CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 904(497.4Ljubljana)”652” ŽUPANEK, Bernarda Emona : mit in resničnost = Emona : myth and reality / [avtorji besedil Bernarda Županek, Irena Žmuc, Janez Polajnar ; stvarni katalog Andreja Knapič ... [et al.] ; prevod v angleščino Amidas ; fotografije Matevž Paternoster ... et al.]. - Ljubljana : Muzej in galerije mesta Ljubljane, Mestni muzej, 2010 ISBN 978-961-6509-20-6 1. Gl. stv. nasl. 2. Žmuc, Irena 3. Polajnar, Janez, 1977251064064 Vsebina Predgovor Foreword Blaž Peršin 5 Emona: rimsko mesto in njegova dediščina Emona: a Roman city and its legacy Bernarda Županek 9 Zgodbe o začetku Ljubljane: Emona, argonavti in ljubljanski zmaj Stories of Ljubljana’s beginning: Emona, the argonauts and the Ljubljana dragon Bernarda Županek 27 »Pozdravljena častitljiva Jazonova hči!« Argonavtika ali o mitičnih ustanoviteljih Emone/Ljubljane »Hail to the venerable daughter of Jason!« The Argonautica, or the mythical founders of Emona/ Ljubljana Irena Žmuc 40 Ljubljana in njeno mesto v antiki, Ustvarjanje stare in slavne zgodovine Ljubljane Ljubljana and its place in antiquity, The creation of Ljubljana’s old and glorious history Janez Polajnar 75 Katalog razstavljenih predmetov Catalogue of items of display Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh Žižek, Janez Polajnar 95 PREDGOVOR E mona je večna enigma, ki spremlja oziranje na tako zanimivo obdobje naše antične zgodovine. Razstava, ki smo jo pripravili v Mestnem muzeju Ljubljana, osvetljuje naš današnji pogled na tedanje življenje in razlaga marsikatero uganko, s čimer razbremenjuje dojemanje tistega časa in vprašanja, s katerimi se danes soočamo pri branju arheoloških in zgodovinskih odkritij. V času, ko v Ljubljani potekajo številne arheološke raziskave, ki osvetljujejo življenje v Emoni, je prav naloga pričujoče razstave, da nam ponudi odgovore na vprašanja, s katerimi se različne stroke ukvarjajo pri dešifriranju pomena predmetov oziroma nabranega gradiva iz naše zgodovine. Razstava naj obiskovalcu vzbudi željo po raziskovanju in radovednost. S tem delo številnih arheologov, zgodovinarjev, kustosov in konservatorjev ne bo zaman. V letu 2014 bo minilo 2000 let od ustanovitve antične Emone. Razstavo »Mit in resničnost« lahko zato jemljemo kot uvod v širšo, še bolj poglobljeno razstavo in prireditve, ki jih bomo pripravili ob tej obletnici. Številne arheološke raziskave, ki jih opravljamo danes, nam bodo skupaj z znanji preteklosti – tu gre omeniti pionirsko delo naše arheologinje dr. Ljudmile Plesničar Gec – Blaž Peršin FOREWORD E mona – the eternal enigma that colours our view of a fascinating period in Slovenia’s ancient history. he exhibition we have set up at the City Museum sheds light on our modern view of life and explains many puzzles, and this helps us to grasp that period and the issues we face today when interpreting archaeological and historical discoveries. At a time when extensive archaeological research is being conducted in Ljubljana that is giving us more clues about life in Emona, this exhibition aims to provide answers to questions asked by various professions when deciphering the meaning of objects, interpretations and the totality of collected material from our history. he exhibition seeks to stimulate visitors’ curiosity as well as their desire to explore. Achieving that would mean that the work of a large group of archaeologists, historians, curators and conservators has not been in vain. he year 2014 will mark 2000 years since the founding of ancient Emona. he exhibition “Myth and Reality” may therefore be seen as an introduction to omogočile povezavo mita z znanjem in kreativnim pristopom, ki bo celovito osvetlil to tako opevano obdobje ljubljanske zgodovine. Emona ne pomeni samo arheoloških danosti, pomeni vpogled v to, kako dojemamo življenje tistega časa, kako lahko navdih antične zgodovine prevedemo v to, kaj nam zgodovina pomeni danes in kje so nove meje njenih spoznanj. Mit in resničnost vpogleda vsakega izmed nas. a broader, more in-depth exhibition and event that we will prepare to mark that anniversary. he wide range of archaeological research being conducted today will serve, together with our knowledge of the past – and mention should be made here of the pioneering work of our archaeologist Dr. Ljudmila Plesničar Gec – to link myth with knowledge and a creative approach so as to comprehensively lay open this storied period of Ljubljana’s history. Emona not only signiies archaeological speciics, but it allows us to understand the life of that time and how the inspiring history of Antiquity can be translated into what history means for us today and where the new boundaries of its knowledge lie.he myth and reality as we all see them. Blaž Peršin 6 FOREWORD EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA Bernarda Županek EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY Nastanek Emone R imska zasedba širšega ljubljanskega prostora je povezana z Avgustovim osvajanjem Balkana. Arheološke raziskave v Ljubljani v letu 2008 so na območju, kjer se je plovna Ljubljanica najbolj približala Grajskemu griču, pod katerim je tekla najpomembnejša cestna povezava proti Balkanu, odkrile sledove dveh vojaških taborov1. V prvem so izkopali dva obrambna jarka, zahodno od njiju pa še obrambni nasip. Vojaki so prebivali v šotorih. V začetku 1. stoletja našega štetja so na levem bregu obzidje tega tabora zravnali z zemljo in jarke zasuli, nato pa na večjem delu območja postavili lesene barake, v katerih so bivali vojaki, ki so gradili Emono.2 V prvem desetletju 1. stoletja so Rimljani na prostoru današnjega središča Ljubljane, ob levem bregu reke 1 2 http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce.html http://www.arhej.com/si/index.php?mID=galerija&pid=37&pime=Tribuna The Emergence of Emona Bernarda Županek 9 T he Roman occupation of the wider Ljubljana area is linked to the conquest of the Balkans by Augustus. Archaeological investigation conducted in Ljubljana in 2008 yielded traces of two military camps in the area where the navigable Ljubljanica River came closest to Castle Hill, below which ran the main road link towards the Balkans1. Two defensive ditches were excavated behind the irst camp, while to the west of the ditches there was a defensive embankment. he soldiers lived in tents. At the beginning of the 1st century CE, on the let bank the walls of this camp were levelled with the ground and the ditches illed in, and then a large part of this area was developed with wooden huts to house the soldiers who built Emona2. In the irst decade of the 1st century, in the area of what is now Ljubljana, along the let bank of the Ljubljanica River the Romans established their 1 2 http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce.html http://www.arhej.com/si/index.php?mID=galerija&pid=37&pime=Tribuna EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA Slika 1: Bodalo, del legionarjeve opreme, iz časa cesarja Tiberija. Odkrito pri arheoloških raziskavah za gradnjo Strojne fakultete ob Aškerčevi cesti. Hrani MGML. Foto Matevž Paternoster, arhiv MGML. Figure 1: A dagger, part of a legionnaire’s equipment, from the time of Emperor Tiberius. Discovered in archaeological excavations during construction of the Mechanical Engineering Faculty on Aškerčeva Street. Kept by the MGML. Photo by Matevž Paternoster, MGML archive. Bernarda Županek 10 EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY Ljubljanice, postavili svojo kolonijo Julijo Emono. Glede na pred skoraj stoletjem odkrit napisni kamen vemo, da je Emona v drugi polovici leta 14 ali v začetku leta 15 že stala3 in da sta v njej cesarja Avgust in Tiberij dala zgraditi neko večjo javno zgradbo, morda – kot predvideva rekonstrukcija napisa J. Šašla4 – obzidje s stolpi. V mesto so naselili koloniste iz severne Italije. Poznamo imena okoli 30 družin, naseljenih v Emono; od teh je kar 13 severnoitalskih, največ iz Padske nižine.5 O predrimski, staroselski poselitvi Ljubljane smo zaradi arheoloških raziskav v središču Ljubljane v zadnjih nekaj letih veliko izvedeli.6 Začetke Ljubljane lahko iščemo v protourbani naselbini pod Šašel, Weiler 1963/64. Šašel 1955. Šašel 1968, 565s. 6 Vičič 2002, Vičič 1994, http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce.html 3 4 5 colony of Julia Emona. From an inscription stone discovered nearly a century ago, we know that Emona already stood in the second half of the year 14 or beginning of the year 153, and that within it the emperors Augustus and Tiberius ordered the construction of a large public building, perhaps as envisaged by the reconstruction in the writings of J. Šašel4, a walled fortiication with towers. he city was settled by colonists from northern Italy. We know the names of around 30 families who settled in Emona; of these 13 came from northern Italy, mainly from the Po River valley5. As a result of archaeological research conducted in the centre of Ljubljana, in recent years we have found out a great deal about the pre-Roman, ancient settlement of Ljubljana6. he beginnings of Ljubljana can be traced back to the proto-urban settlement under Castle Hill, in the area of the modern-day district of Prule, which emerged in the 10th century BCE7. he builders carefully planned their settlement. Šašel, Weiler 1963/64. Šašel 1955. 5 Šašel 1968, 565s. 6 Vičič 2002, Vičič 1994, http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce.html 7 http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce.html 3 4 grajskim gričem, na območju današnjih Prul, ki je nastala v 10. stoletju pred našim štetjem.7 Graditelji so gradnjo naselja skrbno načrtovali. Pravilen raster ulic so prilagodili terenu in ulice tlakovali s prodniki. Ob njih so v vrstah nanizali lesene stavbe, ki so imele po enega ali po več prostorov.8 Stavbe so bile večkrat obnovljene in prezidane, kljub temu pa se zasnova naselja ni bistveno spreminjala. Grobišče prebivalcev tega naselja je ležalo na drugi strani reke Ljubljanice.9 Naselje pod grajskim gričem je spet živahno zaživelo v 3. stoletju pred našim štetjem.10 V 1. stoletju pred našim štetjem so staroselci intenzivno trgovali z Rimljani, pri čemer je imela pomembno vlogo reka Ljubljanica kot prometna pot. Kasneje, ko je kolonija Emona že stala, je poseljeni del pod grajskim gričem živel kot emonsko predmestje.11 Rimsko mesto Emona R imski imperij je bil izreden dosežek. Na svojem vrhuncu, v 2. stoletju našega štetja, je imel 60 milijonov prebivalcev, ki so živeli na 5 milijonih kvadratnih kilometrov: od Hadrijanovega zidu v severni Angliji do Evfrata v Siriji, od vodne poti Ren–Donava, ki je povezovala srednjo Evropo s Črnim morjem, do severnoafriške obale in Egipta. V času življenja Emone je bil prostor današnje Slovenije vključen v rimski imperij in deležen nekaterih ključnih pridobitev rimske kulture: http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce.html http://www.arhej.com/si/index.php?mID=galerija&pid=37&pime=Tribuna Puš 1982. 10 Vičič 2002, Vičič 1994. 11 Vičič 1994, 34-36. 