
υυ–υυ
υυυ–υ
υυ–υυ
υυ–υυ
υυ–υυ
–υυ–υυ
–υυ–υυ
–
–
υ
–
–
–
υ
υ
–
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
–
–
υ
–
–
–
υ
υ
–
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
υ
-
No. 5, line
No. 5, line
Unknown
Unknown
No. 5, line
No. 5, line
No. 4, line
No. 5, line
No. 5, line
No. 5, line
191
36
37
38
39
13
39
40
41
Translation: “… because slave baptized master. The tree with four peaks has
sprouted, it has illuminated the cosmos with four quarters. The Cherubims and
Seraphims with many eyes … they address to you the thrice-holy hymn, because
you are holy, holy, holy, the divinity indivisible in the Trinity, because you are
holy, holy, holy, the one seated at the right hand of the Father. Since the divinity
is inseparable from you, Christ …”.
4] προσαγ
[.
̣
̣ This does not match anything in the versions found in the other manuscript witnessses, so it seems most prudent not to attempt a reconstruction. The
trace is likely to be ο but potentially could also be α. Perhaps there was a repetition
of the refrain in slightly different language, e. g. τ�ν τρισ�γιον ��νο]ν̣ προσ�γο̣[υσι
σο�] | [�τι �γιος �γιος �γιος ε�. Another possibility that has been considered is that
the line �ν ο� ��γοι τ� δ�ρα προσ�φερον was written here, but with a present
tense verb, προσ�γουσιν, although this solution is not especially convincing.
In conclusion, this papyrus fragment from the monastery of Deir el-Bala’izah,
Egypt, Bodleian MS. Gr. liturg. f. 2 (P), supplies important new evidence for the
text of two early Byzantine hymns. These hymns have only been attested previously in two other papyri, P.Lond. III 1029 and P.Lond.Lit. 235. Tantalizingly, the
papyri suggest that the text of the hymns in the fifth and sixth centuries was far
more fluid than that found in later medieval manuscripts. Without more evidence
it is not possible to determine the exact reason(s) for this, though if the hymns
were popular then this popularity would have meant that many different versions
could easily have come into existence. A stemma lies beyond reconstruction, but
what is now clear is that the text of these early hymns was being copied on papyrus and used during the liturgical services of the great monasteries of the fifth and
sixth centuries.