Lexical Anaphors and Pronouns in Mizo

In: Pronouns and Lexical Anaphors in Selected South Asian Languages, (eds.) Barbara C. Lust, Kashi Wali, James Gair and K.V.Subbarao. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, (with B. Lalitha Murthy), 2000. pp 777-862. Lexical anaphors and pronouns in Mizo B. Lalitha Murthy — K. V. SubbaraoMizo is the official language of Mizoram, located in the northeastern part of India. It belongs to the Kuki-Chin group of the Tibeto-Burman language family. Until 1972, it was called Lushai. Before the missionaries introduced the Roman script, there was no script for the Mizo language. According to Grierson (1967), Ngento, Fannai, etc. are the dialects of the Lushai language. There are many Mizo speakers residing in the neighboring states of Manipur and Tripura.Mizo is a verb-final language, with SOV word order. Adjectives, numerals, and quantifiers follow the noun, though Mizo is a verb-final and postpositional language. Determiners are polymorphemic, and the first part of the determiner occurs to the left and the second part to the right of the noun. The finite comple-mentizer occurs clause-finally. There are no relative pronouns in this language. The participial strategy is used for noun modification. Relative participial clauses precede as well as follow their heads, as in other Tibeto-Burman languages such as Thangkhul Naga and Angami Naga. Furthermore, there are internally headed relative participial clauses too. That is, the relativized noun occurs clause-internally. The anaphoric cu or kha occurs as head noun in such syntactic constructions. Thus, they are not headless relative clauses (cf. Subbarao—Lalitha in press; Lalitha 1993 for further details). Mizo is the official language of Mizoram, located in the northeastern part of India. It belongs to the Kuki-Chin group of the Tibeto-Burman language family. Mizo is a split ergative language in person. The verb thus agrees with the first- and second-person pronominal object, but not with the third-person pro-nominal object (cf. Subbarao—Lalitha 1994 for details). The ergative case marker, however, occurs with the subject in all tenses and aspects when the verb is transitive. Regarding the morphology of nouns, there is a nominative, an ergative, and an accusative, the latter used for animate direct objects and nominative for inanimates. There are personal pronominal clitics in Mizo. Thus, unlike Hindi, Mizo ex-hibits a pure ergative pattern paradigmatically (cf. Subbarao—Lalitha in press for details). The tense distinction in Mizo is between future and nonfuture (present and past). Mizo is a pro-drop language. Both pronominal subjects and objects can be dropped due to the rich agreement system of the language. There is no gram-matical gender in Mizo. A. Formal/morphological foundations A–1. General sketch of the pronominal forms A–1.1. Personal pronouns Table 1. Personal pronouns Sg Pl 1p kei ‘I’ keni ‘we’ 2p nang ‘you’ nangni ‘you’ 3p ani ‘he, she, it’ anni ‘they’a a The forms ani and anni refer to males, females, and objects or things in general. Table 2. Case forms: Singular and plural pronominal forms Case 1p 2p 3p Sg Nom kei nang ani Erg kei-in nang-in ani-n Acc kei-cu nang-cu ani-cu Dat kei-hneena nang-hneena ani-hneena Obl kei-in nang-in ani-n Poss kei nang ani Pl Nom kei-ni nang-ni an-ni Erg kei-in-n nang-in-n an-ni-n Acc kei-ni-cu nang-ni-cu an-ni-cu Dat kei-ni-hneena nang-ni-hneena an-ni-hneena Obl kei-in-n nang-in-n an-ni-n Poss kei-ni nang-ni an-ni Case markers are invariant with respect to person and number. There is no mor-phological relationship between third-person personal pronouns and demon-strative (or deictic) pronouns in Mizo. There are six demonstrative pronouns which can be used according to their deictic degree (Table 3). Table 3. Demonstrative pronouns hei-hi ‘this’ (near the speaker) khaa-kha ‘that’ (near addressee) khii-khi ‘that’ (up there) khuu-khu ‘that’ (down there) soo-so ‘that’ (far) cuu-cu ‘that’ (out of sight) kha and cu can be used anaphorically in discourse. (1) ka ta mi kha. here-loc person that ‘That person who was over here.’ (2) so laaya mi cu. that-loc person that ‘That person over there.’ (Chhangte 1989) cu is used when the thing or person being talked about is far away from the speaker or the speaker and the listener have common knowledge about the thing or person that they are talking about. A–1.2. Reflexive pronouns In Mizo the form corresponding to ‘self’ in English is amaah. There is a com-posite/reduplicated form of amaah which is manifested as amaah leh amaah, which literally means ‘self and self’. In general, a reflexive is formed as [pronoun +maah ‘emphatic’+leh (‘and’)+pronoun+maah ‘emphatic’]. The first part of the form is linked with the second by the conjunction leh ‘and’. Table 4. Reflexive forms 1p keimaah leh keimaah I self and I self 2p nangmaah leh nangmaah you self and you self 3p amaah leh amaah he self and he self The composite reflexive form which occurs in the direct or indirect object posi-tion does not carry any structural case marker. In the direct object position, it does not require ergative case marking on the subject, which appears in the nomi-native1 (cf. C–1 for details). The distinction between the composite/reduplicated form and the reflexive form amaah ‘self’ is shown in C–1 and C–3. The possessive pronouns and the subject pronominal clitics are homophonous in this language (Table 5). The clitic forms are the same for all types of subjects (i.e., nominative, ergative, dative). Table 5. Possessive pronouns and subject pronominal clitics Person Possessive form Subject pronominal clitic Sg 1 ka ‘my’ ka 2 i ‘your’ i 3 a ‘his’ a Pl 1 kan ‘our’ kan 2 in ‘your’ in 3 an ‘their’ an A–1.3. Nouns as pronouns and reflexives Nouns are not used as pronouns in this language. A–1.4. Interrogative pronouns There is a morphological relation between the interrogative pronouns, such as who, whom, whose, what, when, and why, and the indefinite pronoun base tu for [human] nouns and enge for [nonhuman] (Table 6). Table 6. Interrogative and indefinite pronouns Int Indef [+human] tu-nge ‘who’ tu-emo ‘somebody’ tu-cu-nge ‘whom’ tu-taa-nge ‘whose’ [-human] eng-nge ‘what’ eng-emo ‘something’ en-tik-aa-nge ‘when’ en-vaang-in-nge ‘why’ The base for the interrogative word where and the base for the adverb there con-tain the demonstrative pronoun kha. (3) kho-y-aa-n ge kho- laa-y- a that place Q that at place ‘where’ ‘there’ Table 7. Case forms of tunge ‘who’ and enge ‘what’ Nom tu-Ø-nge eng-Ø-nge Erg tu-in-nge eng-in-nge Acc tu-cu-nge eng-cu-nge Dat tu-hneena-nge eng-hneena-age Gen tu-taa-nge eng-taa-nge Obl tu-in-nge eng-in-nge These forms do not have gender, number, and person variations. The case markers are infixed between the base form and the question marker -nge. A–1.5. Discourse A null form or amaah is used to corefer with the preceding antecedent which occurs in a discourse context (see B–3 for details). A–1.6. Deixis to situation Not addressed by authors. A–1.7. Emphatic The emphatic form is maah and the emphatic particle is -ngei. maah occurs only with pronouns and -ngei occurs with nouns as well as pronouns. The emphatic particle -nge can be added to the emphatic pronominal forms for intensifying emphasis (Table 8). Furthermore, the emphatic pronouns kei-maah, nang-maah, and a-maah are identical to those in composite reflexive forms (cf. A–1.11). Thus, maah can be used as an emphatic, and it can also be used to express self in the reduplicated form in reflexive constructions. The emphatic maah does not inflect for person, number, and gender. Table 8. Emphatic forms of pronouns Person Sg Pl 1 kei-maah-n kei-ni-maah-n I-emph I-pl-emph kei-nge-in kei-ni-nge-in I-emph I-pl-emph kei-maah-nge-in kei-ni-maah-nge I-emph-emph I-pl-emph-emph ‘I myself’ ‘we ourselves’ 2 nang-maah-n nang-ni-maah-n you-emph you-pl-emph nang-nge-in nang-ni-nge-in you-emph you-pl-emph nang-maah-nge-in nang-ni-maah-nge-in you-emph-emph you-pl-emph-emph ‘you yourself’ ‘you (pl) yourselves’ 3 a-maah-in a- ni-maah-n he-emph he-pl-emph a-nge-in a-ni-nge-in he-emph he-pl-emph a-maah-nge-in a-ni-maah-nge-in he-emph-emph he-pl-emph-emph ‘he himself’ ‘they themselves’ Table 9. Case forms of third-person emphatic pronominal forms Nom amaah Acc amaah-cu Dat amaah-hneena Obl amaah-taan A–1.8. Reciprocal and distributive forms A–1.8.1. Reciprocals Mizo does not have an independent reciprocal form equivalent to English each other. It uses the reduplicated form (pronoun+maah) and the verbal reciprocal marker in to express reciprocal meaning. Thus, it has a bipartite structure, as is the case with Dravidian languages. These reciprocal forms occur with the verbal reflexive (VR), as is the case with the reflexive forms (A–2). (4) zova leh zovii an-maah-ni leh an-maah-nii,*j an-in-suaal. Zova and Zovi they self-pl and they self-pl 3pl-VR-fight ‘Zova and Zovii are fighting with each otheri,*j.’ (5) zova leh zovii an-maah-ni leh an-maah-nii,*j an-in-fop. Zova and Zovi they self-pl and they-self-pl 3pl-VR-kiss Zova and Zovii kissed each otheri,*j.’ Notice that there is no structural case marker with the first or second part of the reduplicated pronominal form in (4) and (5). A–1.8.2. Distributives amaah is used as a distributive form with a plural subject, as in (7). In (6), amaah does not have a distributive function. (6) zova-ni amaahi,*j-nupui a-vua. Zova-erg his own wife 3sg-beat ‘Zovai beats his owni,*j wife.’ (7) mizongzong-ini [[a-maahi,*j-cu fing a-ni] tih] everybody-erg he self-foc intelligent 3sg-be COMP a-gaituva. 3sg-think ‘Everybodyi thinks that hei,*j is intelligent.’ A–1.9. Other relevant forms In Mizo, there are no other forms, such as khud in Hindi. A–1.10. Pronominal reduplication There is pronominal reduplication in the formation of reflexives and reciprocals (A–1.2 and A–1.8). A–1.11. Composite forms Reflexive and reciprocal constructions have bipartite structures. In both construc-tions, the combination of personal pronoun+maah ‘self’ is conjoined with its second part by the conjunction leh ‘and’. (8) a. kei maah leh kei maah I self and I self ‘myself’ b. nang maah leh nang maah you self and you self ‘yourself’ c. a maah leh a maah he self and he self ‘himself’ The possessive pronominal forms and maah ‘own’ can co-occur with each other. (9) a. kei maah-in-ah my own house in ‘in my own house’ b. nang maah-in-ah you own house in ‘in your own house’ c. a maah-in-ah his own house in ‘in his own house’ A–2. Relevant verbal morphology A–2.1. Agreement morphology As far as morphological case marking is concerned, Mizo is an ergative-absolu-tive language. The occurrence of the ergative marker depends on the nature of the verb; that is, if the verb is transitive, the ergative marker occurs with the subject. If the verb is intransitive or a predicative adjective, the subject is in the nomina-tive case and the intransitive verb or the predicative adjective agrees with the sub-ject in number and person (cf. Subbarao—Lalitha 1994). (10) a. zova kan-in-ah a-kal-ang. Zova our house to 3sg-come-fut ‘Zova will come to our house.’ b. zova a-fing lutuk. Zova 3sg-intelligent very ‘Zova is very intelligent.’ The subject agreement clitics occur to the left of the verb in (10a) and to the left of the adjective in (10b). The transitive verb agrees both with the subject and the pronominal object. (11) zova-ni Øj a-hmu-ang-ce. Zova-erg Ø 3sg-see-fut-2sg ‘Zovai will see youj.’ The transitive verb exhibits a different agreement pattern when the object is in first person. (12) a. zova-ni Øj minj-hmu. Zova-erg Ø 1pl-see ‘Zovai saw usj.’ The pronominal object agreement clitic occurs to the left of the verb, and there is no subject agreement clitic with the verb. Hence, (12b) is ambiguous. (12) b. Øi Øj minj-hmu. Ø Ø 1pl-see ‘He/she/they/youi saw usj.’ Transitive verbs do not agree with the third-person pronominal object. They agree only with the subject (12c). (12) c. zova-ni Øj a-hmu. Zova-erg Ø 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw himj.’ Table 10. Object pronominal clitics Person Sg Pl 1 mi min 2 ce ceu 3 — — A–2.2. Verbal reflexive The ergative case marker does not occur with the subject in sentences in which the reflexive occurs in the direct object position. In contrast, when a nonreflexive form occurs in the direct object position, the ergative marker is obligatory (13b). The verbal reflexive (VR) licenses both the reduplicated and bare reflexive, as in (13a) (see C–1.1.1). (13) a. laalii amaah leh amaahi,*j / amaahi,*j-cu a-in-that. Lali she self and she self / she self-acc 3sg-VR-kill ‘Lalii killed herselfi,*j.’ b. laali-n zovi a-that. Lali-erg Zovi 3sg-kill ‘Lali killed Zovi.’ (14) laalai amaah leh amaahi,*j a-in-kaap. Lala he self and he self 3sg-VR-shot ‘Lalai shot himselfi,*j.’ (15) zovai amaah leh amaahi,*j a-in-haau. Zova he self and he self 3sg-VR-scold ‘Zovai scolded himselfi,*j.’ However, the ergative case marker occurs with the subject in sentences in which reflexive occurs in the indirect object position. (16) a. zova-ni amaah leh amaahi,*j leekha a-in-thƒn. Zova-erg he self and he self letter 3sg-VR-send ‘Zovai mailed a letter to himselfi,*j.’ In (16a) the VR is obligatory and the composite/reduplicated form is optional (16b). (16) b. zova-ni Øi,*j leekha a-in-thƒn. Zova-erg Ø letter 3sg-VR-send ‘Zovai mailed a letter to himselfi,*j.’ (17) is ungrammatical due to the nonoccurrence of the ergative case marker with the subject. (17) *zovai amaah leh amaahi,*j leekha a-in-thƒn. Zova he self and he self letter 3sg-VR-send *‘Zovai mailed a letter to himselfi,*j.’ The verb carries the VR and forms a compound verb with the VR in, which has reflexive function. (18) zovii amaah leh amaahi,*j a-in-haau. Zovi her self and her self 3sg-VR-scold ‘Zovii scolded herselfi,*j.’ The VR is obligatory in (19). (19) *zovii amaah leh amaahi,*j a-haau. zovi her self and her self 3sg-scold *‘Zovii scolded herselfi,*j.’ The reduplicated form (pronoun+maah) is optional. (20) zovi Øi,*j a-in-haau. Zovi Ø 3sg-VR-scold ‘Zovi scolded herself.’ The composite/reduplicated form is optional and the VR is obligatory in infini-tival and participial clauses too (see C–1.2.2 for examples). Pronominal subjects and objects can occur overtly, and the verb exhibits agreement with them. Thus, pronominal subjects and objects and the agreement markers with the verb can co-occur (see A–2.1 for more details on agreement). For example, in (21), the verb exhibits agreement with the subject, and in (22) agreement is with the object. (21) keii kei maah leh kei maahi,*j kai-in-that. I I self and I self 1sg-VR-kill ‘Ii killed myselfi,*j.’ (22) zova-ni kei-ni-cuj minj-hmu. Zova erg I-(pl)-acc 1pl-see ‘Zovai saw us.’ However, the overt occurrence of the pronominal subjects and objects is optional, and the agreement with the verb is obligatory. For example, (23) and (24) are ungrammatical. (23) *keii kei maah leh kei maahi,*j in-that. I I self and I self VR-kill *‘Ii killed myselfi,*j.’ (24) *zova-ni keinicuj hmu. Zova-erg 1pl-acc see *‘Zovai saw us.’ The verbal reciprocal form in is homophonous with the VR form in. The re-duplicated form (pronoun+maah) occurs in reciprocal constructions as in reflexive constructions. (25) zova leh zovii an-maah-ni leh an-maah-nii,*j ani-in-suaal. Zova and Zovi they self-pl and they self-pl 3pl-VR-fight ‘Zova and Zovii are fighting with each otheri,*j.’ The occurrence of the verbal reciprocal in is obligatory (26), but the occurrence of the reduplicated form is optional (27). (26) *zova leh zovii an-maah-ni leh an-maah-nii,*j ani-suaal. Zova and Zovi they self-pl and they-self-pl 3pl-fight *‘Zova and Zovii are fighting with each otheri,*j.’ (27) zova leh zovii Øi ani-in-suaal. Zova and Zovi Ø 3pl-VR-fight ‘Zova and Zovii are fighting with each otheri.’ Mizo has an accusative subject while other South Asian languages typically have a dative subject. The VR in does not occur with the verb in dative subject con-structions as it does in Telugu, Tamil, and Kannada. However, the experiencer subject occurs not with the dative case marker in Mizo but with the cu marker. The cu marker occurs with transitive direct objects and intransitive verbs. (28) zova-cui amaah leh amaah-cungai,*j ai-thinrim. Zova-acc he self and he self on 3sg-angry ‘Zovai is angry at himselfi,*j.’ However, the occurrence of the reduplicated structure (pronoun+maah) is obliga-tory. In (29), the null element refers to someone else and not to zova. (29) zova-cui Ø*i,j ai-thinrim. Zova-acc Ø 3sg-angry ‘Zovai is angry.’ A–2.3. Syntactic and semantic functions of VR A–2.3.1. As an inchoative marker The VR in occurs as a detransitivizer (inchoative) in Mizo. (30) konkhaayi ai-in-hon. door 3sg-inch-open ‘The door opened.’ (31) konkhaayi ai-in-khay. door 3sg-inch-close ‘The door closed.’ A–2.3.2. Self-benefactive (aatmaneepada) The VR in also occurs in self-benefactive (aatmaneepada) constructions. (32) zovai kut ai-in-phii. Zova hand 3sg-self-ben-wash ‘Zovai washed hisi,*j hands.’ (33) zovai co ai-in-chuum. Zova food 3sg-self-ben-cook ‘Zovai cooked food for himselfi,*j.’ The ergative marker does not occur with the subject in sentences (32) and (33) though the verb is transitive. A–2.3.3. Forming lexical items The VR in occurs in the formation of specific lexical items. For example, one of the days of the week, namely, ‘Saturday’ contains in. (34) in-rin-ni VR-prepare-day ‘a day one prepares oneself (for Sunday)’ or ‘Saturday’ Verbs such as ‘believe’ and ‘think’ are formed by prefixing the VR to verbs such as hria ‘know’ and ti ‘say’. (35) hria ‘know’ inhria ‘believe’ (‘know oneself’) ti ‘say’ inti ‘think’, ‘consider’ (‘to say to oneself’) Verbs such as ‘be engaged’ and ‘marry’ are formed by prefixing the reciprocal in to verbs such as huwal ‘surround’ and nei ‘have’. (36) huwal ‘surround’ inhuwal ‘be engaged’ nei ‘have’ innei ‘marry’ Verbs such as ‘play’ and ‘fight’ invariably have the verbal reciprocal in when there is a coordinate subject. (37) fiam ‘play’ infiam ‘play with each other’ suaal ‘fight’ insuaal ‘fight with each other’ The reduplicated pronoun+maah, which occurs in reflexive constructions, occurs in object position only when the verb is transitive. It occurs in indirect object position if the verb is ditransitive. In reflexive constructions, the ergative case marker does not occur with the sub-ject when the verb is transitive. However, the ergative case marker occurs with the subject when the verb is ditransitive (39a); that is, the VR in can detran-sitivize transitive verbs and it cannot detransitivize ditransitive verbs. Hence, the ergative case marker occurs with the subject in (39a). (38) zovai amaah leh amaahi,*j ai-in-that. Zova he self and he self 3sg-VR-kill ‘Zovai killed himselfi,*j.’ (39) a. zova-ni amaah leh amaahi,*j leekh ai-in-thƒn. Zova-erg he self and he self letter 3sg-VR-send ‘Zovai mailed a letter to himselfi,*j.’ b. zova-ni zovi-hneenaj leekha ai-thƒn. Zova-erg Zovi to letter 3sg-send ‘Zovai mailed a letter to Zovij.’ In (39b), the ergative case marker occurs with the subject and the verb is di-transitive. Thus, there is no difference between (39a) and (39b) in terms of the occurrence of the ergative marker with the subject though the reflexive is there in (39a). A–2.4. Thematic constraints on verbs for lexical reflexive form Not addressed by authors. A–3. Other related aspects of pronominal forms There are no other relevant aspects of pronominal forms in Mizo. B. General sketch of the unmarked pronominal functions B–1. Coreference in the local domain: What is unmarked? The composite or reduplicated form and a VR is used to express coreference with the subject in the local domain. (40) zovai amaah leh amaahi,*j ai-in-huaa. Zova he self and he self 3sg-VR-hate ‘Zovai hates himselfi,*j.’ (41) zovai-nupuij silaa in amaah leh amaah*i,j aj-in-kaap. Zova wife gun with she self and she self 3sg-VR-shot ‘Zovai’s wifej shot herself*i,j with a gun.’ A null pronoun may be used instead of the reduplicated form in (40) and (41). Native speakers prefer to use a null pronoun in such sentences. (42) and (43) are most natural in Mizo. (42) zovai Øi,*j ai-in-huaa. Zova Ø 3sg-VR-hate ‘Zovai hates himselfi,*j.’ (43) zovai-nupuij Ø*i,j silaa in aj-in-kaap. Zova wife Ø gun with 3sg-VR-shot ‘Zovai’s wifej shot herself*i,j with a gun.’ B–2. Coreference in the long-distance domain: What is unmarked? The null pronoun or the lexical proform with reflexive meaning (i.e., amaah) is used to express coreference with subject in the long-distance domain. (44) zova-ni [[amaahi,*j smaarT a-ni] tih] ai-inti. Zova-erg he self smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that hei,*j is smart.’ (45) zova-ni [[zovij amaah-cui,*j a-duh] anitih] ai-inti. Zova-erg Zovi he self-acc 3sg-like COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that Zovij likes himi,*j.’ B–3. Coreference in the discourse domain The null pronoun or amaah is used to express coreference with a preceding ante-cedent in a discourse domain. (46) zovai forest-ah a-kal ang. amaahi,*j a-ramvaakdoon. Zova forest to 3sg-go-fut he self 3sg-hunt ‘Zovai will go to the forest. Hei,*j will hunt.’ (47) pa-ini amaah-fapaj neen a-bia. proi,*j amaah*i,j father-erg he self son with 3sg-talked Ø he self cungcaang ai-inchhuang lutuk. about 3sg-proud very ‘The fatheri talked with his sonj. Hei was very proud of him*i,j.’ B–4. Disjoint reference in the local domain Lexical pronoun ani ‘he, she, it’ is used to express disjoint reference in the local domain. (48) zova-ni ani-cu*i,j ai-hmu. Zova-erg he-acc 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw him*i,j.’ (49) mi thaau-ini ani-cu*i,j a-vua. person fat-erg he-acc 3sg-beat ‘The fat mani beats him*i,j.’ The personal pronoun ani ‘he, she, it’ is also used to express disjoint reference in sentences in which the pronoun is not an argument of the matrix verb. However, the pronoun is case marked by the matrix verb. (50) zova-ni [ani-cu*i,j laamthiam] a-ti. Zova-erg he-acc dancer 3sg-consider ‘Zovai considers him*i,j a dancer.’ B–5. Disjoint reference in the long-distance domain The lexical pronoun ani ‘he, she, it’ is used to express noncoreference with the matrix subject in the long-distance domain. (51) Tluaangai smaarT a-ni. zova-nj pƒ [[anii,*j smaarT Tluanga smart 3sg-be. Zova-erg also he smart a-ni] tih] a-sƒi. 3sg-be COMP 3sg-say ‘Tluangai is smart. Zovaj also said that hei,*j is smart.’ (52) Tluaanga-ni zovi-cuj a-duh. zova-nk [[zovi-nj pƒ Tluanga-erg Zovi-acc 3sg-like Zova-erg Zovi-erg also ani-cui,*j,*k a-duh] anitih] a-gaituva. he-acc 3sg-like COMP 3sg-think ‘Tluanga likes Zovi. Zovak thinks that Zovi also likes himi,*j,*k.’ Thus, according to native speakers, ani ‘he’ gives disjoint reference with the sub-ject; that is, zova in (51) and (52). B–6. Disjoint reference in the discourse domain The personal pronoun ani ‘he’ gives disjoint reference with the subject of the pre-ceding sentence in a discourse domain. (53) pa-ini amaah-fapaj neen a-tSon. ani-cu*i,j father-erg self son with 3sg-talked he-foc a-hliim lutuk. 3sg-happy very ‘The fatheri talked with his sonj. He*i,j was very happy.’ C. Syntactic domains Tests for directionality in section C will generally follow the primary example. C–1. (Bare) reflexives C–1.1. Local domain C–1.1.1. Subject antecedent The bare reflexive amaah cannot take an antecedent in the local domain in the examples of C–1.1.1.1–C–1.1.1.4 because the VR is not present. It also cannot take a discourse antecedent. Such sentences become acceptable with the VR pres-ent, as (54b) and (58b) show. Thus, the following patterns are grammatical: • subject-reduplicated form-agr-VR-V • subject-bare (monomorphemic) form-agr-VR-V • subject-null form-agr-VR-V C–1.1.1.1. Object (54) a. *zova-ni amaah*i,*j-cu daarTlalaang-ah a-hmu. Zova-erg self-acc mirror in 3sg-see *‘Zovai saw self*i,*j in the mirror.’ b. zova-ni amaahi,*j-cu daarTlalaang-ah a-in-hmu. Zova-erg self-acc mirror in 3sg-VR-see ‘Zovai saw selfi in the mirror.’ (55) *amaah-cu*i,*j zova-ni daarTlalaang-ah a-hmu. self-acc Zova-erg mirror in 3sg-see *‘Zovai saw self*i,*j in the mirror.’ (56) *zova-ni amaah*i,*j a-looh. Zova-erg self 3sg-scold *‘Zovai scolded self*i,*j.’ (57) *amaah*i,*j zova-ni a-looh. self Zova-erg 3sg-scold *‘Zovai scolded self*i,*j.’ C–1.1.1.2. Indirect object (58) a. zova-ni amaah-hneenah*i,*j looman a-pe. Zova-erg self to prize 3sg-give ‘Zovai gave a prize to self*i,*j.’ b. zova-ni amaah-hneenahi,*j looman a-in-pe. Zova-erg self to prize 3sg-VR-give ‘Zovai gave a prize to selfi,*j.’ (59) amaah-hneena*i,*j zova-ni looman a-pe. self to Zova-erg prize 3sg-give ‘Zovai gave a prize to self*i,*j.’ (60) zova-ni amaah- hneenah*i,*j leekha a-thƒn. Zova-erg self to letter 3sg-send ‘Zovai sent a letter to self*i,*j.’ (61) amaah-hneena*i,*j zova-ni leekha a-thƒn. self to Zova-erg letter 3sg-send ‘Zovai sent a letter to self*i,*j.’ C–1.1.1.3. Postpositional Phrase amaah occurs without reduplication in Postpositional Phrases. The VR is not required in such sentences. (62) Tluaangi-ni zovi-hneenaj amaahi,*j-cungcaang a-hril. Tluangi-erg Zovi to he self about 3sg-tell ‘Tluangii told Zovij about himselfi,*j.’ (63) amaahi,*j-cungcaang Tluaangi-ni zovi-hneenaj a-hril. he self about Tluangi-erg Zovi to 3sg-tell ‘Tluangii told Zovij about himselfi,*j.’ (64) zova-ni leekhabu amaahi,*j-hm-ah a-dah. Zova-erg book he self front in 3sg-keep ‘Zovai kept the book in front of selfi,*j.’ (65) amaahi,*j-hma-ah zova-ni leekhabu a-dah. he self front in Zova-erg book 3sg-keep ‘Zovai kept the book in front of selfi,*j.’ (66) zova-ni ruul amaahi,*j-bulah a-hmu. Zova-erg snake he self near 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw a snake near selfi,*j.’ (67) amaahi,*j-bulah zova-ni ruul a-hmu. he self near Zova-erg snake 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw a snake near selfi,*j.’ C–1.1.1.4. Possessive Noun Phrase (NP) (68) zovai-n amaahi,*j-nupui a-duh. Zova-erg he self wife 3sg-like ‘Zovai likes self’si,*j wife.’ (69) amaahi,*j-nupui zovai-n a-duh. he self wife Zova-erg 3sg-like ‘Zovai likes self’si,*j wife.’ (70) lalii-n zova-hneenaj looman amaahi,*j-in-ah a-petƒ. king-erg Zova to prize he self house in 3sg-give ‘The kingi gave a prize to Zovaj in self’si,*j house.’ (71) amaahi,*j-in-ah lalii-n zova-hneenaj looman a-petƒ. he self house in king-erg Zova to prize 3sg-give ‘The kingi gave a prize to Zovaj in self’si,*j house.’ (72) zovai-n amaahi,*j-hmaai a-phih. Zova-erg he self face 3sg-wash ‘Zovai washed self’si,*j face.’ (73) amaahi,*j-hmaai zovai-n a-phih. he self face Zova-erg 3sg-wash ‘Zovai washed self’si,*j face.’ (74) zovii-n amaahi,*j-zuntran a-tangpal. Zovi-erg he self finger 3sg-cut ‘Zovai cuts self’si,*j finger.’ (75) amaahi,*j-zuntran zovai-n a-tangpal. he self finger Zova-erg 3sg-cut ‘Zovai cuts self’si,*j finger.’ C–1.1.2. Possessor or modifier antecedent C–1.1.2.1. Possessive subject and object In (76) amaah ‘self’ does not corefer with the possessor or modifier antecedent within the subject, i.e., zova. (76) zovai-nupui-inj amaah-cu*i,*j,k a-duh. Zova wife-erg he-self-acc 3sg-like ‘Zovai’s wifej likes self*i,*j,k.’ When amaah ‘self’ precedes the possessor or modifier antecedent it does not corefer with it. It corefers only with the discourse antecedent (77). (77) amaah-cu*i,*j,k zovai-nupui-inj a-duh. he-self-acc Zova wife-erg 3sg-like ‘Zovai’s wifej likes him*i,*j,k.’ C–1.1.3. Other antecedents C–1.1.3.1. Object antecedent amaah ‘self’ always corefers with the subject only in sentences like (78). It does not corefer with the object antecedent. (78) zova-ni amaahi,*j,k-cuncaang zovi-cuj a-zooth. Zova-erg he self about Zovi-acc 3sg-ask ‘Zovai asked Zovij about selfi,*j,k.’ C–1.1.3.2. Dative subject (79) zova-cui amaah-in*i a-thinrim. Zova-foc self with 3sg-angry ‘Zovai was angry with self*i.’ (80) amaah-in*i zova-cui a-thinrim. self with Zova-foc 3sg-angry ‘Zovai was angry with self*i.’ C–1.1.3.3. Passive In the speech of the older generation, passive-like sentences are formed by simply preposing the object. (81) amaahi,*j-co zovai-n a-in-chum. self food Zova-erg 3sg-VR-cook ‘Self’si,*j food was cooked by Zovai.’ In the speech of the younger generation, sentences like (82) occur. (82) amaahi,*j-co zovai-n a-in-chum a-oom. self food Zova-erg 3sg-self ben-cook 3sg-be ‘Self’si,*j food was cooked by Zovai.’ C–1.1.4. Lexical effects Not addressed by authors. C–1.2. Long-distance domain C–1.2.1. Finite clause embeddings C–1.2.1.1. Subject antecedent C–1.2.1.1.1. Finite complement amaah ‘self’ can occur in finite embedded clauses in all syntactic positions, i.e., subject (83), direct object (85), indirect object (87), etc. It always corefers with the nonlocal subject. It can precede, as in (84), (86), and (88), or follow ((83), (85), (87)) its antecedent. (83) zova-ni [[amaahi,*j smaarT a-ni] tih] a-sƒi. Zova-erg he self smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-say ‘Zovai said that hei,*j was smart.’ (84) [[amaahi,*j smaarT a-ni] tih] zova-ni a-sƒi. he self smart 3sg-be COMP Zova-erg 3sg-say ‘Zovai said that hei,*j was smart.’ (85) zova-ni [zovi-nj amaahi,*j-cu a-duh anitih] a-sƒi / Zova-erg Zovi-erg he-self-acc 3sg-like COMP 3sg say / a-hria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij likes selfi,*j.’ (86) [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-cu a-duh] anitih] zova-ni a-sƒi / Zovi-erg he-self-acc 3sg-like COMP Zova-erg 3sg-say / a-hria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij likes selfi,*j.’ (87) zova-ni [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-hneena a-tSon] anitih] a-sƒi / Zova-erg Zovi-erg he self to 3sg-speak COMP 3sg-say / a-hria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij spoke to selfi,*j.’ (88) [zovi-nj amaahi,*j-hneena a-tSon anitih] zova-ni a-sƒi / Zovi-erg he self to 3sg-speak COMP Zova-erg 3sg-say / a-hria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij spoke to selfi,*j.’ C–1.2.1.1.2. Copula complements In copula complements too amaah ‘self’ corefers with the nonlocal subject, as in finite embedded clauses. In (89) and (90) the VR in is used to form the verb believe. amaah ‘self’ can precede (90) or follow (89) its antecedent. (89) zova-ni [[amaahi,*j fing a-ni] tih] a-inhria. Zova-erg he self intelligent 3sg-be COMP 3sg-believe ‘Zovai believes that selfi,*j is intelligent.’ (90) [[amaahi,*j fing a-ni] tih] zova-ni a-inhria. he self intelligent 3sg-be COMP Zova-erg 3sg-believe ‘Zovai believes that selfi,*j is intelligent.’ C–1.2.1.1.3. Finite adjunct In finite adjunct clauses, amaah ‘self’ can occur in subject position ((91)–(92)), object position ((94)–(95)), or indirect object position ((96)–(97)). amaah ‘self’ can precede ((92), (95), (97)) or follow ((91), (93), (94), (96)) its antecedent. amaah ‘self’ corefers with the external c-commanding antecedent, i.e., zova, in these temporal clauses. Finite adjunct clause (91) zovai [[amaahi,*j a-haa] hnuah] in-ah a-ronhon. Zova he self 3sg-tired when home to 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home when selfi,*j became tired.’ (92) [[amaahi,*j a-haa] hnuah] zovai in-ah a-ronhon. he self 3sg-tired when Zova home to 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home when selfi,*j became tired.’ amaah ‘self’ corefers only with the subject of the matrix clause though there is an overt object in the matrix clause. (93) zova-ni [[amaah-cui,*j baazaar-ah a-kal] hnuah] zovij-cu Zova-erg he self market to 3sg-go when Zovi-acc a-hmu. 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw Zovij when selfi,*j went to the market.’ (94) zovai [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-cu a-hmu] hnuah] in-ah Zova Zovi-erg he self-acc 3sg-see when home to a-ronhon. 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home when Zovij saw himi,*j.’ (95) [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-cu a-hmu] hnuah] zovai in-ah a-ronhon. Zovi-erg he self-acc 3sg-see when Zova home to 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home when Zovij saw himi,*j.’ (96) zovai [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-hneena leekha a-ziak] hnuah] Zova Zovi-erg he self to letter 3sg-write when in-ah a-ronhon. home to 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home when Zovij wrote a letter to self/himi,*j.’ (97) [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-hneena leekha a-ziak] hnuah] zovai Zovi-erg he self to letter 3sg-write when Zova in-ah a-ronhon. home to 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home when Zovij wrote a letter to himi,*j.’ Time adverbial clause with before In time adverbial clauses (with before), amaah ‘self’ occurs in subject position ((98)–(99)), object position ((100)–(101)), and indirect object position ((102)– (103)), and it corefers with the external c-commanding subject, i.e., zova. amaah ‘self’ can precede ((99), (101), (103)) and follow ((98), (100), (102)) its anteced-ent. However, the directionality of its occurrence does not make any difference in coreferentiality. (98) zova-ni [[amaahi,*j aizƒl-ah a-kal] hmain] zovi-hneena Zova-erg he self Aizawl to 3sg-come before Zovi to leekha a-ziak. letter 3sg-write ‘Zovai wrote a letter to Zovij before hei,*j came to Aizawl.’ (99) [[amaahi,*j aizƒl-ah a-kal] hmain] zova-ni zovi-hneenaj self Aizawl to 3sg-come before Zova-erg Zovi to leekha a-ziak. letter 3sg-write ‘Zovai wrote a letter to Zovij before hei,*j came to Aizawl.’ (100) zovai [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-cu a-hmu] hmain] in-ah a-ronhon. Zova zovi-erg he self-acc 3sg-see before home to 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home before Zovij saw himi,*j.’ (101) [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-cu a-hmu] hmain] zovai in-ah Zovi-erg he self-acc 3sg-see before Zova home to a-ronhon. 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home before Zovij saw self/himi,*j. (102) zovai [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-hneena leekha a-ziak] Zova Zovi-erg he self to letter 3sg-write hmain] in-ah a-ronhon. before home to 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home before Zovij wrote a letter to himi,*j.’ (103) [[zovi-nj amaahi,*j-hneena leekha a-ziak] hmain] Zovi-erg he self to letter 3sg-write before zovai in-ah a-ronhon. Zova home to 3sg-return ‘Zovai returned home before Zovij wrote a letter to himi,*j. C–1.2.1.2. Possessor, modifier, or object antecedent C–1.2.1.2.1. Finite complement Antecedent object amaah ‘self’ does not corefer with the object in (104) and (105). It always co-refers with the c-commanding subject antecedent only. (104) zova-ni zovi-hneenaj [[amaahi,*j mi aa a-ni] tih] Zova-erg Zovi to he self person mad 3sg-be COMP a-sƒi. 3sg-say ‘Zovai told Zovij that selfi,*j is a mad person.’ (105) [[amaahi,*j mi aa a-ni] tih] zova-ni zovi-hneenaj he self person mad 3sg-be COMP Zova-erg Zovi to a-sƒi. 3sg-say ‘Zovai told Zovij that selfi,*j is a mad person.’ Possessor antecedent in NP amaah ‘self’ does not corefer with the possessor antecedent in (106). It requires an obligatory c-commanding subject antecedent. Accordingly, amaah ‘self’ co-refers only with nupui ‘wife’ and not with zova in (106). (106) zovai-nupuij-in [[amaah-cu*i,j,k smaarT a-ni] tih] a-sƒi. Zova wife-erg she self-foc smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-say ‘Zovai’s wifej said that self*i,j,k was smart.’ However, if amaah ‘self’ precedes its antecedent, it corefers either with the ante-cedent zova or with a discourse antecedent (107). (107) [[amaah-cui,*j,k smaarT a-ni] tih] zovai-nupuij-in a-sƒi. he self-foc smart 3sg-be COMP Zova wife-erg 3sg-say ‘Zovai’s wifej said that selfi,*j,k was smart.’ C–1.2.1.2.2. Finite adjunct Antecedent in object position In finite adjunct clauses (with when, while, etc.), amaah ‘self’ does not co- refer with the object NP. It always corefers only with the c-commanding sub- ject antecedent. Directionality does not play a crucial role in determining its coreferentiality. (108) zova-ni [amaahi,*j maarket a-kal hnuah] zovi-cuj a-hmu. Zova-erg he self market 3sg-go when Zovi-acc 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw Zovij when hei,*j went to the market.’ (109) [[amaahi,*j maarket a-kal] hnuah] zova-ni zovi-cuj a-hmu. he self market 3sg-go when Zova-erg Zovi-acc 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw Zovij when self (he)i,*j went to the market.’ (110) zova-ni [[amaahi,*j leekhabu a-ziah] laayin] zovi-cuj Zova-erg he self book 3sg-write while Zovi-acc a-puitƒ. 3sg-help ‘While hei,*j was writing a book, Zovai helped Zovij.’ (111) [[amaahi,*j leekhabu a-ziah] laayin] zova-ni zovi-cuj he self book 3sg-write while Zova-erg Zovi-acc a-puitƒ. 3sg-help ‘While hei,*j was writing a book Zovai helped Zovij.’ Possessor antecedent in NP amaah ‘self’ can occur in subject ((112)–(113)), object ((114)–(115)), or indirect object ((116)–(117)) positions in finite clauses. However, it does not corefer with the possessor antecedent in NP. amaah ‘self’ can precede ((113), (115), (117)) or follow ((112), (114), (116)) its antecedent. (112) zovai-nuj-in [[amaah-cu*i,j smaarT a-ni] tih] Zova mother-erg he self-foc smart 3sg-be COMP a-inhria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that self*i,j was smart.’ (113) [[amaah-cu*i,j smaarT a-ni] tih] zovai-nuj-ini he self-foc smart 3sg-be COMP Zova mother-erg a-inhria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s mother*j knew that self*i,j was smart.’ (114) zovai-nuj-in [[zovi-nk amaah-cu*i,j a-duh] anitih] Zova mother-erg Zovi-erg she self-acc 3sg-like COMP a-inhria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that Zovi likes self*i,j.’ (115) [[zovi-nk amaah-cu*i,j a-duh] anitih] zovai-nuj-in Zovi-erg he self-acc 3sg-like COMP Zova mother-erg a-inhria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that Zovik likes self*i,j.’ (116) zovai-nu-inj [[zovi-nk leekha amaah*i,j,*k- hneena a-ziak] Zova mother-erg Zovi-erg letter he self to 3sg-write anitih] a-inhria. COMP 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that Zovik wrote a letter to self*i,j,*k.’ (117) [[zovi-nk leekha amaah*i,j,*k- hneena a-ziak] anitih] Zovi-erg letter he self to 3sg-write COMP zovai-nuj-in a-inhria. Zova mother-erg 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that Zovik wrote a letter to self*i,j,*k.’ C–1.2.2. Subjunctive clause embeddings Mizo has no subjunctive clauses. C–1.2.3. Nonfinite clause embeddings C–1.2.3.1. Subject antecedent C–1.2.3.1.1. Small Clauses As mentioned in section A, in Mizo, the VR is used in the formation of lexical verbs such as consider, believe, etc. Hence, amaah ‘self’ can corefer with the matrix subject in (118)–(121). If there is no VR with the verb, amaah does not corefer with the matrix subject (122). amaah refers to the discourse antecedent in such syntactic constructions. (118) zovi-ni [amaahi,*j-cu laamthiam] a-inti. Zovi-erg she self-acc dancer 3sg-consider ‘Zovii considers selfi,*j a dancer.’ (119) [amaahi,*j-cu laamthiam] zovi-ni a-inti. she self-acc dancer Zovi-erg 3sg-consider ‘Zovii considers selfi,*j a dancer.’ (120) zovai-n [amaahi,*j-cu liberal] a-inhria. Zova-erg he self-acc liberal 3sg-believe ‘Zovai believes selfi,*j a liberal.’ (121) [amaahi,*j-cu liberal] zovai-n a-inhria. he self-acc liberal Zova-erg 3sg-believe ‘Zovai believes selfi,*j a liberal.’ (122) zovai-n [amaahi,*j-cu liberal] a-hria. Zova-erg self-foc liberal 3sg-know ‘Zovai knows selfi,*j a liberal.’ C–1.2.3.1.2. Nonfinite complements Single-antecedent subject The bare reflexive is disjoint in reference from a PRO subject (i.e., a nonlexical subject or ‘understood’ subject) in infinitival complements. The bare reflexive also gives disjoint reference from the controller of the PRO subject. Even when the bare reflexive occurs as the object of a postposition, it does not corefer either with PRO or with the matrix subject. (123) *zova-ni [PROi amaah*i thah] a-duh. Zova-erg Ø self kill 3sg-want *‘Zovai wants to kill self*i.’ (124) *[PRO*i amaah*i thah] zova-ni a-duh. Ø self kill Zova-erg 3sg-want *‘Zovai wants to kill self*i.’ (125) *zova-ni [PROi amaah*i pui] a-tiaantƒ. Zova-erg Ø self help 3sg-promise *‘Zovai promised to help self*i.’ (126) *[PROi amaah*i pui] zova-ni a-tiaantƒ. Ø self help Zova-erg 3sg-promise *‘Zovai promised to help self*i.’ Multiple-antecedent subjects, objects, etc. (127) zova-ni zovij-hneena [[PRO*i,j amaahi,*j Tong] tuurin] Zova-erg Zovi to Ø self grow up COMP a-hril. 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij to grow up selfi,*j.’ (128) [[PRO*i,j amaahi,*j Tong] tuurin] zova-ni zovij-hneena Ø self grow up COMP Zova-erg Zovi to a-hril. 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij to grow up selfi,*j.’ C–1.2.3.1.3. Participles The bare reflexive is disjoint in reference from a PRO subject in participial clauses. (129) zova-ni [[PROi,*j amaah*i,j fok] laayin] a-nui. Zova-erg Ø self praise while 3sg-laugh ‘Zovai laughed while Zova was praising self*i,j.’ (130) [[PROi,*j amaah*i,j fok] laayin] zova-ni a-nui. Ø self praise while Zova-erg 3sg-laugh ‘Zovai laughed while Zova was praising self*i,j.’ The bare reflexive amaah can be coindexed with the matrix subject if the PRO subject in the participle clause does not corefer with the matrix subject. (131) zova-ni [[PROj amaahi,*j fok] laayin] zovij laam Zova-erg Ø self praise while Zovi toward a-hoi. 3sg-turn ‘Zovai turned toward Zovij while Zova was praising selfi,*j.’ C–1.2.3.1.4. Gerunds/nominalizations The bare reflexive amaah ‘self’ is disjoint in reference from a PRO subject in nominalized clauses. amaah gives disjoint reference from the matrix subject. The bare reflexive amaah corefers with PRO as well as with the matrix subject only when it occurs in a reduplicated form along with the VR in the embedded sentence. (132) *naupangi-in [PROi amaah*i fok] cu a-duh lou. child-erg Ø self praise it 3sg-like not *‘The childi disliked praising self*i.’ (133) [PROi amaah*i fok] cu naupangi-in a-duh lou. Ø self praise it child-erg 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked praising self*i.’ C–1.2.3.1.5. Other occurrences within NP (134) naupangi-in [amaahi,*j-puan suuk cu] a-duh lou. child-erg he self clothes wash it 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked washing selfi,*j’s clothes.’ (135) [amaahi,*j-puan suuk cu] naupang-ini a-duh lou. he self clothes wash it child-erg 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked washing selfi,*j’s clothes.’ (136) profesar-ini [amaahi,*j-hna fok cu] a-duh lou. professor-erg he self work praise it 3sg-like not ‘The professori disliked praising selfi,*j’s work.’ (137) [amaahi,*j-hna fok cu] profesar-ini a-duh lou. he self work praise it professor-erg 3sg-like not ‘The professori disliked praising selfi,*j’s work.’ C–1.2.3.2. Possessor, modifier, or object antecedent C–1.2.3.2.1. Infinitives (138) zovai-nuj-in [PRO*i,j amaah*i thah] a-duh. Zova mother-erg Ø self kill 3sg-want ‘Zovai’s motherj wanted to kill self*i.’ (139) [PRO*i,j amaah*i thah] zovai-nuj-in a-duh. Ø self kill Zova mother-erg 3sg-want ‘Zovai’s motherj wanted to kill self*i.’ C–1.2.3.2.2. Small Clauses (140) zovai-nuj-in [amaah-cu*i,j laam thiam] a-inti. Zova mother-erg he self-foc dancer expert 3sg-consider ‘Zovai’s motherj considered self*i,j an expert dancer.’ (141) [amaah-cu*i,j laam thiam] zovai-nuj-in a-inti. she self-foc dancer expert Zova mother-erg 3sg-consider ‘Zovai’s motherj considered self*i,j an expert dancer.’ C–1.2.3.2.3. Participles (142) zovai-nuj [[PRO amaah*i fok] laayin] a-hliim lutuk. Zova mother Ø self praising while 3sg-happy very ‘Zovai’s motherj felt very happy while praising self*i.’ (143) [[PRO amaah*i fok] laayin] zovai-nuj a-hliim lutuk. Ø self praise while Zova mother 3sg-happy very ‘Zovai’s motherj felt very happy while praising self*i.’ C–1.2.4. Blocking Effects Even if there is an intervening (potential) antecedent with distinct features, amaah-cu ‘him’ in the embedded sentence obligatorily corefers with the matrix subject ((144)–(146)). (144) zova-ni [[Tluaanga-nj amaah-cui,*j,*k,l a-duh] tih] Zova-erg Tluanga-erg he self-acc 3sg-like COMP [[zovi-nk a-hria] tih] a-gaituva. Zovi-erg 3sg-know COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that Zovik knows that Tluangaj likes himi,*j,*k,l (Zova).’ (145) zova-ni [[Tluaanga-nj amaah-cui,*j,*k a-duh] tih] [[prok Zova-erg Tluanga-erg he self-acc 3sg-like COMP Ø kak-hria] tih] a-gaituva. 1sg-know COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that Ik know that Tluangaj likes himi,*j,*k (Zova).’ (146) zova-ni [[Tluaanga-nj amaah-cui,*j,*k a-duh] tih] [[prok Zova-erg Tluanga-erg he self-acc 3sg-like COMP Ø ik-hria] tih] a-gaituva. 2sg-know COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that youk know that Tluangaj likes himi,*j,*k (Zova).’ C–2. General (personal) pronouns C–2.1. Local domain C–2.1.1. Subject antecedent C–2.1.1.1. Object As mentioned, first- and second-person pronominal objects (direct and indirect objects) exhibit agreement in Mizo. However, the third-person pronominal ob-ject does not exhibit agreement (149). In this section, we focus our attention only on third-person pronominal objects. (147) zova-ni keini-cuj minj-hmu. Zova-erg 1pl-acc 1pl-see ‘Zovai saw usj.’ (148) zova-ni nangni-cuj ai-hmu-ceuj. Zova-erg you-pl-acc 3sg-see-2pl ‘Zovai saw youj (pl).’ (149) zova-ni ani-cu*i,j ai-hmu. Zova-erg he-acc 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw him*i,j.’ The pronoun ani ‘he’, which occurs in direct and indirect object positions, does not corefer with the subject in the local domain ((150)–(154)). Whether the pro-noun follows ((150)–(152)) or precedes ((153)–(154)) the subject, it gives disjoint reference only. (150) zova-ni ani-cu*i,j a-haau. Zova-erg he-acc 3sg-scold ‘Zovai scolds him*i,j.’ C–2.1.1.2. Indirect object (151) zova-ni leekha a*i,j-hneena a-thƒn. Zova-erg letter he to 3sg-send ‘Zovai mailed a letter to him*i,j.’ (152) a*i,j-hneena zova-ni leekha a-thƒn. he to Zova-erg letter 3sg-send ‘Zovai mailed a letter to him*i,j.’ (153) zova-ni looman a-*i,j-hneena a-pe. Zova-erg prize he to 3sg-give ‘Zovai gave a prize to him*i,j.’ (154) a*i,j-hneena zova-ni looman a-pe. he to Zova-erg prize 3sg-give ‘Zovai gave a prize to him*i,j.’ The pronoun ani ‘he’ or the possessive pronoun a, which occurs in Post-positional Phrases, in locative NPs, and in possessive NPs (both alienable and inalienable), optionally corefers with the subject ((155), (167)). However, if the pronoun precedes the antecedent ((156), (158), (159b), (160b), (164)), it does not corefer optionally with the antecedent, according to some native speakers. C–2.1.1.3. Postpositional Phrase (155) Tluaangi-ni zovij-hneena ai,*j,k-cungcaang a-hril. Tluangi-erg Zovi to he about 3sg-tell ‘Tluangii told Zovij about himi,*j,k.’ (156) ai,*j,k-cungcaang Tluaangi-ni zovij-hneena a-hril. he about Tluangi-erg Zovi to 3sg-tell ‘Tluangii told Zovij about himi,*j,k.’ (157) zova-ni zovij-hneena ai,*j,k-cungcaang a-ziak. Zova-erg Zovi to he about 3sg-write ‘Zovai wrote to Zovij about himi,*j,k.’ (158) ai,*j,k-cungcaang zova-ni zovij-hneena a-ziak. he about Zova-erg Zovi to 3sg-write ‘Zovai wrote to Zovij about himi,*j,k.’ C–2.1.1.4. Locative NP (159) a. zova-ni leekhabu a-hmaiii,j a-dah. Zova-erg book he front 3sg-keep ‘Zovai kept the book in front of himi,j.’ b. a-hmaii*i,j zova-ni leekhabu a-dah. he front Zova-erg book 3sg-keep ‘Zovai kept the book in front of him*i,j.’ (160) zova-ni daarTlalaang-cu a-hmaii ahi,j a-hmu. Zova-erg mirror-acc he front in 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw a mirror in front of himi,j.’ (161) a-hmaii ah*i,j zova-ni daarTlalaang-cu a-hmu. he front in Zova-erg mirror-acc 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw a mirror in front of him*i,j.’ (162) a. zova-ni ruul ai,j-bulaha a-hmu. Zova-erg snake he near 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw a snake near himi,j.’ b. a-bulahi,j zova-ni ruul a-hmu. he near Zova-erg snake 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw a snake near himi,j.’ C–2.1.1.5. Possessive NP (163) laali-ni ai,*j,k-in-ah zovaj-hneena looman a-petƒ. king-erg his home in Zova to prize 3sg-give ‘The kingi gave a prize to Zovaj at hisi,*j,k home.’ (164) a*i,*j,k-in-ah laali-ni zovaj-hneena looman a-petƒ. his home in king-erg Zova to prize 3sg-give ‘At his*i,*j,k home, the kingi gave a prize to Zovaj.’ C–2.1.1.6. Inalienable possession (165) zova-ni ai,j-hmaii a-phi. Zova-erg his face 3sg-wash ‘Zovai washed hisi,j face.’ (166) a*i,j-hmaii zova-ni a-phi. his face Zova-erg 3sg-wash ‘Zovai washed his*i,j face.’ If we add the secondary verb sak ‘other benefactive’ to the verb, a, the possessive pronoun, does not refer to the subject. (167) zova-ni a*i,j-hmaii a-phi sak. Zova-erg his face 3sg-wash aux V ‘Zovai washed his*i,j face.’ C–2.1.2. Possessor or modifier antecedent C–2.1.2.1. Possessive subject and object The pronoun ani ‘he’ which occurs in the object position optionally corefers with a possessor or modifier antecedent (i.e., zova in (168)). (168) zovai-nuj-in anii,*j,k-cu a-duh. Zova mother-erg he-acc 3sg-like ‘Zovai’s motherj likes himi,*j,k.’ According to some native speakers, if the pronoun ani ‘he’ precedes the posses-sor or modifier antecedent, it does not corefer with the possessor or modifier antecedent. (169) ani*i,*j,k-cu zovai-nuj-in a-duh. he-acc Zova mother-erg 3sg-like ‘Zovai’s motherj likes him*i,*j,k.’ C–2.1.2.2. NP containing subject In natural speech, a phrase like Zova’s picture of him cannot be directly translated in Mizo. (170) zova-pikcar daukaan-cungah a-oom. Zova picture table on 3sg-be ‘Zova’s picture is on the table.’ C–2.1.3. Other antecedents Not addressed by authors. C–2.1.4. Lexical effects C–2.1.4.1. Object antecedent (171) zova-ni a-i,*j,k-cungcaang zovij-hneena a-zooth. Zova-erg she/he about Zovi to 3sg-questioned ‘Zovai questioned Zovij about her/himi,*j,k.’ In (171), the pronoun optionally corefers with the subject and the discourse ante-cedent and not the object. C–2.1.4.2. Dative subject As mentioned in C–1, in Mizo the dative case marker does not occur with the experiencer subject; cu, which normally occurs with direct objects, occurs with the experiencer subject too (172). The pronoun does not corefer with the subject in such syntactic constructions, but only with a discourse antecedent. (172) zova-cui ani*i,j- cungah a-thinrim. Zova-foc he on 3sg-angry ‘Zovai is angry at him*i,j.’ C–2.2. Long-distance domain C–2.2.1. Finite clause embeddings C–2.2.1.1. Subject antecedent C–2.2.1.1.1. Finite complement In finite embedded clauses, the null element obligatorily corefers with the sub-ject, and the overt pronoun optionally corefers with the subject ((173)–(178)). When the finite embedded clause is preposed (174), the overt pronoun in subject position does not corefer with the matrix subject, even optionally. Thus, the direction of the occurrence of the subject pronoun plays a crucial role in deter-mining coreferentiality. However, the pronoun in embedded clause object position corefers with the matrix subject when it precedes it ((176), (178)) or follows it ((175), (177)). (173) zova-ni [[ani-cui,j smaarT a-ni] tih] a-sƒi. Zova-erg he-foc smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-say ‘Zovai said that hei,j is/was smart.’ (174) [[a*i,j smaarT a-ni] tih] zova-ni a-sƒi. he smart 3sg-be COMP Zova-erg 3sg-say ‘Zovai said that he*i,j is/was smart.’ (175) zova-ni [[zovi-nj ani-cui,*j,k a-duh] anitih] a-sƒi / a-hria. Zova-erg Zovi-erg he-acc 3sg-like COMP 3sg-say / 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij likes himi,*j,k.’ (176) [[zovi-nj ani-cui,*j,k a-duh] anitih] zova-ni a-sƒi / Zovi-erg he-acc 3sg-like COMP Zova-erg 3sg-say / a-hria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij likes himi,*j,k.’ (177) zova-ni [[zovi-nj a-i,*j,k- hneena a-tSon] anitih] a-sƒi / Zova-erg Zovi-erg he to 3sg-speak COMP 3sg-say / a-hria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij spoke to himi,*j,k.’ (178) [[zovi-ni ai,*j,k- hneena a-tSon] ani tih] zovaj-n a-sƒi / Zovi-erg he to 3sg-speak COMP Zova-erg 3sg-say / a-hria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij spoke to himi,*j,k.’ C–2.2.1.1.2. Copula complements In copula complements too the pronoun which occurs in subject position (179) optionally corefers with the matrix subject. However, when the complement clause is preposed, i.e., when the pronoun precedes the antecedent (180), it does not corefer with the matrix subject. (179) zova-ni [[ani-cui,j giinies a-ni] tih] a-hria. Zova-erg he-acc genius 3sg-be COMP 3sg-know ‘Zovai believes that hei,j is a genius.’ (180) [[ani-cu*i,j giinies a-ni] tih] zova-n a-hria. he-acc genius 3sg-be COMP Zova-erg 3sg-know ‘Zovai believes that he*i,j is a genius.’ Thus, if the embedded subject corefers with the matrix subject, a null pronoun or amaah ‘self’ occurs in the embedded subject position. In case of disjoint reference between the embedded and matrix subject, the pronoun ani ‘he, she, it’ must be overtly present. Thus, ani ‘he, she, it’ contrasts with a null pronoun or with amaah ‘self’ in the embedded subject position to express disjoint reference. C–2.2.1.1.3. Finite adjunct In finite adjunct clauses, such as time adverbial clauses (with when, before), the pronoun can occur in subject, object, and indirect object positions ((181)–(186)). The pronoun optionally corefers with the matrix subject. However, native speakers prefer the occurrence of a null pro rather than an overt pronoun in adjunct clauses. (181) [[anii,j-cu a-haa] hnuah] zovai in-ah a-ronhon. he-foc 3sg tired when Zova home in 3sg-returned ‘Zovai returned home when hei,j got tired.’ (182) zovai [[anii,j-cu a-haa] hnuah] in-ah a-ronhon. Zova he-foc 3sg-tired when home in 3sg-returned ‘Zovai returned home when hei,j got tired.’ (183) [[zovi-nj ani-cui,j a-hmu] hnuah] zovai in-ah Zovi-erg he-acc 3sg-see when Zova home to a-ronhon. 3sg-returned ‘Zovai returned home when Zovij saw himi,j.’ (184) zova-ni [[zovi-nj ani-cui,j a-hmu] hnuah] in-ah Zova-erg Zovi-erg he-acc 3sg-see when home in a-ronhon. 3sg-returned ‘Zovai returned home when Zovij saw himi,j.’ (185) zovai [[zovi-nj anii,*j,k- hneena leekha a-ziak] hmain] Zova Zovi-erg he to letter 3sg-write before in-ah a-ronhon. home to 3sg-returned ‘Zovai returned home before Zovij wrote a letter to himi,*j,k.’ (186) zovi-ni [[proi,*j,k anii,*j,k- hneena leekha a-ziak] hmain] Zovi-erg Ø he to letter 3sg-write before in-ah a-ronhon. home to 3sg-returned ‘Zovii returned home before she/hei,*j,k wrote a letter to himi,*j,k.’ C–2.2.1.2. Possessor, modifier, or object antecedent C–2.2.1.2.1. Finite complement Antecedent object In finite complement clauses, the occurrence of a null pro is preferred over the overt pronoun. The occurrence of an overt pronoun in subject position gives optional coreference with the matrix subject and does not corefer with the matrix object. When the embedded clause is preposed (188), i.e., when the pronoun precedes its antecedent (the matrix subject), it does not corefer with it. Thus, the optional coreference of the matrix subject depends on the direction of the occur-rence of the pronoun. (187) zova-ni zovij-hneena [[anii,*j,k mi aa a-ni] tih] Zova-erg Zovi to she/he person mad 3sg-be COMP a-sƒi. 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij that she/hei,*j,k is a mad person.’ (188) [[ani*i,*j,k mi aa a-ni] tih] zova-ni zovij- hneena she/he person mad 3sg-be COMP Zova-erg Zovi to a-sƒi. 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij that she/hei,*j,k is a mad person.’ Possessor antecedent in NP (189) zovai-nuj-in [[ani-cui,*j,k smaarT a-ni] tih] a-sƒi. Zova mother-erg she/he-foc smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-say ‘Zovai’s motherj said that she/hei,*j,k was smart.’ (190) [[ani-cui,*j,k smaarT a-ni] tih] zovai-nu-inj a-sƒi. she/he-foc smart 3sg-be COMP Zova mother-erg 3sg-say ‘Zovai’s motherj said that she/hei,*j,k was smart.’ C–2.2.1.2.2. Finite adjunct Native speakers prefer to use a null pro rather than an overt pronoun in sentences with finite adjunct clauses (with when, while, etc.). These can precede or follow the main clause. The null pro refers either to the matrix subject or to the matrix object. However, the overt pronoun optionally corefers with the subject, object, and the discourse antecedent ((191)–(196)). Directionality of the occurrence of the pronoun does not make any difference in determining coreferentiality. Antecedent in object position (191) [[anii,j,k-cu baazaar-ah a-kal] hnuah] zova-ni zovi-cuj she/he-foc market to 3sg-go when Zova-erg Zovi-acc a-hmu. 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw Zovij when she/hei,j,k went to the market.’ (192) zova-ni [[anii,j,k-cu baazaara-ah a-kal] hnuah] zovi-cuj Zova-erg she/he-foc market to 3sg-go when Zovi-acc a-hmu. 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw Zovij when she/hei,j,k went to the market.’ (193) [[zova-nj thingpui ai,*j,k,l- hneena a-peek] hnuah] Zova-erg tea he to 3sg-give when Tluaanga-ni zovik a-suaaltƒ. Tluanga-erg Zovi 3sg-fight ‘Tluangai fought with Zovik when Zovaj gave tea to himi,*j,k,l.’ (194) Tluaanga-ni [[zova-nj thingpui ai,*j,k,l- hneena a-peek] Tluanga-erg Zova-erg tea he to 3sg-give hnuah] zovik a-suaaltƒ. when Zovi 3sg-fight ‘Tluangai fought with Zovik when Zovaj gave tea to himi,*j,k,l.’ (195) [[ani-cui,j,k leekhabu a-ziah] laayin] zova-ni zovi-cuj she/he-foc book 3sg-write while Zova-erg Zovi-acc a-puitƒ. 3sg-help ‘While she/hei,j,k was writing a book Zovai helped Zovij.’ (196) zova-ni [[ani-cui,j,k leekhabu a-ziah] laayin] zovi-nj Zova-erg she/he-foc book 3sg-write while Zovi-erg a-puitƒ. 3sg-help ‘While she/hei,j,k was writing a book Zovai helped Zovij.’ Possessor antecedent in NP The overt pronoun can occur in subject (197), object (199), or indirect object (201) position in finite clauses. The null pro can corefer with the full NP in which the possessor is also involved; i.e., it corefers both with i and j in zovai-nu ‘Zova’s motherj’. However, the overt pronoun optionally corefers with the possessor antecedent or the discourse antecedent only ((197)–(202)). (197) zovai-nuj-in [[ani-cui,*j,k smaarT a-ni] tih] a-hria. Zova mother-erg she/he-acc smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that she/hei,*j,k was smart.’ (198) [[ani-cui,*j,k smaarT a-ni] tih] zovai-nuj-in a-hria. she/he-acc smart 3sg-be COMP Zova mother-erg 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that she/hei,*j,k was smart.’ (199) zovai-nuj-in [[zovi-nk ani-cui,*j,k a-duh] anitih] a-hria. Zova mother-erg Zovi-erg he-acc 3sg-like COMP 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that Zovik likes himi,*j,k.’ (200) [[zovi-nk ani-cui,*j,k a-duh] anitih] zovai-nuj-in a-hria. Zovi-erg he-acc 3sg-like COMP Zova mother-erg 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that Zovik likes himi,*j,k.’ (201) zovai-nuj-in [[zovi-nk leekha ai,*j,k,l-hneena a-ziak] Zova mother-erg Zovi-erg letter she/he to 3sg-write anitih] a-hria. COMP 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that Zovik wrote a letter to her/himi,*j,k,l.’ (202) [[zovi-nk leekha ai,j,k,l-hneena a-ziak] anitih] zovai-nuj-in Zovi-erg letter she/he to 3sg-write COMP Zova mother-erg a-hria. 3sg-know ‘Zovai’s motherj knew that Zovik wrote a letter to her/himi,j,k,l.’ C–2.2.2. Subjunctive clause embeddings Mizo has no subjunctive clauses. C–2.2.3. Nonfinite clause embeddings C–2.2.3.1. Subject antecedent C–2.2.3.1.1. Small Clauses The pronoun which occurs in Small Clauses cannot be coindexed with the matrix subject. However, in Mizo, a pronoun can be coindexed with the matrix subject if there is a VR with the matrix verb ((203), (205)). As mentioned, the VR in is used in the formation of lexical verbs such as inti (literally, ‘say to self’) ‘consider’ and inhria (literally, ‘know to self’) ‘believe’. The ergative case marker occurs with the matrix subject in (203)–(207), showing that the VR clitic is grammaticalized and is a part of lexical verbs like believe and consider and not the reflexive construction. (203) zova-ni [anii,*j-cu liberal] a-inhria. Zova-erg he-acc liberal 3sg-believe ‘Zovai believes selfi,*j a liberal.’ (204) zova-ni [ani-cu*i,j liberal] a-hria. Zova-erg he-acc liberal 3sg-believe ‘Zovai believes him*i,j liberal.’ (205) zova-ni [ani-cui,*j laam thiam] a-inti. Zova-erg he-acc dancer expert 3sg-consider ‘Zovai considers himselfi,*j an expert dancer.’ (206) zova-ni [ani-cu*i,j laam thiam] a-ti. Zova-erg he-acc dancer expert 3sg-consider ‘Zovai considers him*i,j an expert dancer.’ (207) [ani-cu*i,j laam thiam] zova-ni a-ti. he-acc dancer expert Zova-erg 3sg-consider ‘Zovai considers him*i,j an expert dancer.’ (208) [ani-cu*i,j liberal] zova-ni a-hria. him-acc liberal Zova-erg 3sg-believe ‘Zovai believes him*i,j a liberal.’ C–2.2.3.1.2. Nonfinite complements If the pronoun occurs in the object position of the infinitival clause, it gives dis-joint reference with the matrix subject, because subject-controlling verbs occur as matrix verbs here. (209) zova-ni [PROi,*j ani-cu*i,j thah] a-duh. Zova-erg Ø he-acc kill 3sg-want ‘Zovai wants to kill him*i,j.’ (210) [PROi,*j ani-cu*i,j thah] zova-ni a-duh. Ø he-acc kill Zova-erg 3sg-want ‘Zovai wants to kill him*i,j.’ (211) zova-ni [PROi,*j ani-cu*i,j pui] a-tiamtƒ. Zova-erg Ø he-acc help 3sg-promise ‘Zovai promised to help him*i,j.’ (212) [PROi,*j ani-cu*i,j pui] zova-n a-tiaamtƒ. Ø he-acc help Zova-erg 3sg-promise ‘Zovai promised to help him*i,j.’ The pronoun which occurs in the object position of the infinitival clause op-tionally corefers with the matrix subject ((213)–(216)). The matrix verbs are object-controlling verbs in such sentences. (213) zova-ni zovij-hneena [[PRO*i,j ani-cui,*j,k pui] tuurin] Zova-erg Zovi to Ø he-acc help in order to a-hril. 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij to help himi,*j,k.’ (214) [[PRO*i,j ani-cui,*j,k pui] tuurin] zova-ni zovij-hneena Ø he-acc help in order to Zova-erg Zovi to a-hril. 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij to help himi,*j,k.’ (215) pai-in naupangj-cu [[PRO*i,j ani-cui,*j,k hmu] tuurin] father-erg child-acc Ø he-acc see in order to a-tuur. 3sg-force ‘The fatheri forced the childj to look at himi,*j,k.’ (216) [[PRO*i,j ani-cui,*j,k hmu] tuurin] pai-in naupangj-cu Ø he-acc see in order to father-erg child-acc a-tuur. 3sg-force ‘The fatheri forced the childj to look at himi,*j,k.’ C–2.2.3.1.3. Participles If an overt pronoun occurs in the object position of an imperfect participial clause, it does not corefer with the subject. It optionally corefers with the matrix object. However, PRO refers to the matrix subject only. Directionality of the occurrence of the pronoun does not play a role in determining coreferentiality. (217) zova-ni [[PROi,*j ani*i,j,k-cu fok] paayin] zovij Zova-erg Ø he-acc praising while Zovi laam a-hoi. toward 3sg-turned ‘Zovai turned toward Zovij while he*i,j,k was praising him*i,j,k.’ (218) [[PROi,*j ani*i,j,k-cu fok] paayin] zova-ni zovij Ø he-acc praising while Zova-erg Zovi laam a-hoi. toward 3sg-turned ‘Zovai turned toward Zovij while he*i,j,k was praising him*i,j,k.’ (219) zovai [[PROi,*j ani*i,j-cu fok] cungin] in-ah a-kaltƒ. Zova Ø he-acc praising then home to 3sg-went ‘Having praised him*i,j Zovai went home.’ (220) [[PROi,*j ani*i,j-cu fok] cungin] zovai in-ah a-kaltƒ. Ø he-acc praising then Zovi home to 3sg-went ‘Having praised him*i,j, Zovai went home.’ The pronoun which occurs in the object position in sentences (219) and (220) does not corefer with the matrix subject. PRO corefers with the matrix subject, and the pronoun corefers with the discourse antecedent. C–2.2.3.1.4. Gerunds/nominalizations Native speakers prefer nominalized clauses with a null pro coreferential with the subject. However, the overt pronoun optionally corefers with the subject in such clauses. Directionality of the nominalized clause does not determine co-referentiality. (221) naupang-ini [PROi ani-cui,j / Øi,*j fok] a-duh lou. child-erg Ø he-acc / Ø praising 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked praising himi,j / Øi,*j.’ (222) [PROi ani-cui,j / Øi,*j fok] naupang-ini a-duh lou. Ø he-acc / Ø praising child-erg 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked praising himi,j / Øi,*j.’ Directionality of the pronoun makes a difference in coreferentiality in (223) and in (224). (223) naupang-ini [ai,j-hmaii phi cu] a-duh lou. child-erg his face wash it 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked washing hisi,j face.’ (224) [a*i,j-hmaii phi cu] naupang-ini a-duh lou. his face wash it child-erg 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked washing his*i,j face.’ C–2.2.3.2. Possessor, modifier, or object antecedent C–2.2.3.2.1. Infinitives The pronoun in object position optionally corefers with the possessor antecedent in the matrix clause. Directionality is not crucial in determining the coreferentiality here. (225) zovai-nuj-in [PRO*i,j ani-cui,*j,k thah] a-duh. Zova mother-erg Ø he-acc kill 3sg-want ‘Zovai’s motherj wanted to kill himi,*j,k.’ (226) [PRO*i,j ani-cui,*j,k thah] zovai-nuj-in a-duh. Ø he-acc kill Zova mother-erg 3sg-want ‘Zovai’s motherj wanted to kill himi,*j,k.’ (227) zovai-nuj-in [PRO*i,j / ani-cui,*j,k pui] a-tiamtƒ. Zova mother-erg Ø / he-acc help 3sg-promise ‘Zovai’s motherj promised to help himi,*j,k.’ (228) [PRO*i,j ani-cui,*j,k pui] zovai-nuj-in a-tiamtƒ. Ø he-acc help Zova mother-erg 3sg-promise ‘Zovai’s motherj promised to help himi,*j,k.’ C–2.2.3.2.2. Small Clauses The pronoun in the Small Clause optionally corefers with the possessor anteced-ent in the matrix clause. Directionality does not play any role in determining the optional coreferentiality. (229) zovai-nuj-in [anii,*j,k-cu laam thiam] a-ti. Zova mother-erg he-acc dancer expert 3sg-consider ‘Zovai’s motherj considers himi,*j,k an expert dancer.’ (230) [anii,*j,k-cu laam thiam] zovai-nuj-in a-ti. he-acc dancer expert Zova mother-erg 3sg-consider ‘Zovai’s motherj considers himi,*j,k an expert dancer.’ C–2.2.3.2.3. Participles The pronoun in object position in participial clauses optionally corefers with the possessor antecedent in the matrix clause. (231) zovai-nuj [[PRO*i,j anii,*j,k-cu fok] laayin] a-hliim Zova mother Ø he-acc praising while 3sg-happy lutuk. very ‘Zovai’s motherj felt very happy while praising himi,*j,k.’ (232) [[PRO*i,j anii,*j,k-cu fok] laayin] zovai-nuj a-hliim Ø he-acc praising while Zova mother 3sg-happy lutuk. very ‘Zovai’s motherj felt very happy while praising himi,*j,k.’ C–2.2.4. Blocking Effects Even if there is an intervening (potential) antecedent with distinct features, the pronoun in the embedded sentence optionally corefers with the matrix subject ((234)–(235)). (233) zova-ni [[Tluaanga-nj anii,*j,*k,l-cu a-duh] tih] [[zovi-nk Zova-erg Tluanga-erg he-acc 3sg-like COMP Zovi-erg a-hria] anitih] a-rilruin. 3sg-know COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that Zovik knows that Tluangaj likes himi,*j,*k,l.’ (234) zova-ni [[Tluaanga-nj anii,*j,k,l-cu a-duh] tih] [[prok Zova-erg Tluanga-erg he-acc 3sg-like COMP Ø ka-hria] anitih] a-rilruin. 1sg-know COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that Ik know that Tluangaj likes himi,*j,k,l.’ (235) zova-ni [[Tluaanga-nj anii,*j,k,l-cu a-duh] tih] [[prok Zova-erg Tluanga-erg he-acc 3sg-like COMP Ø i-hria] anitih] a-rilruin. 2sg-know COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that youk know that Tluangaj likes himi,*j,k,l.’ C–3. Composite forms or reduplications C–3.1. Local domain C–3.1.1. Subject antecedent C–3.1.1.1. Object (236) zovai amaah leh amaahi,*j a-in-kaap. Zova he self and he self 3sg-VR-shoot ‘Zovai shot himselfi,*j.’ (237) amaah leh amaahi,*j zovai a-in–kaap. he self and he self Zova 3sg-VR-shoot ‘Zovai shot himselfi,*j.’ (238) zovai amaah leh amaahi,*j a-in-huaa. Zova he self and he self 3sg-VR-hate ‘Zovai hates himselfi,*j.’ (239) amaah leh amaahi,*j zovai a-in-huaa. he self and he self Zova 3sg-VR-hate ‘Zovai hates himselfi,*j.’ amaah leh amaah corefers with the subject zova in (236)–(239). It follows the antecedent in (236) and (238) and precedes it in (237) and (239). Thus, direction-ality does not make a difference in determining coreferentiality. The same is true in sentences where reflexivization occurs in indirect object position. C–3.1.1.2. Indirect object (240) zova-ni amaah leh amaahi,*j looman a-in-pe. Zova-erg he self and he self prize 3sg-VR-give ‘Zovai gave a prize to himselfi,*j.’ (241) amaah leh amaahi*j zova-ni looman a-in-pe. he self and he self Zova-erg prize 3sg-VR-give ‘Zovai gave a prize to himselfi,*j.’ (242) zova-ni amaah leh amaahi,*j leekha a-in-thƒn. Zova-erg he self and he self letter 3sg-VR-send ‘Zovai mailed the letter to himselfi,*j.’ (243) amaah leh amaahi,*j zova-ni leekha a-in-thƒn. he self and he self Zova-erg letter 3sg-VR-send ‘Zovai mailed the letter to himselfi,*j. The substitution of the composite/reduplicated form for the bare reflexive amaah in locative and possessive (alienable and inalienable) phrases results in ungram-matical sentences. C–3.1.1.3. Locative NP The composite/reduplicated form in a locative PP cannot be anteceded within the minimal clause. (244) *zova-ni leekhabu amaah leh amaah*i-hma-ah a-in-dah. Zova-erg book self and self front in 3sg-VR-keep *‘Zovai kept the book in front of self*i.’ (245) *zova-ni ruul amaah leh amaah*i- bulah a-hmu. Zova-erg snake self and self near 3sg-see *‘Zovai saw a snake near self*i. C–3.1.2. Possessor or modifier antecedent (246) zovai-nupui-inj amaah leh amaah*i,j a-in-haau. Zova wife-erg she self and she self 3sg-VR-scold ‘Zovai’s wifej scolded herself*i,j.’ C–3.1.3. Other antecedents In Mizo, a dative case marker does not occur with the experiencer subject. How-ever, the occurrence of the reduplicated form and the absence of the VR in (247)– (248) is similar to the phenomenon found in Dravidian languages. (247) zova-cui amaah leh amaahi,*j- cunga a-thinrim. Zova-foc he self and he self on 3sg-angry ‘Zovai is angry at selfi,*j.’ (248) amaah leh amaahi,*j- cunga zova-cui a-thinrim. he self and he self on Zova-foc 3sg-angry ‘Zovai is angry at selfi,*j.’ C–3.1.4. Lexical effects Not addressed by authors. C–3.2. Long-distance domain C–3.2.1. Finite clause embeddings The composite/reduplicated form in object position in a finite embedded clause ((250), (252)) corefers with the embedded subject. The reduplicated form cannot occur in the embedded subject position (249). (249) *zova-ni [[amaah leh amaah*i smaarT a-ni] tih] a-sƒi. Zova-erg self and self smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-say *‘Zovai said that himself*i was smart.’ (250) zova-ni [[zovi-nj amaah leh amaah*i,j a-in-duh] anitih] Zova-erg Zovi-erg self and self 3sg-VR-like COMP a-sƒi / a-hria. 3sg-say / 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij likes herself*i,j.’ (251) [[zovi-nj amaah leh amaah*i,j a-in-duh] anitih] zova-ni Zovi-erg self and self 3sg-VR-like COMP Zova-erg a-sƒi / a-hria. 3sg-say / 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij likes self*i,j.’ (252) zova-ni [[zovi-nj amaah leh amaah*i,j looman a-in-pe] Zova-erg Zovi-erg self and self prize 3sg-VR-give anitih] a-sƒi / a-hria. COMP 3sg-say / 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij gave a prize to self*i,j.’ (253) [[zovi-nj amaah leh amaah*i,j looman a-in-pe] anitih] Zovi-erg self and self prize 3sg-VR-give COMP zova-ni a-sƒi / a-hria. Zova-erg 3sg-say / 3sg-know ‘Zovai said/knew that Zovij gave a prize to himself*i,j.’ C–3.2.2. Subjunctive clause embeddings Mizo has no subjunctive clauses. C–3.2.3. Nonfinite clause embeddings C–3.2.3.1. Subject antecedent In infinitival sentences, PRO serves as an antecedent to the reduplicated form and the VR. The composite form is optional, and the VR is obligatory. (254) a. zova-ni [PROi amaah leh amaahi,*j in-thah] a-duh. Zova-erg Ø he self and he self VR-kill 3sg-want ‘Zovai wants to kill himselfi,*j.’ b. *zova-ni [PROi amaah leh amaahi,*j thah] a-duh. Zova-erg Ø he self and he self kill 3sg-want *‘Zovai wants to kill himselfi,*j.’ (255) [PROi amaah leh amaahi,*j in-thah] zova-ni a-duh. Ø he self and he self VR-kill Zova-erg 3sg-want ‘Zovai wants to kill himselfi,*j.’ (256) zova-ni [PROi amaah leh amaahi,*j in-pui] a-tiaantƒ. Zova-erg Ø he self and he self VR-help 3sg-promise ‘Zovai promised to help himselfi,*j.’ (257) [PROi amaah leh amaahi,*j in-pui] zova-ni a-tiaantƒ. Ø he self and he self VR-help Zova-erg 3sg-promise ‘Zovai promised to help himselfi,*j.’ C–3.2.3.1.1. Multiple antecedent subjects, objects, etc. The PRO and the reduplicated form in infinitival clauses corefer with the matrix object ((258)–(261)). However, PRO serves as an antecedent to the reduplicated form. (258) zova-ni zovij-hneena [[PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j Zova-erg Zovi to Ø she self and she self in-Tong] tuurin] a-hril. VR-grow up COMP 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij to grow up herself*i,j.’ (259) [[PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j in-Tong] tuurin] Ø she self and she self VR-grow up COMP zova-ni zovij-hneena a-hril. Zova-erg Zovi to 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij to grow up (herself*i,j).’ (260) pai-in a-faatej [[PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j in-zir] father-erg his son Ø he self and he self VR-study tuurin] a-tur. COMP 3sg-force ‘Fatheri forced his sonj to study by himself*i,j.’ (261) [[PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j in-zir] tuurin] pai-in Ø he self and he self VR-study COMP father-erg a-faatej a-tur. his son 3sg-force ‘Fatheri forced his sonj to study by himself*i,j.’ Thus, in infinitival clauses PRO serves as antecedent to the reduplicated/ composite form and the VR with both subject- and object-controlling verbs in Mizo. C–3.2.3.1.2. Participles (262) zova-ni [[PROi,*j amaah leh amaahi,*j in-fok] laayin] Zova-erg Ø he self and he self VR-praise while zovij laam a-hoi. Zovi toward 3sg-turn ‘While hei,*j was praising himselfi,*j, Zovai turned toward Zovij.’ (263) [[PROi,*j amaah leh amaahi,*j in-fok] laayin] zova-ni Ø he self and he self VR-praising while Zova-erg zovij laam a-hoi. Zovi toward 3sg-turn ‘While hei,*j was praising himselfi,*j, Zovai turned toward Zovij.’ (264) zova-ni [PROi,*j amaah leh amaahi,*j in-haau] zovij-cu Zova-erg Ø he self and he self VR-scold Zovi-acc a-suaal. 3sg-fight ‘Having scolded himselfi,*j, Zovai fought with Zovij.’ (265) [PROi,*j amaah leh amaahi,*j in-haau] zova-ni zovij-cu Ø he self and he self VR-scold Zova-erg Zovi-acc a-suaal. 3sg-fight ‘Having scolded himselfi,*j, Zovai fought with Zovij.’ However, a participial clause without the VR is ungrammatical when there is a composite/reduplicated form. (266) *[PROi,*j amaah leh amaahi,*j haau] zova-ini zovij-cu Ø he self and he self scold Zova-erg Zovi-acc a-suaal. 3sg-fight *‘Having scolded himselfi,*j, Zovai fought with Zovij.’ C–3.2.3.1.3. Gerunds/nominalizations In nominalized clauses, PRO serves as the antecedent for the reduplicated form (pronoun+maah) and the VR, as in infinitival clauses. The directionality of the nominalized clause does not determine coreferentiality. (267) naupangi-in [[PROi,*j amaah leh amaahi,*j in-fok] cu] child-erg Ø he self and he self VR-praise it a-duh lou. 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked praising himselfi,*j.’ (268) [[PROi,*j amaah leh amaahi,*j in-fok] cu] naupangi-in Ø he self and he self VR-praise it child-erg a-duh lou. 3sg-like not ‘The childi disliked praising himselfi,*j.’ C–3.2.3.1.4. Other: Infinitives (269) zovai-nuj-in [PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j in-thah] Zova mother-erg Ø she self and she self VR-kill a-duh. 3sg-want ‘Zovai’s motherj wanted to kill herself*i,j.’ (270) [PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j in-thah] zovai-nuj-in Ø she self and she self VR-kill Zova mother-erg a-duh. 3sg-want ‘Zova’si motherj wanted to kill herself*i,j.’ (271) zovai-nuj-in [PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j in-pui] Zova mother-erg Ø she self and she self VR-help a-tiaamtƒ. 3sg-promise ‘Zova’si motherj promised to help herself*i,j.’ (272) zovai-nuj [[PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j in-fok] Zova mother Ø she self and she self VR-praise laayin] a-hliim lutuk. while 3sg-happy very ‘Zovai’s motherj felt very happy while praising herself*i,j.’ (273) [[PRO*i,j amaah leh amaah*i,j in-fok] laayin] Ø she self and she self VR-praise while zovai-nuj a-hliim lutuk. Zova mother 3sg-happy very ‘Zovai’s motherj felt very happy while praising herself*i,j.’ C–4. Other reflexive, pronoun, or composite forms Not addressed by authors. C–5. Reciprocals and distributives Not addressed by authors. C–6. Domain summary The pronoun ani ‘he’ and amaah ‘self’ give disjoint reference in the local domain. However, if amaah ‘self’ occurs in either bare or reduplicated form accompanied by the VR, it corefers with the subject in the local domain. Pronouns cannot co-refer with subjects locally and otherwise are freely coindexed, whereas amaah ‘self’ is necessarily bound to a unique antecedent. amaah ‘self’ can occur in quantified and interrogative antecedent contexts. The pronoun does not occur in such syntactic contexts. The antecedent should c-command amaah ‘self’. There is no such requirement for the pronoun ani ‘he’. The antecedent must be the subject for amaah ‘self’. The antecedent need not be the subject for the pronoun ani ‘he’. C-command plays a crucial role in determining the antecedent of amaah ‘self’. C–7. Split antecedents C–7.1. Local domain (274) Tluaangi-ni zovi-hneenaj an-maah pahni*[i +j],k cungcaang Tluanga-erg Zovi to they self two about a-hril. 3sg-tell ‘Tluangii told about them*[i+j],k (they two) to Zovij.’ C–7.2. Long-distance domain an maah pahni ‘they self two’ corefers with split antecedents in (275)–(280). However, it obligatorily corefers with the split antecedents in these examples. Pronouns are freely coindexed. Hence, an-pahni ‘they two’ optionally co- refers with the split antecedents. It also corefers with a discourse antecedent in (275)–(280). (275) zova-ni [[an-maah- pahni[i +j],*k / an-pahnii,j,k mi Zova-erg they self two / they two person aa an-ni] tih] zovij-hneena a-sƒi. crazy 3pl-be COMP Zovi to 3sg-say ‘Zovai said Zovij that they[i+j],*k are crazy.’ (276) [[an-maah- pahni[i +j],*k / an-pahnii,j,k mi aa an-ni] they self two / they two person crazy 3pl-be tih] zova-ni zovij-hneena a-sƒi. COMP Zova-erg Zovi to 3sg-say ‘Zovai said Zovij that they[i+j],*k are crazy.’ (277) zova-ni zovij-hneena [[an maah-pahni[i +j],*k / an-pahnii,j,k Zova-erg Zovi to they self two / they two aizƒl-ah an-kal tuur] anitih] a-hril. Aizawl to 3pl-go should COMP 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij that they[i+j],*k should go to Aizawl.’ (278) [[an-maah-pahni[i +j],*k / an-pahnii,j,k aizƒl-ah an-kal they self two / they two Aizawl to 3pl-go tuur] anitih] zova-ni zovij-hneena a-hril. should COMP Zova-erg Zovi to 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij that they[i+j],*k should go to Aizawl.’ (279) zova-ni zovij-hneena [[Tluaanga-nk an-maah- pahni-cu[i +j],*k / Zova-erg Zovi to Tluanga-erg they self two-acc / an-pahni-cui,j,k a-duh lou] anitih] a-hril. they two-acc 3sg-like not COMP 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij that Tluangak disliked them[i+j],*k.’ (280) [[Tluaanga-nk an-maah-pahni-cu[i +j],*k / an pahni-cui,j,k a-duh Tluanga-erg they self two-acc / they two-acc 3sg-like lou] anitih] zova-ni zovij-hneena a-hril. not COMP Zova-erg Zovi to 3sg-tell ‘Zovai told Zovij that Tluangak disliked them[i+j],*k.’ C–8. Quantifier and wh-antecedents amaah in embedded sentences obligatorily corefers with quantified and interrog-ative antecedents ((281)–(288)). However, a pronoun ani ‘he’ in such syntactic contexts cannot. C–8.1. Quantifier (281) mizongzongi [amaah-cui,*j / ani-cu*i,j smaarT a-ni] an-ti. everyone he self-foc / he-foc smart 3sg-be 3pl-think ‘Everyonei thinks that selfi,*j / he*i,j is smart.’ (282) [amaah-cui,*j / ani-cu*i,j smaarT a-ni] mizongzongi an-ti. he self-foc / he-foc smart 3sg-be everyone 3pl-think ‘Everyonei thinks that selfi,*j / he*i,j is smart.’ (283) mizongzongi [zovi-nj amaah-cui,*j / ani-cu*i,j a-duh] tih everyone Zovi-erg he self-acc / he-acc 3sg-like COMP an-ti. 3pl-think ‘Everyonei thinks that Zovij likes selfi,*j / him*i,*j,k.’ (284) [zovi-nj amaah-cui,*j / ani-cu*i,j a-duh] tih mizongzongi Zovi-erg he self-acc / he-acc 3sg-like that everyone an-ti. 3pl-think ‘Everyonei thinks that Zovij likes selfi,*j / him*i,*j,k.’ C–8.2. Wh- (285) tungei [[zovi-nj amaah-cui,*j / ani-cu*i,j a-duh] ani tih] who Zovi-erg he self-acc / he-acc 3sg-like COMP a-gaituva? 3sg-think ‘Whoi thinks that Zovij likes selfi,*j / him*i,j?’ (286) [[zovi-nj amaah-cui,*j / ani-cu*i,j a-duh] ani tih]- tungei,*j Zovi-erg he self-acc / he-acc 3sg-like COMP who a-gaituva? 3sg-think ‘Whoi thinks that Zovij likes selfi,*j / him*i,j?’ (287) tungei [[amaahi,*j / ani*i,j zovij-cu a-duh] tih] a-gaituva? who he self / he Zovi-acc 3sg-like COMP 3sg-think ‘Whoi thinks that selfi,*j / he*i,j likes Zovij?’ (288) [[amaahi,*j zovij-cu a-duh] tih] tungei a-gaituva? he self Zovi-acc 3sg-like COMP who 3sg-think ‘Whoi thinks that selfi,*j likes Zovij?’ C–8.3. Constraints on wh-antecedents C–8.3.1. Strong cross-over Not addressed by authors. C–8.3.2. Weak cross-over This type of information is extremely difficult to get from informants. C–9. Directionality/precedence summary C–9.1. Reflexives In Mizo, the form corresponding to English ‘self’, amaah, is bound by a unique c-commanding antecedent in the nonlocal domain. However, its behavior is like a regular pronoun in sentences in which amaah occurs in locative NPs and pos-sessive NPs. If amaah precedes a possessor or modifier antecedent, it does not corefer with it, but only with the discourse antecedent. However, if amaah fol-lows the possessor or modifier antecedent it corefers with it like a pronoun. Thus, the directionality of the occurrence of amaah plays a crucial role in deter-mining coreferentiality in such constructions (C–1). C–9.2. Pronouns The pronoun ani ‘he’ which occurs in the subject position of finite complement clauses optionally corefers with the matrix subject. However, if the finite em-bedded clause is preposed, the pronoun does not even optionally corefer with the matrix subject. Directionality of the pronoun plays a role in determining a pref-erence for coreferentiality in such constructions (C–2). C–9.3. Composite/reduplicated forms The composite/reduplicated form occurs along with the VR in to convey anaphora in Mizo. Directionality of the reduplicated form does not determine co-referentiality. A similar phenomenon is observed in reciprocal constructions. The antecedent for the reduplicated form (pronoun+amaah) and the VR should occur only within the core local domain. C–10. Sloppy identity Mizo speakers never use the form po ‘too’ for sloppy identity. (289) *zova-n amaah-kut a-in-sil. Tluaangi po. Zova-erg self hand 3sg-VR-wash Tluaangi too *‘Zova washed self’s hands. Tluangi did too.’ C–11. Interaction with transformations Not addressed by authors. D. Generalizations and principles D–1. Classical vs. wide anaphora: Binding Principles A and B D–1.1. Binding Theory (BT) anaphors D–1.1.1. Local anaphors/locally bound forms The composite/reduplicated form and the VR in together impart anaphoric mean-ing. They require a sentence-internal antecedent that is local and c-commanding. Coindexing is unique and obligatory (A–1.2 and C–3). The VR is obligatory, and the composite/reduplicated form is optional. In reciprocal constructions too the composite/reduplicated form an-maah-ni leh-an-maah-ni ‘they self and they self’ and the verbal reciprocal clitic in should be bound by an antecedent within the local domain (see A–1.8 for examples). The composite/reduplicated form is optional and the verbal reciprocal clitic is obligatory, as with reflexives. D–1.1.2. Long-distance anaphors There is a long-distance anaphor a-maah ‘she/he-self’ in Mizo. amaah requires a c-commanding antecedent in the nonlocal domain (long-distance). However, if there is a VR with the verb, amaah corefers to the local antecedent (C–1). (See D–1.3.) D–1.2. BT pronouns D–1.2.1. Disjoint reference in the local domain The third-person pronoun ani ‘he, she, it’ gives disjoint reference in the local domain, as is the case with English pronouns. It obeys Principle B of the BT (C–2). In contrast when the pronoun ani occurs in Postpositional Phrases (loca-tive and possessive phrases), it need not be disjoint in reference from any element outside the PP. However, if the pronoun precedes the antecedent, it does not corefer with the antecedent (see C–2.1.1 for examples). D–1.2.2. Disjoint reference in the long-distance domain In Mizo, there are no forms that show disjoint reference in the long-distance domain. However, the third-person pronoun in the embedded clause gives dis-joint reference with the matrix subject if the antecedent is in the discourse domain (see B–5 for examples). D–1.3. Antilocal long-distance anaphors amaah ‘self’ in Mizo requires a c-commanding subject antecedent in the nonlocal domain. amaah ‘he self’, which occurs as argument of a verb, gives disjoint ref-erence in the local domain like pronouns. amaah in Postpositional Phrases and possessive NPs (alienable and inalienable) refers to the subject in the root clause. Thus, it does not give disjoint reference with the subject as pronouns do. amaah corefers with the subject in the root clause even if it precedes the antecedent in postpositional and possessive NPs. In this respect it differs from the pronoun ani in such phrases. D–1.4. Pronoun and anaphor overlap in domains Both the pronoun ani and the anaphor amaah can be bound in the local domain in possessive and locative NPs. The pronoun ani and the bare reflexive amaah can be bound long distance. D–1.5. Function of composite and reduplicated forms The composite/reduplicated form amaah leh amaah occurs as the internal argument of a verb (direct or indirect object or locative object of the dative). It should be bound in the local domain. It always takes only the subject as its antecedent. Its occurrence is optional if the VR is overtly present. Otherwise, its occurrence is obligatory. For example, its occurrence is obligatory in the dative subject construction because there is no VR in such constructions. D–2. Semantic/pragmatic/lexical factors D–2.1. Subject condition The bare reflexive amaah takes only the c-commanding subject as its antecedent in the nonlocal domain. The composite/reduplicated form along with the VR also takes only the subject as its antecedent in the local domain. D–2.2. Lexical or thematic effects The NP that has the experiencer theta role functions as an antecedent for the reflexive (composite/reduplicated) in dative subject constructions. D–2.3. Quantifiers and wh-antecedents amaah in embedded sentences obligatorily corefers with quantified and interrog-ative antecedents (C–8). The pronoun ani cannot. D–3. Summary of directionality/precedence effects Direction of the composite/reduplicated form does not determine coreferentiality with its antecedent. The branching direction is also not crucial for the bare reflexive amaah ‘self’ in determining coreferentiality; that is, a clause in which amaah ‘self’ precedes or follows its matrix clause always corefers only with the subject antecedent in the nonlocal domain. Direction of a pronoun plays a role in determining coreferentiality with its antecedent. When the pronoun ani ‘he, she, it’ follows the antecedent, it op-tionally corefers with its antecedent; when it precedes the (potential) antecedent, it does not refer to it at all when in Postpositional Phrases, locative NPs, possessive NPs, and finite complements. D–4. Principle C D–4.1. Principle C with pronominal and noun A pronoun cannot corefer with a name in (290)–(293). (290) ani-cuan*i,j zovai a-hmu. he-erg Zova 3sg-see ‘He*i,j saw Zovai.’ (291) ani-cuan*i,j [[zova-cui smaarT a-ni] tih] a-hria. he-erg Zova-foc smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-know ‘He*i,j knows that Zovai is smart.’ (292) ani-cu*i,j [[zova-cui in-ah a-ronhon] hnuah] daukaan-cungah he-foc Zova-foc home to 3sg-returned when table on a-tSu. 3sg-sit ‘He*i,j sat on the table when Zovai returned home.’ (293) a-*i,j-hmai in zova-ni leekhabu a-hmu. he front in Zova-erg book 3sg-see ‘In front of him*i,j, Zovai saw a book.’ However, optional coreference with a name is allowed in (294)–(296). (294) zova-ni [[ani-cui,j smaarT a-ni] tih] a-hria. Zova-erg he-foc smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-know ‘Zovai knows that hei,j is smart.’ (295) zova-cui [[ani-cui,j a-in-ah a-ronhon] hnuah] Zova-foc he-foc his home to 3sg-returned when daukaan-cungah a-tSu. table on 3sg-sit ‘Zovai sat down on a table when hei,j returned to his home.’ (296) zova-ni leekhabu ai,j-hmain a-hmu. Zova-erg book he front in 3sg-see ‘Zovai saw a book in front of himi,j.’ In (294)–(296), the pronoun ani ‘he’ may be bound by zova, where zova is out-side the governing category. The pronoun does not bind the r-expression zova because it does not c-command it. D–4.2. Principle C with two nouns If the names are obligatorily disjoint in reference, two proper names can occur in a sentence. (297) zova-ni zova-cuj a-duh. Zova-erg Zova-acc 3sg-like ‘Zovai likes Zovaj.’ (298) zovai zovaj-daukaan-cungaah a-tSu. Zova Zova table on 3sg-sit ‘Zovai sits on Zovaj’s table.’ (299) zova-ni [[zova-cuj smaarT a-ni] tih] a-gaituva. Zova-erg Zova-foc smart 3sg-be COMP 3sg-think ‘Zovai thinks that Zovaj is smart.’ (300) zova-ni zovaj-pikcar a-lei. Zova-erg Zova picture 3sg-buy ‘Zovai bought Zova’sj picture.’ D–5. Summary: The BT principles The composite/reduplicated form amaah leh amaah ‘self and self’ that occurs in reflexive constructions must be bound in the local domain but requires the VR. In experiencer subject sentences, however, it is locally bound, but no VR is possible. The bare reflexive amaah can be locally bound when accompanied by the VR but also occurs long distance. In reciprocal constructions too the reduplicated form an-maah-ni leh an-maah-ni ‘they self and they self’ and the verbal reciprocal clitic in should be bound by its antecedent within its local domain. The pronoun ani ‘he, she, it’ and the bare reflexive amaah ‘self’ contrast with each other in certain syntactic domains though both of them give disjoint refer-ence in the local domain, unless amaah is accompanied by the VR. amaah re-quires an obligatory c-commanding subject antecedent, whereas ani can corefer with any NP and does not require a c-commanding antecedent. amaah can take quantifier and interrogatives as antecedents, whereas ani cannot. Both the pronoun ani and the bare reflexive amaah in possessive NPs and in locative NPs can be bound in the local domain where such positions are nonargu-ment positions. They give disjoint reference in the local domain if they occur in the argument position of a verb, except as previously noted. The lexical pronominal form ani ‘he’ is subject to Principle B of the BT and is disjoint in reference in the local domain. However, it can be bound in the nonlocal domain. amaah ‘he self’ must be bound in the nonlocal domain. How-ever, amaah ‘he self’ takes only the c-commanding subject as its antecedent, whereas pronouns can corefer with any NP. amaah takes quantifier and interrog-ative antecedents while ani does not. amaah obligatorily corefers with split antecedents. According to some native speakers ani pahni ‘they two’ may op-tionally corefer with the split antecedents. amaah does not corefer with an object or a possessor antecedent in the NP in finite complement and finite adjunct clauses. It appears to require a c-commanding antecedent. ani can corefer op-tionally with the object antecedent and the possessor antecedent in an NP in such syntactic domains. amaah does not refer to the possessor or modifier antecedent in nonfinite clauses without c-command and in Small Clauses, etc. Thus, c-command appears to play a crucial role in establishing a relation between the antecedent and amaah ‘self’. Mizo appears to obey Principle C of the BT. An r-expression cannot be bound by a c-commanding pronoun. D–6. Summary: Language-specific interaction with BT D–6.1. Principle A The composite/reduplicated form obeys Principle A of the BT. The antilocal long-distance anaphor does not. D–6.2. Principle B Both the pronoun ani ‘he, she, it’ and the antilocal long-distance anaphor amaah ‘self’ obey Principle B. However, there are syntactic differences between amaah and ani (C–1 and C–2). The inherent feature classification of nominals sug-gested in Chomsky (1981) is inadequate to accommodate the antilocal long-distance anaphor. D–6.3. Principle C Principle C is obeyed in Mizo (cf. D–4). D–7. Authors’ commentary As we argued elsewhere (Subbarao—Saxena 1987; Wali—Lalitha—Subbarao 1992), the binding principles of Universal Grammar are not sufficient to capture the systematic differences observed between amaah and the regular pronoun ani. We have suggested that amaah should be analyzed as a bound pronoun, like aapaN in Marathi and taan in Telugu. Thus, we have argued that amaah is a distinct class of a pronoun. Its behavior in various syntactic domains is different from that of the regular pronoun ani. The inherent feature classification of nomi-nals suggested in Chomsky (1981) is inadequate to accommodate this distinct class of pronouns (e.g., amaah (Mizo), aapaN (Marathi), and taan (Telugu)). As we mentioned in A–2.3, the VR in is used in the formation of lexical verbs such as consider, believe etc. Hence, we believe that in Small Clauses the pres-ence of the VR ((118)–(121)) creates a complete functional complex in which Principle A is satisfied. Similarly, the absence of the VR (122) creates a com-plete functional complex in which Principle B is satisfied. amaah-cu ‘he self-acc’ obligatorily corefers with the matrix subject in Small Clauses. Functionally, the VR in, which occurs with matrix verbs, such as those cited, is not the same one that occurs in reflexive constructions. If it were the same form, the ergative case marker would not occur with the matrix subject when there is a direct object (C–1.2–C–1.3 for examples). Hence, we believe that in, in these structures, is formally the same but functionally different from the “true” VR. Note 1. From these facts, it may be deduced that amaah leh amaah is not actually an argu-ment NP (Bernard Comrie, personal communication). [Editors’ note.] References Abbi, A. (ed.) 1997 Languages of tribal and indigenous peoples of India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Bradley, D. (ed.) 1989 Papers in South-East Asian Linguistics. No. 11 of South-East Asian Syntax. Chhangte, L. 1986 A preliminary grammar of Mizo. [M.A. thesis, University of Texas at Arlington.] 1989 “The grammar of simple clauses in Mizo”, in: D. Bradley (ed.), 93–174. Chomsky, Noam 1981 Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris. Davison, A.—M. K. Verma (eds.) in press Agreement in South Asian languages. Grierson, G. A. 1967 Linguistic survey of India: Tibeto-Burman family, Part 3. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Lalitha, B. 1993 Participial constructions: A cross-linguistic study. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Delhi.] Lalitha, B.—K. V. Subbarao in press “Agreement in Mizo”, in: A. Davison—M. K. Verma (eds.). Lehman, F. K. 1975 On certain aspects of Mizo (Lushai) grammar. [Paper presented to the Eighth Annual Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguis-tics, Berkeley, University of California.] Lorrain, J. Herbert 1940 Dictionary of the Lushai language. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society. Subbarao, K. V.—B. Lalitha in press Aspects of Mizo syntax. 1994 “Ergativity in Mizo”, Gaveshan 63–64: 257–266. Subbarao, K. V.—A. Saxena 1987 “Reflexives and reciprocals in Dravidian”, Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 17 (1): 121–136. Wali, K.—M. Lalitha—K. V. Subbarao 1992 “Bound pronominals in Marathi, Telugu and Mizo”, Language Sci-ences 13 (2): 145–160. PAGE 778 B. Lalitha Murthy — K. V. Subbarao A. Formal/morphological foundations Mizo PAGE 781 B. General sketch of the unmarked pronominal functions Mizo PAGE 797 C. Syntactic domains Mizo PAGE 855 D. Generalizations and principles Mizo PAGE 861 Note Mizo PAGE 865