7 8 9 A proper grid of streets was adapted to the terrain and the streets were laid with gravel. Along them, in a row, were wooden buildings, each with one or more rooms8. he buildings were renovated and reconstructed several times, yet the basic plan of the settlement did not change signiicantly. he cemetery for the inhabitants of this settlement lay on the other side of the Ljubljanica9. he settlement below Castle Hill enjoyed renewed vigour from the 3rd century BCE on10. In the 1st century BCE, the ancient inhabitants traded intensively with the Romans and the Ljubljanica River played an important role as a transport route. Later, when the colony of Emona was already established, the settled area below Castle Hill existed as a suburb of Emona11. Bernarda Županek 11 EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA The Roman city of Emona T he Roman Empire was an extraordinary achievement. At its height, in the 2nd century CE, it comprised 60 million inhabitants living in an area covering 5 million km2: from Hadrian’s Wall in northern England to the Euphrates in Syria, from the RhineDanube river routes that linked Central Europe with the Black Sea to the North African coast and Egypt. During the Emona period, the area of modern-day Slovenia was incorporated in the Roman Empire and acquired some of the key advances of Roman culture: urbanisation, literacy and the Roman residential culture. http://www.arhej.com/si/index.php?mID=galerija&pid=37&pime=Tribuna Puš 1982. 10 Vičič 2002, Vičič 1994. 11 Vičič 2002. 8 9 urbanizacije, pismenosti in rimske bivalne kulture. Emona je cvetela od 1. do 5. stoletja. Imela je pravokoten tloris z osrednjim trgom, forumom in sistemom pravokotno križajočih se cest, med katerimi so bile stavbne površine (slika 2).12 Pod cestami so v smeri zahod–vzhod tekle kloake, večji kanalizacijski kanali, ki so odvajali odpadno vodo v Ljubljanico. Mesto je obdajalo obzidje s stolpi, mestoma pa tudi eden ali dva jarka, napolnjena z vodo (slika 2). Poseljeni so bili tudi nekateri predeli zunaj obzidja;13 dobro je znana lončarska četrt za severnim obzidjem.14 Ob severni, zahodni in vzhodni vpadnici v mesto – iz smeri Celeje, Akvileje in Nevioduna – so po rimski navadi zrasla grobišča. Predvsem severno grobišče je bilo v šestdesetih letih 20. stoletja temeljito raziskano.15 Bernarda Županek 12 EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY Kot rimska kolonija je imela Emona obsežno pripadajoče ozemlje, za katero je pomenila upravno-administrativno, politično, ekonomsko in kulturno središče. Emonsko upravno območje, ager, se je raztezalo od Atransa (Trojane) po Karavankah proti severu. Na vzhodu je tekla meja nekje okoli Višnje Gore, na jugu pa verjetno po reki Kolpi.16 Na zahodu je emonsko ozemlje pri vasici Bevke na Ljubljanskem barju mejilo na akvilejsko.17 Del emonskega agra so zemljemerci premerili in razdelili v kmetijska posestva. Tako kot v večini rimskih mest je bila osnovna dejavnost prebivalcev Emone kmetovanje, izkoriščanje plodne zemlje v okolici mesta, ki so jo dobili v last. V rimskem času je zemljiška posest pomenila več kot obdelovalno zemljo: lastništvo zemlje je pomenilo individualno bogastvo in družbeni ugled. Plesničar 1999. Plesničar Gec 1977, 28s. Prim. Istenič, Plesničar 2001. 15 Plesničar Gec 1972. Petru 1972. 16 Šašel 1968, 567. 17 Šašel Kos, 2002. 12 13 14 Emona lourished from the 1st to the 5th century. It was laid out in a rectangle with a central square or forum and a system of rectangular intersecting streets, between which were sites for buildings (Figure 2)12. Under the streets, running west-east lowed the cloaca, a major drainage channel that carried waste water into the Ljubljanica. he city was enclosed by walls and towers, and in some places also by one or two ditches illed with water (Figure 2). Some areas beyond the walls were also settled13; the potters’ quarter behind the northern wall is well known14. Along the northern, western and eastern thoroughfares into the city – from the directions of Celeia, Aquileia and Neviodunum – cemeteries became established, according to Roman custom. In the 1960s, the northern cemetery in particular was thoroughly researched15. As a Roman colony, Emona had extensive pertaining territory for which it was the administrative, political, economic and cultural centre. Emona’s administrative territory or ager stretched from Atrans (Trojane) along the Karavanke mountains towards the north. To the east, the boundary ran somewhere near Višnja Gora, and in the south probably along the Kolpa River16. To the west, the territory of Emona bordered that of Aquileia at the village of Bevke in the Ljubljansko barje wetland17. Surveyors measured part of the Emona ager and divided it into agricultural holdings. As in the majority of Roman cities, the main activity of Emona’s inhabitants was agriculture, working the fertile land they had been granted around the city. In Roman times, a land holding meant more than just land for cultivation; land ownership meant Plesničar 1999. Plesničar Gec 1977, 28-29. Cf. Istenič, Plesničar 2001. 15 Plesničar Gec 1972. Petru 1972. 16 Šašel 1968, 567. 17 Šašel Kos, 2002. 12 13 14 V širšem emonskem prostoru se je razvilo značilno rimsko podeželje: vasi, manjši zaselki, posestva, opekarne. Manjši kraji so postali lokalna središča in trgi: Karnij na prostoru današnjega Kranja, Navport na prostoru današnje Vrhnike, na prostoru današnjega Iga in Mengša pa kraja, katerih rimskih imen ne poznamo. individual wealth and social standing. Poleg cestnih povezav je bila za Emono zelo pomembna vodna pot, Ljubljanica.18 Ta je bila od prazgodovine pa do gradnje železnice v 19. he wider area of Emona saw the development of typical Roman countryside: villages, hamlets, estates and brickworks. he small towns became local Bernarda Županek 13 EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA Slika 2: Emona na maketi iz začetka 20. stoletja. Predmet hrani MGML. Foto Matevž Paternoster, arhiv MGML. / Figure 2: A model of Emona from the beginning of the 20th century. Item kept by the MGML. Photo by Matevž Paternoster, MGML archive. stoletju pomembna trgovska komunikacija, ki je povezovala severni Jadran in Podonavje. Množica najdb z dna Ljubljanice, ki jih lahko datiramo od časa srednje kamene dobe naprej, kaže, da je bila 18 Prim. Istenič 2009. centres and markets: Karnij in the area of modernday Kranj, Navport in the area of Vrhnika, and in the area of modern-day Ig and Mengeš settlements whose Roman names have been lost. Alongside its road links, the waterway of the Ljubljanica18 was very important for Emona. From prehistoric times right up to the construction of the railway in the 19th century, it was an important trade route that linked the northern Adriatic and the 18 Cp. Istenič 2009. reka tudi pomemben kultni prostor. Z Ljubljanico sta bili verjetno povezani predrimski božanstvi Laburus in Ekorna.19 Slednja je bila v Emoni zelo priljubljeno božanstvo – morda je bila božanstvo bližnjega Barja, Laburus pa je bil verjetno lokalni vodni bog. Emona je bila od svojega nastanka do propada tesno povezana z dogajanjem v rimskem imperiju. Zaradi svoje lege je imela pomembno vlogo v Bernarda Županek 14 EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY Slika 3: Odlomek v Emono uvožene čaše z naslikanim rastlinjem in pticami. Druga polovica 1. stoletja. Predmet hrani MGML. Foto Tomaž Lauko, arhiv MGML. / Figure 3: Imported glass cup with painted leaves and birds, from the second half of the 1st century. Item kept by the MGML. Photo by Tomaž Lauko, MGML archive. njegovem vojaškem obrambnem sistemu. Od druge polovice 4. stoletja pa vse do madžarskih vpadov v 10. stoletju je bil ta prostor prehodno ozemlje na poti do Apeninskega polotoka. Raziskovanja Emone so potrdila njeno vlogo v času pozne 19 Šašel Kos 1992; Šašel Kos 2009. Danube region. he mass of inds from the bottom of the Ljubljanica that can be dated to the middle Stone Age and later indicate that the Ljubljanica was also an important cult area. he Ljubljanica probably had associations with the pre-Roman deities of Laburus and Aequorna19. Aequorna was a very popular deity in Emona – perhaps she was the deity of the nearby Barje wetland, while Laburus was the local water god. From its creation until its collapse, Emona was closely tied to events in the Roman Empire. Its geographical position meant it played an important part in the Empire’s military defence system. From the second half of the 4th century right up to the Hungarian incursions in the 10th century, this area was a transit territory on the route to the Apennine peninsula. Research into Emona has conirmed its important role in the period of Late Antiquity20, when it was the irst major station in support of the newly established defensive line across the Alps, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum. Linked to this are some extensive new constructions at Emona in the 4th century, chiely the public bath house in the area of the planned new university library where numerous inds with a military association indicate the major concentration of reinforcement troops in Emona or nearby21. From the late 4th to the late 6th century, Emona was the seat of a bishopric. he intensive contacts pursued by the early Christian community of Emona with the ecclesiastical circle of Milan are relected in the architecture of the early Christian complex along Erjavčeva Street (Figure 4) and in two preserved letters from St. Hieronymus to the nuns of Emona and the monk Anthony. Šašel Kos 1992; Šašel Kos 2009. Plesničar 1997; Plesničar unpublished, MGML archive. 21 Plesničar Gec 1997, 360. 19 20 antike,20 ko je bila prva večja postojanka v zaledju novozgrajene obrambne linije čez Alpe, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum. S tem so bile povezane obsežne novogradnje v Emoni v 4. stoletju, predvsem javno kopališče na prostoru današnje načrtovane nove univerzitetne knjižnice, kjer številne z vojaštvom povezane najdbe kažejo na večjo koncentracijo zalednih čet v Emoni ali njeni bližini.21 Od poznega 4. pa do poznega 6. stoletja je bila In the late Roman period, the image of Emona gradually changed: some entrance ways through the walls were illed in, while the cleaning and maintenance of the cloaca and city ditches were Bernarda Županek 15 EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA Slika 4: Versko središče emonskih kristjanov s krstilnico in krstilnim bazenčkom, danes arheološki park. Zgodnjekrščansko središče. Foto Matevž Paternoster, arhiv MGML. / Figure 4: Religious centre of the Emona Christians with a baptistery and baptismal font, today the Early Christian Centre archaeological park. Photo by Matevž Paternoster, MGML archive. Emona sedež škoije. Živahni stiki emonske zgodnjekrščanske skupnosti z milanskim cerkvenim krogom odsevajo v dveh ohranjenih pismih sv. Hieronima emonskim redovnicam in menihu Antoniju. 20 21 Plesničar 1997; Plesničar, neobjavljeno, arhiv MGML. Plesničar Gec 1997, 360. neglected22. In the 5th and 6th centuries, efectively the only new constructions of any architectural quality were ecclesiastical buildings (Figure 4). In view of similar cases elsewhere in the Roman Empire, for instance in Gaul23, we can say that this did not indicate the collapse of the city but a change in the urban identity of Emona, relecting changes in the thinking of the Emonans, in the priorities and role of the city at that time. Secular architecture and infrastructure was clearly no longer important, with major efort and inancial input being focused on architecture linked to the early Christian Church, 22 23 Plesničar Gec 1997, 364pp. Harries 1992. Bernarda Županek 16 EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY V poznorimskem obdobju se je podoba Emone polagoma spremenila: nekatere vhode v obzidje so zazidali, zanemarili so čiščenje in vzdrževanje kloak ter mestnih jarkov.22 V 5. in 6. stoletju so tako rekoč edine nove stavbe s kakovostno arhitekturo cerkvene zgradbe (slika 4). Glede na podobne primere drugod po rimskem imperiju, na primer v Galiji,23 lahko rečemo, da ne gre za propad mesta, ampak za spremembo urbane identitete Emone, ki pomeni odsev sprememb v razmišljanju Emoncev, v prioritetah in vlogi mesta v tem času. Sekularna arhitektura in infrastruktura očitno nista bili več pomembni, velika skrb in inančni vložek pa sta bila namenjena arhitekturi, povezani z zgodnjekrščansko Cerkvijo, katere moč je v tem času naglo rasla. V mestih po vsem imperiju škoje v tem obdobju niso bili več samo cerkveni dostojanstveniki, ampak so prevzemali upravnoadministrativne funkcije. Skratka, sprememba v podobi Emone v pozni antiki odraža spremembo v notranjem svetu Emoncev, spremembo njihove identitete, pa tudi upravno-administrativne spremembe ob razpadu imperija. V času med 4. in 6. stoletjem je rimski imperij počasi razpadal. Oblast je postajala vedno bolj decentralizirana, komunikacija med posameznimi deli imperija slabša, rimski upravni sistem je popuščal. V tem času se je imperij soočal s številnimi plemeni, ki jih je rimski svet imenoval z enotnim imenom “barbari”. Ti so v imperiju iskali boljše življenjske pogoje: denar, rodovitno zemljo, sužnje in stalno delo. Nekatera od teh ljudstev so se ustavila tudi v emonskem prostoru: v zimi 408/9 so pred Emono taborili Zahodni Goti, ob svojem pohodu leta 452 so jo delno razdejali Huni, tod mimo so leta 568 v Italijo potovali Langobardi, sledili so vdori Avarov in Slovanov.24 Po prvi Plesničar Gec 1997, 364ss. Harries 1992. 24 Sivec 1996. 22 23 whose power was then growing rapidly. In cities throughout the Empire, bishops at this time were no longer just Church dignitaries but were taking on administrative functions. In short, the change in the image of Emona in Late Antiquity relects the change in the internal world of the Emonans, the change in their identity, and the administrative changes following disintegration of the Empire. In the period from the 4th to the 6th century, the Roman Empire gradually fell apart. he governing authority became increasingly decentralised, communication between individual parts of the Empire deteriorated and the Roman system of administration lost its grip. During this period, the Empire encountered numerous tribes referred to by the Romans by the generic name ‘barbarian’. hese people sought better living conditions in the Empire: money, fertile land, slaves and steady work. Some of these people stopped in the area of Emona. he Visigoths camped by Emona in the winter of 408/9, the Huns inlicted themselves on it during their campaign of 452, the Langobards passed through on their way to Italy in 568, and then came incursions by the Avars and Slavs24. Ater the irst half of the 6th century, there was no life let in Emona25. We know that the archaeologically researched cemetery in the northern part of Ljubljana, in Dravlje, comes from the period at the end of the 5th and beginning of the 6th centuries, when the wider Ljubljana area was ruled by the Ostrogoths from Italy26. Members of the Ostrogoth military station and ancient inhabitants are buried there in more than 50 graves laid out in rows. Despite reports in Roman sources of arson, slaughter and devastation as the barbarians invaded27, the cemetery in Dravlje, Sivec 1996 Plesničar Gec 1997, 368. 26 Slabe 1975. 27 E.g. Hieronymous’s letter to Heliodor, in Petru 1976. 24 25 polovici 6. stoletja je življenje v Emoni zamrlo.25 Iz časa ob koncu 5. in v začetku 6. stoletja, ko so širšemu ljubljanskemu prostoru vladali Vzhodni Goti iz Italije, poznamo arheološko raziskano grobišče v severnem delu Ljubljane, v Dravljah.26 V več kot 50 grobovih, postavljenih v vrste, so bili pokopani člani vzhodnogotske vojaške postojanke in staroselsko prebivalstvo. Kljub poročanju rimskih virov o požigih, pokolih in razdejanju ob vpadih barbarov27 grobišče v Dravljah, poleg še nekaterih drugih arheoloških virov, kaže, da so tujci in staroselci lahko več desetletij živeli v sožitju. along with other archaeological sources, indicate that the invaders and original inhabitants were able to live side by side for several decades. The heritage of Emona and identity of Ljubljana Dediščina Emone in identiteta Ljubljane K daj so Ljubljančani začeli premišljati o rimski predhodnici Ljubljane? Kje in kako so iskali Emono? Najdbe rimske Emone so prihajale na dan ob skoraj vsakem gradbenem posegu v središču Ljubljane. Arheološka izkopavanja pod strokovnim vodstvom so se začela šele ob koncu 19. stoletja, leta 1898, ko je Alfons Müllner raziskal del severnega emonskega grobišča. Intenzivno arheološko raziskovanje Emone torej sega šele v čas zadnjih sto let, vendar so Ljubljančani Emono iskali, o njej pripovedovali zgodbe, jo upodabljali in njene spomenike postavljali na javne prostore že vsaj od 17. stoletja naprej.28 Plesničar Gec 1997, 368. 26 Slabe 1975. 27 Na primer Hieronimovo pismo Heliodorju, v Petru 1976. 28 Županek 2008a; Županek 2008b. 25 W hen did the people of Ljubljana start thinking about the Roman precursor to Ljubljana? Where and how did they search for Emona? Finds from Roman Emona came to light in just about every construction project in the centre of Ljubljana. Archaeological excavations under expert leadership only began at the end of the 19th century, when Alfons Müllner investigated part of the northern Emona cemetery in 1898. Intensive archaeological research of Emona therefore only dates back 100 years, although the people of Ljubljana had searched for Emona, told stories about it, portrayed it and set its monuments up in public places at least from the 17th century on28. hat irst period, when investigation of Emona was tied to the story of the Argonauts, is written about comprehensively by Irena Žmuc in this catalogue. Ater a hiatus, when Ljubljana and its people joined in the search for their identity in the national dimension, major archaeological excavations of Emona started at the beginning of the 20th century, when the southern part of the Roman city was unearthed29. his prompted the then Ljubljana city council to protect the entire complex south of Rimska 28 29 Županek 2008a; Županek 2008b. Schmidt 1913. Bernarda Županek 17 EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA O tem prvem obdobju, ko so se raziskave Emone navezovale na zgodbo o argonavtih, obširneje piše Irena Žmuc v pričujočem katalogu. Potem so se po presledku, ko so tudi Ljubljana in Ljubljančani iskali svojo identiteto v nacionalnem, v začetku 20. stoletja začela velika arheološka izkopavanja Emone, ki so razkrila južni del rimskega mesta.29 Zato je takratni ljubljanski mestni svet zavaroval ves kompleks južno od Rimske ceste za odkop, raziskavo in prezentacijo Emone ter za [Roman] Street for the excavation, research and presentation of Emona and for a planned Emona Museum30. However, when Ljubljana started expanding rapidly ater the First World War, the Ljubljana administrative forum divided the area up Bernarda Županek 18 EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY Slika 5: Rimski zid na Mirju pred Plečnikovim posegom. Razglednica je bila poslana leta 1915. Arhiv MGML. / Figure 5: The Roman wall at Mirje before Plečnik worked on it. This postcard was sent in 1913. F0057838. Archive of the Ljubljana City Museum. načrtovani Emonski muzej.30 Ko pa se je po prvi svetovni vojni Ljubljana začela naglo širiti, je ljubljanski upravni forum prostor med Gradaščico in današnjo Aškerčevo cesto razparceliral in Schmidt 1913. Plesničar 1968, 3–4. 31 Curk 1995, 72. 29 30 between Gradaščica and today’s Aškerčeva Street into lots, and started selling of those lots to private individuals to build on31. he Roman wall stood right in the middle of the land that was intended to support a major round of construction so a proposal was made to simply pull it down. he arguments against the wall were based on its poor condition (Figure 5) and its position, since it supposedly impeded traic in that part of Ljubljana. 30 31 Plesničar 1968, 3-4. Curk 1995, 72. parcele začel odprodajati zasebnikom v pozidavo.31 Rimski zid je ležal prav na sredi zemljišča, ki naj bi omogočilo živahno zidavo, zato je prišlo do pobud, naj se ga poruši. Argumenta proti zidu sta bila njegovo slabo stanje (slika 5) in njegova lega, češ da ovira promet v tem delu Ljubljane. Takratni vodja spomeniškega urada France Stele se je odločno zavzel za to, da se pas z rimskim zidom izvzame iz zemljišč za prodajo. Njegova prizadevanja in prizadevanja njegovih somišljenikov so vplivala na javno mnenje, in zaradi pritiskov je mestni svet od načrtovanega rušenja odstopil.32 Leta 1926 je na predlog Konzervatorskega društva Mestna občina ljubljanska sklenila zid obnoviti po načrtih Jožeta Plečnika33. Po številnih polemikah so zid začeli preurejati šele leta 1934; glavna dela so bila dokončana do leta 1936.34 Jože Plečnik je ostanke rimskega obzidja temeljito preoblikoval: skozi zid je prebil dva nova prehoda, da je nastala povezava s Snežniško in Murnikovo ulico, za obzidjem je uredil park z razstavljenimi antičnimi arhitekturnimi členi in v emonskih stranskih mestnih vratih zgradil lapidarij. Na cestno stran zidu je dal zasaditi drevored topolov. Ob nekdanji glavni vhod v Emono je postavil šest stebrov, vrata zaprl s starimi kovinskimi vrati, uredil lapidarij. Nad preboj proti Murnikovi je dal postaviti piramido, ki jo je prekril s travnato rušo.35 V tem času je Emona Ljubljančanom, tako kot že v baroku, spet pomenila ugledno, civilizirano prednico. V nasprotju z drugo polovico 20. stoletja, ko se emonska dediščina za vsako ceno varuje v dokumentarni obliki, ko naj bo spomenik Curk 1995, 72. Hrausky, Koželj, Prelovšek, 1996, 61. 34 Hrausky, Koželj, Prelovšek, 1996, 61. 35 Originalna Plečnikova ureditev je v petdesetih in šestdesetih letih 20. stoletja doživela nekaj sprememb. 32 33 he then head of the monuments oice, Francé Stelé, was resolutely in favour of the strip of land including the Roman wall being excluded from the land ofered for sale. His eforts and the eforts of like-minded people inluenced public opinion, and the city council bowed to pressure, backing of from the planned demolition32. In 1926, on the proposal of the Conservation Society the City of Ljubljana decided to restore the wall according to plans designed by Jože Plečnik33. Ater several heated debates, work on restoring the wall only began in 1934; the main works were completed by 193634. Jože Plečnik fundamentally redesigned the remains of the Roman walls: he had two new passages drilled through them to create a link to Snežniška and Murnikova Streets, and behind the walls he arranged a park displaying architectural elements from Antiquity, constructing a lapidarium in the Emona city gate. On the road side of the wall he had an avenue of poplars planted. He erected six columns by the former main entrance to Emona, closed the gate up with an old metal door and arranged the lapidarium. Above the passageway to Murnikova Street he set up a pyramid, which he covered with turf35. At this time Emona signiied for the people of Ljubljana, as it did during the Baroque, a distinguished, civilised forebear. In contrast to the second half of the 20th century, when the heritage of Emona was protected in documentary form at all costs, and when monuments were supposed to be primarily testaments, the irst half of the 20th century featured a diferent approach to Emona’s heritage: the remains of Emona were transformed, taken as an inspiration for reworking, for adding new elements, for a collage of old and new – as illustrated by the story of Plečnik’s transformation of the Mirje area.36 Curk 1995, 72. Hrausky, Koželj, Prelovšek, 1996, 61. 34 Hrausky, Koželj, Prelovšek, 1996, 61. 35 Plečnik’s original arrangement went through some changes in the 1950s and 1960s. 36 And the story of the mosaic of the Bee, cp. Županek in print. 32 33 Bernarda Županek 19 EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA predvsem pričevalen, je bil čas prve polovice 20. stoletja v odnosu do emonske dediščine drugačen: emonske ostanke je preoblikoval, jih jemal kot navdih za predelavo, za dodajanje novih elementov, za kolaž starega in novega – kot to ilustrira zgodba o Plečnikovem preoblikovanju Mirja.36 Naslednje obdobje intenzivnega zanimanja Ljubljančanov za emonsko dediščino je čas po 2. svetovni vojni, predvsem šestdeseta in sedemdeseta leta 20. stoletja. V poznem 20. stoletju je v polju ukvarjanja z dediščino nastal ključni preobrat: dediščina ni bila več predmet zanimanja elit, ampak je postala predmet izjemnih naporov širših družbenih skupin, ki so bile trdno odločene reševati in slaviti vse, kar je podedovanega iz preteklosti. Bernarda Županek 20 EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY V primeru emonske dediščine je druga polovica 20. stoletja tudi čas velike gradbene prenove Ljubljane in zato tudi obsežnih arheoloških izkopavanj Emone, ki jih je za Mestni muzej Ljubljana vso drugo polovico 20. stoletja vodila Ljudmila Plesničar Gec. Drugačen, v nujnost ohranjanja spomenika – v čim bolj avtentični obliki, z minimalnimi posegi v historično pričevalnost – usmerjen odnos do dediščine je bil v tem času polagoma vgrajen v sistem spomeniškovarstvene zakonodaje. Zato so izkopavanjem praviloma sledili prav tako obsežni, ambiciozni prezentacijski načrti: Mušičev prezentacijski kompleks Mirja,38 velikopotezni načrti za ureditev Jakopičevega vrta v kompleksu z muzejem v Frtici,38 ustanovitev dveh arheoloških parkov (arheološki park Emonska hiša39 v jugovzhodnem vogalu nekdanje In zgodba o mozaiku Čebelice, prim. Županek, v tisku. Mušič 1949. 38 Arhiv MGML. 39 Park je bil ob nastanku poimenovan Arheološki park Jakopičev vrt, zaradi slikarjevega ateljeja v bližini. Skozi leta uporabe se je izkazalo, da obiskovalce moti neujemanje med imenom parka in njegovo vsebino – da takšno poimenovanje ustvarja nesporazume. Zato smo leta 2006 park v skladu z njegovo vsebino preimenovali v Arheološki park Emonska hiša. 36 37 he next period of intensive interest among the people of Ljubljana in the heritage of Emona came ater the Second World War, especially in the 1960s and 1970s. Towards the end of the 20th century there was a key shit in the ield of heritage management: heritage was no longer a subject of interest among the elite but was now a subject of exceptional efort from a wider range of public groups who were iercely determined to rescue and glorify everything inherited from the past. In the case of Emona’s heritage, the second half of the 20th century was also a time of major reconstruction in Ljubljana, and this meant extensive archaeological excavations of Emona, led by Ljudmila Plesničar Gec. A diferent kind of attitude to heritage, oriented towards the urgent need to preserve monuments – in their most authentic form, with minimum encroachment on their historical testament – was at this time gradually built into the system of monument protection legislation. For this reason, excavations generally kept pace with the equally extensive and ambitious presentation plans: Mušič’s presentation complex of Mirje37, the grandiose plans to arrange the Jakopič Gardens in a complex with a museum in Frtica38, the establishing of two archaeological parks (Emona House39 in the south-eastern corner of the former settlement; the Early Christian Centre archaeological park lies in the north-western part of the former Roman city, close to Cankarjev dom). Other, smaller presentation groups were spread across the entire section of the former Roman city: the cloaca along Aškerčeva Street, the foundations of the basilica in the Jakopič Gallery, part of the western wall at Cankarjev dom, part of the northern wall by the exit from the Maximarket passage, on 37 38 39 Mušič 1949. MGML archive. Upon its creation, the park was named the Jakopič Gardens Archaeological Park owing to the proximity of the painter’s studio. Over the years it turned out that visitors were confused by the mismatch between the park’s name and its contents – the name caused misunderstandings. Therefore, in 2006, in line with its actual contents, the park was renamed the Emona House Archaeological Park. naselbine; arheološki park Zgodnjekrščansko središče v severozahodnem delu Emone ). Drugi, manjši prezentacijski sklopi so bili nanizani skozi ves predel nekdanjega rimskega mesta: kloaka ob Aškerčevi cesti, temelji bazilike v Jakopičevi galeriji, del zahodnega obzidja pri Cankarjevem domu, del severnega obzidja ob izhodu iz pasaže Maximarketa, v ulici Josipine Turnograjske, pa severna emonska vrata, kjer danes domujeta Bukvarna in kip Emonca, in tako naprej. V to obdobje sodi tudi vrsta poskusov, da bi reference na Emono vključili v urbano podobo Ljubljane: rimski forum v sklopu t. i. Ferantovih blokov,40 naznačba emonske rotunde (slika 6), tlakovanje, ki naznačuje raster izkopanih inzul na Trgu republike. Arheološke raziskave Emone v šestdesetih in sedemdesetih letih 20. stoletja so imele številne in kontinuirane odmeve v časopisih. V tem obdobju se je ime Emona (in druga z antiko povezana imena, na primer Mercator, Merkur, Viator) veliko uporabljalo kot blagovna znamka v trgovini, poslovnem svetu in izobraževanju: trgovsko podjetje Emona, karate klub Emona, folklorna skupina Emona, gostinski objekt Emonska klet in podobno (sliki 7 in 8). V tem obdobju oblikovanja emonske dediščine je bil čas Emone predstavljen kot čas prve civilizacije, samo mesto pa kot napredna, malone moderna urbana struktura. Različni članki in prispevki, ki govorijo o Emoni, vedno postavljajo v ospredje emonsko komunalno ureditev in »centralno« ogrevanje. Emona je bila predstavljena kot dostojna, omikana predhodnica v tem obdobju v veliki meri na novo zgrajene, moderne Ljubljane – predhodnica, na katero se Ljubljana lahko s ponosom sklicuje. 40 Plesničar Gec 1987, 47. Bernarda Županek 21 EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA Slika 6: Reminiscenca na emonsko rotundo v fasadi stavbe ob Slovenski cesti. Foto Matevž Paternoster, arhiv MGML. / Figure 6: Reminiscence of the Emona rotunda in the façade of a building along Slovenska Street. Photo by Matevž Paternoster, MGML archive. Josipina Turnograjska Street, and the northern gate of Emona, the current location of the Bukvarna shop and the statue of an Emonan, and so on. his period also saw several attempts to embed references to Emona into the urban image of Ljubljana: the Roman forum as part of what are called the Ferant apartment blocks40, the trace of the Emona rotunda (Figure 6), and the paving indicating the grid of excavated city blocks in Trg republike square. Archaeological research into Emona in the 1960s and 1970s produced frequent and persistent reactions in the newspapers. During this period, the name Emona (and others associated with Antiquity, such 40 Plesničar Gec 1987, 47. as Mercator, Merkur and Viator) was used widely as a trademark in retail, business and education: the retail chain Emona, the Emona karate club, the Emona folklore group, the Emonska klet [Emona Cellar] restaurant and so on (Figures 7 and 8). Bernarda Županek 22 Slika 7: Emonec kot simbol Ljubljane. Plakat iz zbirke Mestnega muzeja Ljubljana. Foto Damjana Šalehar, arhiv MGML. / Figure 7: A citizen of Emona as a symbol of Ljubljana. Poster from the Ljubljana During this period of shaping Emona’s heritage, the period of Emona was presented as a time of the irst civilisation, and the city itself as a progressive and largely modern urban construction. Various articles and papers referring to Emona consistently place at the forefront the municipal order of Emona and its ‘central’ heating. Emona was presented as a digniied, cultured ancestor during that period of the modern, largely reconstructed, Ljubljana – an ancestor to which Ljubljana may refer with pride. City Museum collection. Photo by Damjana Šalehar, MGML archive. EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY Emona today T Slika 8: Emona kot blagovna znamka: ovitek za hlačne nogavice Emona iz leta 1983. Arhiv Mestnega muzeja Ljubljana. / Figure 8: Emona as a trademark: packaging for Emona tights from 1983. Ljubljana City Museum archive. he period from the 1960s to the end of the 1980s was a time of great popularity for Emona and its heritage. At the same time, the 1980s saw the start of a turnaround in how the past was viewed in Slovenia, a turnaround that changed attitudes to the heritage of Emona over the next two decades. During the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the nations within it, including the Slovenians, sought and generated myths about their beginnings and about sui generis41. he independence aspirations of Slovenia were lent gravitas by the search and ‘discovery’ of the autochthonous origin of Slovenians in the pre-Slavic Veneti, despite the extensive and repeated objections of experts. he Veneti myth became broadly popular and the Slovenian state uses symbols associated with Emona danes O bdobje od šestdesetih do konca osemdesetih let 20. stoletja je bilo čas velike priljubljenosti Emone in njene dediščine. Hkrati pa se je v osemdesetih letih začel preobrat v gledanju na preteklost Slovenije, preobrat, ki je v naslednjih dveh desetletjih odnos do emonske dediščine spremenil. V času razpada Jugoslavije so narodi na njenem območju, tudi Slovenci, iskali in ustvarjali mite o svojih začetkih in o sui generis.41 Osamosvojitvenim težnjam Slovenije je – kljub obširnim in ponavljajočim se ugovorom strokovnjakov – dodalo težo iskanje in »odkritje« avtohtonega izvora Slovencev v predslovanskih Venetih. Venetski mit je postal široko priljubljen, in slovenska država uporablja s tem povezane simbole na uradnih dokumentih in uradnih darilih. Danes je besed o Emoni manj, predvsem pa so drugačne. Ne govori se več o Emoni kot o davni ugledni prednici Ljubljane, pač pa se ob raziskavah Emone preizprašujejo smiselnost posegov v prostor, nujnost novogradenj in vpliv kapitala. Dediščina Emone je v ozadju teh razprav, bodisi kot grešni kozel pri zamudah pri gradnjah bodisi kot argument proti posegom v prostor. Odzivi laične javnosti na arheološka odkritja in vprašanja, kaj se bo zgodilo s to dediščino, so intenzivnejši kot kadarkoli prej. Nekatere civilne pobude emonsko dediščino ocenjujejo kot neprecenljivo in dvomijo o upravičenosti kakršnihkoli posegov vanjo.42 Prvič se pojavljajo tudi jasno izraženi, odločno povedani 41 42 Prim. Novaković 2007. Na primer: avgusta 2009 je Civilna iniciativa Tržnice ne damo izročila prijavo na inšpektorat za kulturo in medije zoper naročnika arheološkega izkopavanja na Kopitarjevi ulici, torej Mestno občino Ljubljana. Zahtevala je prepoved napovedanih izkopavanj med Kopitarjevo in Vodnikovo ulico. V prijavi je trdila, da je bil izkop, ki je potekal pod nadzorom arheologov, preglobok in je uničil arheološke plasti. Prim. Dejan Vodovnik, MOL prijavljena, Delo, 6. 8. 2009. it on oicial documents and oicial gits. Nowadays there is less talk about Emona and, most importantly, the talk is diferent. here is no longer any discussion of Emona as a distant and distinguished ancestor of Ljubljana, and the research of Emona raises questions about the purpose of environmental encroachments, the need for new construction, and the inluence of capital. he heritage of Emona lies in the background of these debates, either as a scapegoat for construction delays or as an argument against encroachments. More than ever before, there is an intense response from the lay public to archaeological discoveries and questions about what will happen to this heritage. Some civil initiatives assess the Emona heritage as priceless and argue for its absolute protection.42 For the irst time, we are also hearing clearly expressed and resolutely conveyed doubts about the ability of archaeologists to judge which heritage is worth protecting, and doubts about their capacity to protect such heritage adequately43. How should this be understood? Tensions between various interests and conlicts between them are a permanent feature of urban areas. It is clear that heritage has varying and frequently opposing values for diferent groups, and opposing interests, which oten lead to disagreement. Part of heritage management is managing and mitigating disputes surrounding archaeological sites and monuments. he city is undoubtedly a space where there will be constant conlict between capital, between investors, Cp. Novaković 2007. For example, in August 2009 the civil initiative Save the Market handed over a report to the culture inspectorate and the media against the body ordering the archaeological dig on Kopitarjeva Street, i.e. the City of Ljubljana. They demanded the prohibition of the envisaged excavations between Kopitarjeva and Vodnikova streets. The report asserted that the excavation, conducted under the supervision of archaeologists, was too deep and had destroyed archaeological layers. Cp. Dejan Vodovnik, MOL prijavljena, Delo, 6.8.2009. 43 Sabina Lokar, Dvomi o arheološki raziskavi Kopitarjeve [Doubts about the archaeological research of Kopitarjeva Street], Dnevnik, 25 July 2009. 41 42 Bernarda Županek 23 EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA dvomi o sposobnosti arheologov, da presodijo, katera dediščina je vredna zaščite, in dvomi o njihovi zmožnosti, da to dediščino ustrezno zaščitijo.43 Kako to razumeti? Napetosti med različnimi interesi in konlikti med njimi so stalnica urbanih prostorov. Jasno je, da ima dediščina različne in dostikrat nasprotujoče si vrednosti za različne skupine, nasprotujoče si interese, ki pogosto vodijo v nesoglasja. Del upravljanja dediščine je tudi upravljanje in blaženje sporov ob arheoloških najdiščih in spomenikih. Mesto je gotovo prostor, kjer bo obstajal nenehen konlikt med kapitalom, med investitorji, za katere dediščina pomeni oviro in strošek pri pozidavi dragih stavbnih zemljišč, med stroko in različnimi civilnimi pobudami. Bernarda Županek 24 EMONA: A ROMAN CITY AND ITS LEGACY Poleg tega pa se je v poznem 20. stoletju, v času »dediščinske križarske vojne«, spremenil tudi pogled na vlogo dediščine44 v družbi. Zdaj velja, da je preteklost last vseh ter da jo ustvarjamo in poustvarjamo danes, zato si nobena ustanova ali stroka ne more lastiti ekskluzivne interpretacije dediščine, pač pa je po mnenju nekaterih arheologov ena izmed pomembnih nalog arheologije to, da različnim interesnim skupinam omogoči aktivno sodelovanje v procesu interpretiranja dediščine in odločanja o njej.45 Naraščajoče zanimanje širše javnosti za dediščino se torej vedno bolj kaže kot želja po aktivnem sodelovanju v procesu njenega ohranjanja in izkoriščanja. Nedvomno bo doslej privilegirani interes arheologije vedno bolj le eden od številnih interesov različnih skupin in posameznikov v procesu ohranjanja, interpretacije in izkoriščanja dediščine Emone. Aktivna vloga arheologov pri varovanju in zaščiti dediščine pa ostaja etično vodilo tega poklica. for whom heritage represents an obstacle and a cost in developing expensive building land, and between archaeologists and various civil initiatives. Moreover, in the late 20th century, during the ‘heritage crusade’, how we view the role of heritage in society also changed.44 It is now the case that the past is the property of everyone, and that we create it and replicate it today so no institution or profession can appropriate an exclusive interpretation of heritage and, in the opinion of certain archaeologists, one of the important roles of archaeology is to enable various interest groups to participate actively in the process of interpreting heritage and deciding about it45. he growing interest among the general public in heritage is therefore ever more being seen as a desire for active participation in the process of preserving and making use of it. Undoubtedly the previously privileged interest of archaeology will increasingly be just one of many interests of various groups and individuals in the process of preserving, interpreting and making use of the Emona heritage. Meanwhile, the active role of archaeologists in protecting and safeguarding heritage remains the ethical premise of that profession. Sabina Lokar, Dvomi o arheološki raziskavi Kopitarjeve, Dnevnik, 25. 7. 2009. Pri opisovanju odločnosti prizadevanj za reševanje dediščine so Lowenthal in njegovi somišljeniki uporabljali metafore, vzete iz verskih kontekstov, kot je »križarska vojna«. Menili so namreč, da je dediščina v tem obdobju oblika »sekularne religije«, saj da ne potrebuje razumskih dejstev in dokazov, pač pa vero. Lowenthal 1996. 45 Shanks, Tilley 1992, 97–99. 43 44 In describing the determination inherent in these efforts to save the heritage, Lowenthal and like-minded people use metaphors taken from religious contexts, describing it as a “crusade”. Indeed they take the view that in this period heritage has taken the form of “secular religion” since it does not require rational facts and evidence, but faith. Lowenthal 1996. 45 Shanks, Tilley 1992, 97-99. 44 LITERATURA / REFERENCES Curk, I. 1995, Sto zgodb arheoloških spomenikov v Sloveniji [A hundred stories of archaeological monuments in Slovenia]. Prešernova družba: Ljubljana. Harries, J. 1992, Christianity and the city in Late Roman Gaul.In: The City in Late Antiquity (J. Rich ed.), Routledge: London, New York, 77-98. Hrausky, J. Koželj, D. Prelovšek 1996, Plečnikova Ljubljana, vodnik po arhitekturi [Plečnik’s Ljubljana, an architectural guide]. DESSA: Ljubljana. Istenič, J. 2009, Ljubljanica – rimska trgovska in prometna pot (The Ljubljanica – a Roman trade and transport route). In: Ljubljanica, exhibition catalogue, National Museum of Slovenia: Ljubljana, 74-80. Istenič, J., Plesničar Gec, L. 2001, A pottery kiln at Emona. Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum acta 37,141-146. Lowenthal, D. 1996, The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Viking: London. Mušič, M. 1949, Poročilo referata za arhitekturo in urbanizem (Report of paper for architecture and urban planning). Varstvo spomenikov 3-4, 79-85. Novaković, P. 2007, Use of past, ancestors and historical myths in the Yugoslav wars in 1990s. In: Le identità difficili (S. Magnani, C. Marcaccini ed.) (Portolano Adriatico 3/3), Volo, Florence, 47-64. Petru, P., 1976, Zaton antike v Sloveniji (Disappearance of Antiquity in Slovenia). Exhibition catalogue, National Museum of Slovenia: Ljubljana. Petru, S. 1972, Emonske nekropole (odkrite med leti 1635-1960) (Emona necropolises discovered between 1635 and 1960). Catalogues and monographs 7, National Museum: Ljubljana. Plesničar, L. 1968, Jakopičev vrt [Jakopič Gardens]. Kulturni in naravni spomeniki Slovenije, guidebook collection 14. Plesničar Gec, L. 1972, Severno emonsko grobišče [The northern Emona cemetery]. City Museum: Ljubljana. Slabe, M. 1975, Dravlje, nekropola iz časa preseljevanja ljudstev [Dravlje, necropolis from the period of tribal migrations]. Situla 16. Šašel, J. 1955, O najstarejšem napisu iz Emone [On the oldest inscription from Emona]. Kronika 3/2, 110-113. Šašel J. 1968, Emona. RE Suppl. 11, 540-578. Šašel, J., Weiler, I. 1963/1964, Zur Augusteisch-Tiberischen Inschrift von Emona. Carnuntum Jahrbuch 8, 40-42. Šašel Kos, M.1992, Boginja Ekorna v Emoni [The goddess Aequorna in Emona]. Zgodovinski časopis 46/1, 5-12. Šašel Kos, M. 2002, The boundary stone between Aquileia and Emona. Arheološki vestnik 53, 373-382. Šašel Kos, M. 2009, Ljubljanica v antičnih virih [The Ljubljanica in ancient sources]. In: Ljubljanica, exhibition catalogue, National Museum of Slovenia: Ljubljana, 86-88. Vičič B. 1994, Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljani [Early Roman settlement under Castle Hill in Ljubljana]. Gornji trg 30, Stari trg 17 and 32. Arheološki vestnik 45, 25-53. Vičič B. 2002, Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljani [Early Roman settlement under Castle Hill in Ljubljana]. Gornji trg 3. Arheološki vestnik 53, 193-221. Županek, B., 2008a, Zavest o omikani in slavni preteklosti: dediščina Emone za identiteto Ljubljane. [The heritage of Emona for the identity of Ljubljana] In: Etnologija in regije. Ljubljana. Urbana etnologija in identitete Ljubljane (B. Čebulj Sajko ur.),. Knjižnica Glasnika Slovenskega etnološkega društva, Slovensko etnološko društvo: Ljubljana, 147-157. Županek, B. 2008b, Podobi starodavne in slavne predhodnice: dediščina Emone in Ljubljana [Images of an ancient and glorious forebear: the heritage of Emona and Ljubljana]. Monitor ISH 10/2, 45-58. Županek, B. v tisku, Čebelice: življenjska zgodba nekega mozaika [Bees: the life story of a mosaic]. In: Zbornik, Center za preventivno arheologijo: Ljubljana. Plesničar Gec, L. 1977, Urbanistične značilnosti Emone [Urban planning features of Emona]. Materijali 13, 19-35. Plesničar Gec, L. 1987, Arheološki spomeniki Ljubljane [Archaeological monuments of Ljubljana]. Varstvo spomenikov 29, 45-48. Plesničar Gec, L. 1997, Emona v pozni antiki v luči arhitekture [Emona in Late Antiquity in light of the architecture] Arheološki vestnik 48, 359-370. Plesničar 1999, Urbanizem Emone [Urbanism of Emona]. City Museum, ZIFF: Ljubljana. Puš, I. 1982, Prazgodovinsko žarno grobišče v Ljubljani [Prehistoric urn cemetery in Ljubljana]. Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, City Museum: Ljubljana. Schmidt, W. 1913, Emona. A. Schroll&Co.: Wien. Shanks, M., Tilley C. 1992, Re-Constructing Archaeology. Routledge: London, New York. Sivec, I. 1996, Obdobje preseljevanja ljudstev [The period of tribal migrations]. In: Pozdravljeni prednamci!, exhibition catalogue, City Museum: Ljubljana, 94-105. ČASOPISNI IN ELEKTRONSKI VIRI / NEWSPAPER AND ELECTRONIC SOURCES Sabina Lokar, Doubts about the archaeological research of Kopitarjeva Street [Dvomi o arheološki raziskavi Kopitarjeve], Dnevnik, 25 July 2009. Dejan Vodovnik, City of Ljubljana reported [MOL prijavljena], Delo, 6 August 2009. HYPERLINK “http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce. html”http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce.html HYPERLINK “http://www.arhej.com/si/index.php?mID=gale rija&pid=37&pime=Tribuna”http://www.arhej.com/si/index. php?mID=galerija&pid=37&pime=Tribuna HYPERLINK “http://www.arhej.com/si/index.php?mID=gale rija&pid=37&pime=Tribuna”http://www.arhej.com/si/index. php?mID=galerija&pid=37&pime=Tribuna Bernarda Županek 25 EMONA: RIMSKO MESTO IN NJEGOVA DEDIŠČINA ZGODBE O ZAČETKU LJUBLJANE: EMONA, ARGONAVTI STORIES OF IN LJUBLJANA’S LJUBLJANSKI BEGINNING: EMONA, THE ZMAJ Bernarda Županek Intenzivno iskanje začetkov Ljubljane v 17. in 18. stoletju P odoba Emone, oblikovana v poznem 17. stoletju in v 18. stoletju, je nastala v navezavi na poznorimske zapise mita o argonavtih. Na omembe dveh poznoantičnih piscev, Sozomena in Zosima, da je Emono ustanovil Jazon, ko se je z argonavti in zlatim runom vračal s Kolhide proti domu1, se je prvi naslonil Janez Ludvik Schönleben v svojem delu Aemona vindicata, sive Labaco Metropoli Carnioliae vetus Aemonae nomen jure assertum, ki 1 Sozomenov zapis je iz petega, Zosimov s konca petega/začetka šestega stoletja; oba sta zapisala starejše, nedatirano izročilo; glej Šašel Kos 2006. ARGONAUTS AND THE LJUBLJANA DRAGON The intensive search for Ljubljana’s origins in the 17th and 18th centuries T he image of Emona that was shaped in the late 17th century and in the 18th century was generated in connection with the late Roman records of the Argonauts myth. he reference by two late Antiquity writers, Sozomen and Zosim, who mention that Emona was founded by Jason on his way home from Colchis with the Argonauts and the golden leece1, was irst relied upon by Janez Ludvik Schönleben in his work Aemona vindicata, sive Labaco Metropoli Carnioliae vetus Aemonae nomen jure assertum, which was published in 1 Sozomen’s record is from the 5th century, and Zosim’s from the end of the 5th/beginning of the 6th century; both recorded a later, undated tradition; see Šašel Kos 2006. Bernarda Županek 27 ZGODBE O ZAČETKU LJUBLJANE: EMONA, ARGONAVTI IN LJUBLJANSKI ZMAJ je izšlo leta 1674. Enaka izhodišča izpričuje njegova zgodovina Kranjske, Carniola antiqua et nova, iz leta 1681. Ob letnici izida je zapisano tudi leto od ustanovitve Emone, 2904, kot ga je izračunal Schönleben, ki je postavil ustanovitev Emone v leto Bernarda Županek 28 STORIES OF LJUBLJANA’S BEGINNING: EMONA, THE ARGONAUTS AND THE LJUBLJANA DRAGON Slika 1: Argonavti gradijo Emono. Preslikava po J. W. Valvasor, Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain, Laybach, Nürnberg, XIII, 9. Arhiv MGML. / Fig. 1: The Argonauts building Emona. Copy from J.W.Valvasor, Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain [Glory of the Duchy of Carniola], Laybach, Nürnberg, XIII, 9. MGML archive. 1222 pr. Kr. Tako v tem kot v drugih svojih delih se je Schönleben naslanjal tudi na svoje pionirske topografske raziskave Emone in na popise rimskih najdb na tem prostoru2. Na teh Schönlebnovih izhodiščih so temeljila prizadevanja številnih izobražencev tega časa, da bi povezavo med zgodbo o argonavtih in Ljubljano 2 Kokole 2006, 225. 1674. he same reference was made in his history of Carniola, Carniola antiqua et nova of 1681. Alongside the year of publication, the year since the founding of Emona was given as 2904, as calculated by Schönleben, who put the founding of Emona at 1222 BCE. In this, as in his other works, Schönleben also relied on his pioneering topographical research of Emona and the inventories of Roman inds in this area2. hese references used by Schönleben served as the basis for eforts by several intellectuals of that period to anchor the link between the history of the Argonauts and Ljubljana irmly in the consciousness 2 Kokole 2006, 225. trdno zasidrali v zavest svojih sodobnikov. Eden izmed njih je bil Janez Vajkard Valvasor, ki je povzel Schönlebnova izvajanja o ustanovitvi Emone in na eni svojih graik v Slavi vojvodine Kranjske upodobil, kako so argonavti gradili Emono (slika 1)3. Slika 2: T. i. Dolničarjev lapidarij: rimski nagrobniki, v prvem desetletju 18. stoletja po Dolničarjevi zamisli vgrajeni v ljubljansko stolnico in semenišče. Foto Matevž Paternoster, arhiv MGML. / Fig. 2: The so-called Dolničar lapidarium: Roman gravestones, on Dolničar’s prompting built into the Ljubljana cathedral and seminary in the first decade of the 18th century. Photo by Matevž Paternoster, MGML archive. Tesno povezavo med Jazonovo Emono in sodobno Ljubljano si je intenzivno prizadeval vzpostaviti Janez Gregor Dolničar (1655–1719), član ljubljanske Akademije delavnih in Schönlebnov nečak. Njegov trud za širitev in airmacijo ustanovitvenega mita Ljubljane poleg številnih besedil zrcalijo tudi prizadevanja, da bi poskrbel za nekaj javnih opomnikov slavne ljubljanske preteklosti. Eden 3 Risarska predloga za to grafiko je delo Janeza Kocha, vrezal jo je Andrej Trost. Barbara Murovec ugotavlja, da je to edina natisnjena zgodnjenovoveška grafična upodobitev, ki se neposredno navezuje na zgodbo o Jazonovi ustanovitvi Emone; glej Murovec 2006. of their contemporaries. One of these was Janez Vajkard Valvasor, who drew from Schönleben’s version of the founding of Emona and in one of his prints in the book Slava vojvodine Kranjske [Glory of the Duchy of Carniola] he depicted the Argonauts building Emona (Figure 1)3. A major efort to establish a close link between Jason’s Emona and modern Ljubljana was made by Janez Gregor Dolničar (1655–1719), a member of the Ljubljana Academia Operosorum, and also Schönleben’s nephew. His work aimed to spread and airm the founding myth of Ljubljana is relected in numerous texts and also in eforts to take care of 3 The sketch for this print is the work of Janez Koch, and was etched by Andrej Trost. Barbara Murovec concludes that this is the only printed graphic depiction of the early new era that directly refers to the story of Jason founding Emona; see Murovec 2006. Bernarda Županek 29 ZGODBE O ZAČETKU LJUBLJANE: EMONA, ARGONAVTI IN LJUBLJANSKI ZMAJ teh je bila načrtovana velika stropna slika Jazona in argonavtov v ljubljanski mestni hiši, ki pa ni bila realizirana. Poleg tega je dal, z enakim namenom, v zunanje stene novozgrajene stolnice in semenišča vzidati trinajst rimskih kamnov z napisi. To je t. i. Dolničarjev lapidarij (slika 2)4. Stanko Kokole domneva, da se je široko zanimanje za Emono kot argonavtsko stvaritev v tem času izrazilo tudi v novem, Robbovem vodnjaku pred mestno hišo, kjer naj bi bil eden od bradatih moških likov sprva zasnovan kot Neptun, preostali iguri pa kot rečni božanstvi Savus – Sava in Nauportus – Ljubljanica; torej reki, ki sta ponesli ladjo Argo do Vrhnike, od koder je potovala v Neptunovo domeno, morje5. Prej naj bi namreč na tem mestu, ob mestnem vodnjaku, stala soha Neptuna z napisom: »(Neptunu,) krotilcu morij, ker je po ustanovitvi Emone sprejel Jazona. Postavili so po občinskem sklepu ljubljanski stavbni odborniki.«6 Bernarda Županek 30 STORIES OF LJUBLJANA’S BEGINNING: EMONA, THE ARGONAUTS AND THE LJUBLJANA DRAGON Emona, argonavti, zmaj in srednjeveška Ljubljana several public reminders of Ljubljana’s glorious past. One of these was the planned large ceiling painting of Jason and the Argonauts in Ljubljana’s City Hall, but this was not carried out. In addition to this, with the same objective he had 13 inscribed Roman stones installed in the exterior wall of the newly built cathedral and seminary. his is what is termed the Dolničar lapidarium (Figure 2)4. Stanko Kokole suspects that the broad interest in Emona as a creation of the Argonauts was also expressed at that time in the new fountain sculpted by Robba in front of the City Hall, in which one of the bearded male igures was irst conceived as Neptune, and the other igures as the river gods Savus-Sava and Nauportus-Ljubljanica; in other words, the rivers that carried the Argo to Vrhnika, and from there the Argo went into Neptune’s domain, the sea5. Previously, at this location by the city fountain there was supposedly a statue of Neptune with the inscription: “(To Neptune), tamer of the seas, since he received Jason ater the founding of Emona. Erected upon municipal order by the Ljubljana building committee.”6 S kratka, čas poznega 17. in 18. stoletja je bil obdobje intenzivnega ustvarjanja identitete Ljubljane kot v osnovi antične – čas ustvarjanja podobe Emone kot mitične, z argonavtsko sago povezane predhodnice Ljubljane. Emona, the Argonauts, the dragon and medieval Ljubljana Zgodba o argonavtski ustanovitvi Emone ima še eno različico: po tej Jazon pred gradnjo Emone 4 5 6 Šašel Kos 1998. Kokole 2006, 236ss. Kokole 2006, 235-–236. I n short, the period of the late 17th and 18th centuries was a time of the intensive creation of Ljubljana’s identity as essentially one of Antiquity – a period of creating the image of Emona as a mythical ancestor of Ljubljana tied to the Argonauts saga. 4 5 6 Šašel Kos 1998. Kokole 2006, 236 pp. Kokole 2006, 235-236. premaga zmaja, pošast, ki je prebivala v močvirju. Poznamo pa še eno različico zgodbe o ljubljanskem zmaju. Ta pravi, da je Jazon, preden je ustanovil Emono, ubil zmaja – v eni verziji močvirsko pošast, doma na Barju. Takšna zgodba o nastanku Ljubljane ostaja aktualna še danes. Tako jo pripoveduje tudi Mestna občina Ljubljana na svoji spletni strani7, tako jo je poleti leta 2007 v Ljubljani uprizoril Zavod Plavajoče gledališče8. Kdaj je nastala ta različica? Zakaj? Gorazd Makarovič meni, da se je na Slovenskem vedenje o zmajih začelo širiti s cerkvenimi upodobitvami sv. Jurija šele v 14. stoletju9. Številne plastike, priljubljenost patrocinijev sv. Jurija in sv. Marjete (na Kranjskem v Valvasorjevem času zelo priljubljena svetnika; leta 1689 je naštel 56 cerkev, posvečenih sv. Juriju, in 39 sv. Marjeti, v katere legendi prav tako nastopa zmaj), pa tudi številne freskantske upodobitve Jurijevega ubijanja zmaja na srednjeveških cerkvah po vsej Sloveniji zrcalijo, kako trdno je bil mit usidran med prebivalstvom. Videti je, da je bila legenda sv. Jurija za Ljubljano še posebej pomembna: sv. Jurij je zaščitnik Ljubljane, in gotska kapela na Ljubljanskem gradu, eden najstarejših ohranjenih delov gradu, je posvečena njemu. Na pečatniku mestnega sodnika Ljubljane iz sredine 15. stoletja (ta pečatnik je bil uporabljan še v 18. stoletju) je zmaju podobna štirinožna žival z dolgim členkastim repom že upodobljena nad grbom mesta 10. Ročaj pečatnika, Legenda o nastanku Ljubljane, http://www.ljubljana.si/si/turizem/ splosno/zgodovina/default.html; Zmaj – simbol Ljubljane, http://www. ljubljana.si/si/ljubljana/predstavitev/mesto_ime_grb/ljubljanski_grb/-; obe strani 1. 2. 2008 8 Glej http://www.ljubljana.si/si/turizem/mediji/sporocila/73963/ podrobno.html in http://www.napovednik.com/dogodek67332_ argonavti_v_ljubljani , oboje 1. 2. 2008. 9 Makarovič 2001, 36. Za drugačna mnenja glej naslednje podpoglavje ter Belaj 1998; Šmitek 2004; Hrženjak 1999. 10 Otorepec 1988, 92. 7 he story of the Argonauts founding Emona has one more variant: according to this one, before he built Emona Jason vanquished a dragon, a monster that lived in the marshlands. And we know of one other version of the story of the Ljubljana dragon. his tells of Jason, prior to founding Emona, killing the dragon – in one version a swamp monster that dwelt in the Barje marshlands. Such a story about the origins of Ljubljana remains current today in the form related by the City of Ljubljana on its website7, and as presented on stage in the summer of 2007 by the Ljubljana theatre institution Plavajoče gledališče8. When did this version come into existence? Why? Gorazd Makarovič believes that knowledge of dragons only started to spread in Slovenia with church depictions of St. George in the 14th century9. Many sculpted igures, the popularity of the patronage of St. George and St. Margaret (very popular saints in Carniola during Valvasor’s time; in 1689 he counted 56 churches consecrated to St. George and 39 to St. Margaret, in whose legend a dragon also appears) and the numerous frescoes of George slaying the dragon in medieval churches throughout Slovenia relect how irmly this myth was anchored in the population. It appears that the legend of St. George was especially important for Ljubljana: St. George is the protector of Ljubljana, and the Gothic chapel at Ljubljana Castle, one of the oldest preserved parts of the Castle, is consecrated to him. On the seal of the city magistrate of Ljubljana from the middle of the 15th century (this 7 8 9 Legend of the creation of Ljubljana, http://www.ljubljana.si/si/turizem/ splosno/zgodovina/default.html; Dragon – symbol of Ljubljana, http://www.ljubljana.si/si/ljubljana/predstavitev/mesto/_ime_grb/ ljubljanski_grb/; both sites 1 February 2008. See http://www.ljubljana.si/si/turizem/mediji/sporocila/73963/ podrobno.html andhttp://www.napovednik.com/dogodek67332_ argonavti_v_ljubljani, both 1 February 2008. Makarovič 2001, 36. For differing opinions, see the next subchapter and Belaj 1998; Šmitek 2004; Hrženjak 1999. Bernarda Županek 31 ZGODBE O ZAČETKU LJUBLJANE: EMONA, ARGONAVTI IN LJUBLJANSKI ZMAJ ki je verjetno mlajši11, ima obliko dvonožnega zmaja z netopirjastimi krili. Od Valvasorjeve Slave vojvodine Kranjske (1689) dalje je zmaj vedno del ljubljanskega grba, in vse do danes je ostal simbol mesta Ljubljane. Janez Vajkard Valvasor v Slavi ni seal was still being used in the 18th century), there is a dragon-like four-legged animal with a long, jointed tail depicted above the city crest 10. he handle of the seal, which is probably from a later date11, is in the form of a two-legged dragon with bat-like wings. Since the time of Valvasor’s Glory of the Duchy of Carniola (1689) the dragon has been a permanent feature of the Ljubljana crest, and has symbolised the city of Ljubljana to the present day. Janez Vajkard Valvasor not only consciously incorporated the story of Jason founding Emona ater subduing the dragon into his Glory, he also placed the dragon in the Ljubljana crest (Figure 3 – and not above the crest, as was the practice in older depictions), where it remains to this day. He wrote that it represented the dragon defeated by Jason, the founder of the city12. Bernarda Županek 32 STORIES OF LJUBLJANA’S BEGINNING: EMONA, THE ARGONAUTS AND THE LJUBLJANA DRAGON Slika 3: Grb Ljubljane v Valvasorjevi Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain (1689). Po J. W. Valvasor, Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain, Laybach, Nürnberg, XIII, 9. / Fig. 3: Crest of Ljubljana in Valvasor’s Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain (1689). From J.W.Valvasor, Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain, Laybach, Nürnberg, XIII, 9. samo zvesto zapisal zgodbe o Jazonovi ustanovitvi Emone po ukrotitvi zmaja, ampak je tudi postavil zmaja v grb Ljubljane (slika 3) (in ne nad grb, kot je bilo običajno v starejših upodobitvah), kjer je ostal do danes. Zanj je zapisal, da ponazarja zmaja, ki ga je porazil Jazon, ustanovitelj mesta12. 11 12 Otorepec 1988, 92. Otorepec 1988, 93. The dragon from the Ljubljana marshlands S o how did Ljubljana acquire its dragon? Dragons, a pronounced mythical and archaic element, feature frequently in creation and cosmogonic myths13: in the Babylonian creation myth, Marduk kills Tiamat; the mythical founder of Mycenae, Perseus, kills a dragon-like sea monster; the god Sabazius kills a snake, Apollo kills the Delphic Python and the German hero Siegfrid kills the snake Fafnir. From the ongoing debates about whether these cases involved (also) a snake or dragon (i.e. a Otorepec 1988, 92. Otorepec 1988, 92. 12 Otorepec 1988, 93. 13 Hrženjak 1999, 100. 10 11 Zmaj v ljubljanskem močvirju K ako je Ljubljana dobila svojega zmaja? Zmaj, izrazit mitski in arhaičen element, je pogosta igura v ustanovitvenih in kozmogonskih mitih13: v babilonskem ustanovitvenem mitu Marduk ubije Tiamat, mitični začetnik Miken Perzej za Andromedo ubije morsko zmajsko pošast, bog Sabazij ubije kačo, Apolon ubije delfskega Pitona, germanski junak Siegfried zmaja Fafnirja. Iz ponavljajoče se razprave, ali gre v teh primerih za (tudi) kačo ali zmaja (tj. pošast s štirimi tacami in krili) – npr. delfski Piton ali gr. beseda δ̣ ράκων, drakon, ki pomeni veliko kačo, vodno kačo – dodajamo, da v vsakem primeru zmaj obdrži kačin htonski značaj (živi v votlini, pod zemljo, pogosto je povezan z vodo) in – predvsem pri slovanskih narodih –14 ambivalentno dispozicijo do ljudi (zmaj je lahko dobrotnik ali zloben nasprotnik15). Zmajske legende so del imaginarija vseh slovanskih narodov. Kozmogonski miti, ki vključujejo ubijanje zmaja, so pogosti tudi na slovenskem območju, kjer je nastanek naselja (ali opustitev starega naselja) v mitu navadno povezan s spremembami pokrajine zaradi zmajeve smrti16. V makrokozmičnem smislu takšne zgodbe pripovedujejo o svetu od njegovega stvarjenja do uničenja17. Majda Hrženjak meni, da je prisotnost zmaja v slovanskih mitih del zelo zgodnjega, indoevropskega mitološkega sloja18. Poleg tega ugotavlja še dva sloja, Hrženjak 1999, 100. Pri slovanskih ljudstvih je zmaj pogosto poimenovan z moško obliko besede za kačo: zmaj, zmej, zmiy, żmij. 15 V srbščini je ta razlika jasna že iz poimenovanja: dobro bitje je zmaj, zlobno aždaja. 16 Hrovatin 2007. 17 Šmitek 2004, 112. 18 Hrženjak 1999, 100ss. 13 14 monster with four feet and wings) – for instance, the Delphic Python or the Greek word δ̣ ράκων, drakon, meaning a large snake, a water snake – we may add that in any event the dragon retains the snake’s chthonic character (lives in a cavern underground, oten associated with water) and, chiely among the Slavonic peoples,14 has an ambivalent disposition towards humans (the dragon can either be a benefactor or a malevolent opponent15). he dragon legends are part of the imaginarium of all Slavonic nations. Cosmogonic myths that include the killing of a dragon are also common in the Slovenian area where the creation of a settlement (or abandoning of an old settlement) in myth is usually linked to changes in the land owing to the death of a dragon16. In the macrocosmic sense, such stories speak of the world from its creation to its destruction17. Majda Hrženjak believes that the presence of the dragon in Slavonic myths is part of a very early, Indo-European mythological stratum18. Moreover, she identiies two other strata, the oldest being preIndo-European and the youngest, Christian19. In the recorded Slovenian legends, the dragon is very frequently linked to St. George. Vitomir Belaj explains George as a vegetation god, the son of Perun20. he name George [in Slovenian Jurij], and the names of similar igures from the legends of other Slavonic peoples (Zeleni Jurij [Green George], Juraj, Jarilo, Jarylo) are etymologically tied to wetlands and water; the vegetation god personiied by George/ Jurij unlocks Virej (the world of Perun’s opponent Veles, who is associated with water, death and also Among Slovenians the dragon is often named using the masculine form of the word for snake: zmaj, zmej, zmiy, żmij. In Serbian this difference is clear from the name: the zmaj is a good creature, the aždaja is evil. 16 Hrovatin 2007. 17 Šmitek 2004, 112 18 Hrženjak 1999, 100pp.. 19 Hrženjak 1999, 102. 20 Belaj 1998, 198pp 14 15 Bernarda Županek 33 ZGODBE O ZAČETKU LJUBLJANE: EMONA, ARGONAVTI IN LJUBLJANSKI ZMAJ najstarejšega, predindoevropskega, in najmlajšega, krščanskega19. V zapisanih slovenskih legendah je zmaj zelo pogosto povezan s sv. Jurijem. Vitomir Belaj Jurija razloži kot vegetacijskega boga, sina Peruna20. Ime Jurij in imena podobnih likov iz legend drugih slovanskih narodov (zeleni Jurij, Juraj, Jarilo, Jarylo) so etimološko povezana z močvirjem in vodo; vegetacijski bog, ki ga pooseblja Jurij, odklepa Virej (svet Perunovega nasprotnika Velesa, ki .je povezan z vodo, smrtjo, pa tudi blagostanjem in živino) in spušča vodo na zemljo21. Gre za odlomke slovanskega mita, ki opisuje vegetacijski cikel, rojstvo in smrt boga vegetacije22. Bernarda Županek 34 STORIES OF LJUBLJANA’S BEGINNING: EMONA, THE ARGONAUTS AND THE LJUBLJANA DRAGON Kakorkoli že, tisto, kar je za nas tu pomembno, je dejstvo, da je v derivatih te velike zgodbe, tega v delčkih ohranjenega skupnega slovanskega mita ubijanje zmaja tisto, kar sprosti vode (in zagotovi rodovitnost zemlje, »odklene« novo vegetacijsko leto)23. Domnevamo, da je bil ljubljanski zmaj oziroma star mit o zmaju na tem prostoru povezan z Ljubljanskim barjem, to obsežno, zaradi pogostih, vse do Ljubljane segajočih poplav grozečo, skrivnostno in nepredvidljivo ter šele v 19. stoletju ukročeno pokrajino. Močvirja so z vodo povezani liminalni, mejni prostori in pogosta zmajska bivališča24. Domnevamo, da je ljubljanska zmajska zgodba star mit o zmaju v ljubljanskem močvirju: bodisi del praslovanskega mita o bogu vegetacije bodisi lokalni kozmogonski mit25. Ali lahko v našem primeru, v primeru ljubljanskega zmaja, govorimo o mitu Hrženjak 1999, 102. Belaj 1998, 198ss. Belaj 1998, 194. 22 Belaj 1998. 23 Belaj 1998, 80. 24 Makarovič 2001, 42; Grafenauer 1956, 325. 25 Županek 2008, 49–51. 19 20 21 prosperity and cattle) and releases water onto the land21. hese are passages from the Slavonic myth describing the vegetation cycle, the birth and death of the god of vegetation22. In any event, what is important for us here is that in the derived versions of this great story, the fragmentally preserved common Slavonic myth of slaying the dragon is what releases the waters (and ensures the fertility of the earth, ‘unlocking’ a new vegetational year)23. We may suspect that the Ljubljana dragon, or the old myth of a dragon in this area, is tied to the Ljubljansko barje marshland, the expansive area that remained threatening, mysterious and unpredictable owing to its frequent looding that reached Ljubljana, and which was only tamed in the 19th century. Marshlands are borderline areas associated with water liminally, and are oten the abodes of dragons24. We may suspect that the Ljubljana dragon story is the ancient myth of a dragon in the Ljubljana marshlands: either part of an ancient Slavonic myth of the god of vegetation, or a local cosmogonic myth25. However, given the lack of evidence, whether in this context, in the case of the Ljubljana dragon, we can talk about a myth of the creation of the Ljubljana settlement and changes to the morphology of this landscape remains an unresolved question. We may suppose that in the period before the 17th century, among the people in the area of Ljubljana there was a dragon myth, perhaps a myth linking the creation of the Ljubljana settlement to a dragon. his myth was linked in its Christian guise to the legend of St. George, and probably in the 17th century to the then current story of the Argonauts founding Emona. Belaj 1998, 194 Belaj 1998. 23 Belaj 1998, 80 24 Makarovič 2001, 42; Grafenauer 1956, 325. 25 Županek 2008, 49-51. 21 22 o nastanku ljubljanskega naselja in spremembah morfologije te pokrajine, pa ob pomanjkanju dokazov ostaja odprto vprašanje. Domnevamo, da je v času pred 17. stoletjem v ljubljanskem prostoru med prebivalci živel mit o zmaju, morda mit, ki je nastanek ljubljanskega naselja povezoval z zmajem. Ta mit se je v krščanski preobleki povezal z legendo o sv. Juriju, verjetno v 17. stoletju pa še s takrat aktualno zgodbo o argonavtski ustanovitvi Emone. Jason and the dragon: foundations of Ljubljana’s identity W ho linked the two stories, the story of the Ljubljana dragon and the story of the Argonauts founding Emona, and when? Jazon in zmaj: temelji identitete Ljubljane K do in kdaj je združil obe zgodbi: zgodbo o ljubljanskem zmaju in zgodbo o argonavtski ustanovitvi Emone? Skupina intelektualcev, ki je oblikovala nov, na antične korenine Ljubljane naslonjen mit o argonavtski ustanovitvi Emone – Ljubljane, je bila za svoja prizadevanja zelo motivirana. Temelje te motivacije navaja Schönlebnovo pismo z dne 15. julija 1673, poslano ljubljanskemu županu, mestnemu sodniku in svetu dvanajsterih26, v katerem je zapisal, da se je lotil naporne naloge pisanja svoje knjige za čast svoje domovine, da se glede na mitično ustanovitev Ljubljana lahko pohvali, da je daleč najstarejše mesto v dednih habsburških deželah, ter izrazil upanje, da bo sijajna dediščina prejšnjih generacij v še bolj sijajni obliki predana naslednikom27. 26 27 Takratni najvišji voljeni magistrati Ljubljane. Kokole 2006, 219. he group of intellectuals that formulated a new myth, based on the ancient roots of Ljubljana, about the Argonauts founding Emona-Ljubljana, was highly motivated in its endeavours. he foundations for this motivation are referred to in Schönleben’s letter of 15 July 1673, sent to the Ljubljana mayor, the city magistrate and the council of twelve26, in which he writes that he had set about the arduous task of writing his book in honour of his homeland, that in view of its mythical creation, Ljubljana can boast of being by far the oldest city in the Hapsburg hereditary provinces, and he expresses the hope that the glorious legacy of earlier generations would be handed over in an even more brilliant form to its successors27. Did the people who believed that Ljubljana needed distinguished roots, who invested so much efort and toil in writing texts, erecting monuments, planning structures and likenesses that would glorify Ljubljana as a city founded by Jason, wish to base this new story on an older and widespread dragon legend, and thereby ensure for it that the Argonaut version became widespread among simple folk? Why was the Argonaut-Emona past of Ljubljana special and desired? In the period of the 16th and 17th centuries, the story of the Argonauts was known to all educated people, and regarded as one of the common myths and 26 27 The then highest elected magistrates of Ljubljana. Kokole 2006, 219. Bernarda Županek 35 ZGODBE O ZAČETKU LJUBLJANE: EMONA, ARGONAVTI IN LJUBLJANSKI ZMAJ Slika 4: Valvasorjev tloris Emone. Preslikava po J. W. Valvasor, Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain, Laybach, Nürnberg, XIII, 9. Arhiv MGML. / Fig. 4: Valvasor’s ground plan of Emona. Copy from J.W.Valvasor, Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain, Laybach, Nürnberg, XIII, 9. MGML archive. Bernarda Županek 36 STORIES OF LJUBLJANA’S BEGINNING: EMONA, THE ARGONAUTS AND THE LJUBLJANA DRAGON Ali so ljudje, ki so verjeli, da Ljubljana potrebuje ugledne korenine, ki so vložili toliko dela in naporov v pisanje besedil, postavljanje spomenikov, načrtovanje poslopij in upodobitev, ki bi Ljubljano proslavili kot od Jazona ustanovljeno mesto, želeli nasloniti to novo zgodbo na starejšo in močno razširjeno zmajsko legendo ter tako zagotoviti argonavtski različici široko razširjenost tudi med preprostim ljudstvom? Zakaj je bila argonavtskoemonska preteklost Ljubljane posebna in zaželena? V času 16. in 17. stoletja je bila zgodba o argonavtih znana vsem izobražencem in videna kot eden od skupnih mitov, korenin grško-rimske civilizacije. Še bolj jasno pa je prepoznana kot skupna in hkrati kot posebna dediščina posebnega mesta Ljubljane, skozi prizadevanja Janeza Ludvika Schönlebna in njegovih naslednikov. V 17. in 18. stoletju je v roots of Graeco-Roman civilisation. It is even more clearly recognised as a common, and at the same time special, heritage of the special city of Ljubljana, through the eforts of Janez Ludvik Schönleben and his successors. In the 17th and 18th centuries, in Ljubljana – like elsewhere in Europe – antiquarian zeal relected and reinforced the emerging feelings of local patriotism28. During this period, seeking out ancient artefacts and monuments (Figure 4) was linked to the eforts to recognise them as the traces of a historically documented people with whom the researchers felt a kinship29. he Argonaut myth about the founding of Emona linked Ljubljana to Antiquity, to the world of the ancient Greeks and Romans. he Romans and Greeks always held a unique position within the imaginarium of Western culture, a position at the core of the very idea of historical development and associated topics which we are still being debating today – such as democracy, colonialism or nationality. Greece and Rome are the starting points not just for a range of traditional historical studies, but also of studies that are deined as non-traditional or postmodern30. In short, the special power of Antiquity derives from its 28 29 Silberman 1996, 254. Silberman 1996, 254. Ljubljani – tako kot drugje v Evropi – antikvarsko navdušenje odražalo in ojačevalo pojavljajoče se občutke lokalnega patriotstva28. Iskanje starih artefaktov in spomenikov (slika 4) je bilo v tem času tesno povezano s prizadevanji, da bi le-te prepoznali kot sledi historično dokumentiranega ljudstva, s katerim so se raziskovalci čutili sorodne29. Argonavtski mit o ustanovitvi Emone je Ljubljano povezoval z antiko, s svetom starih Grkov in Rimljanov. Rimljani in Grki so imeli znotraj imaginarija zahodne kulture vedno importance it holds for the identity of the Western world: the idea of the common ancient past was an important element in shaping what we call today “Europe” and “the West”31. As Beard and Henderson32 summarise, Antiquity is still inextricably woven Bernarda Županek 37 ZGODBE O ZAČETKU LJUBLJANE: EMONA, ARGONAVTI IN LJUBLJANSKI ZMAJ Slika 5: Zmajski most je ena najpogosteje fotografiranih reminiscenc ljubljanskega zmajskega mita. Razglednica, odposlana leta 1960. Hrani MGML. V0014895 / Fig. 5: The Zmajski most [Dragon Bridge] is one of the most photographed reminders of the Ljubljana dragon myth. Postcard sent in 1960. Kept by MGML. V0014895 edinstven položaj, položaj v jedru same ideje o historičnem razvoju in s povezavami s temami, o katerih razpravljamo tudi še danes – kot so 28 29 Silberman 1996, 254. Silberman 1996, 254. into our world of today, it is a model and basis for myths about sui generis. And this applies even more strongly to the Baroque period in Ljubljana. he close link between the newly formulated ‘Argonaut’ myth and the old folk ‘dragon’ story gave the former logic and legitimacy in the eyes of the general public. he Argonaut myth also became known and widespread due to its link to the dragon E.g. Said 1995. Hingley 2005, 18pp. 32 Beard, Henderson 1995. 30 31 demokracija, kolonializem ali nacionalnost. Grčija in Rim sta izhodišči ne samo vrste tradicionalnih zgodovinskih študij, ampak tudi tistih, ki so deinirane kot netradicionalne oziroma postmoderne30. Skratka, posebna moč antike izhaja iz njenega pomena za identiteto zahodnega sveta: ideja skupne antične preteklosti je bila pomemben element v oblikovanju tistega, čemur danes rečemo »Evropa« in »Zahod«31. Kot povzemata Beardova in Henderson32, je antika še vedno neločljivo prepletena z današnjim svetom, je vzor in izhodišče za mite o sui generis. Povedano še intenzivneje velja za čas baroka v Ljubljani. Bernarda Županek 38 story. he Ljubljana dragon myth survived periods of preoccupation with national issues in Slovenian history, it was woven into new stories and remains a symbol of Ljubljana today (Figures 5 and 6). Tesna povezava med na novo oblikovanim, »argonavtskim« mitom in staro ljudsko »zmajsko« zgodbo je dala prvemu logiko in legitimnost v očeh široke javnosti. Argonavtski mit je postal znan in razširjen tudi zaradi svoje povezave z zmajsko zgodbo. Ljubljanski zmajski mit pa je preživel skozi obdobja ukvarjanja z nacionalnim v slovenski zgodovini, se vpletel v nove zgodbe in ostal simbol Ljubljane do danes (sliki 5 in 6). STORIES OF LJUBLJANA’S BEGINNING: EMONA, THE ARGONAUTS AND THE LJUBLJANA DRAGON Slika 6: Plakat za Mladinske balkanske atletske igre leta 1990: ljubljanski zmajček teče po Ljubljani. Hrani MGML. Foto Damjana Šalehar, arhiv MGML. F0037558 / Fig. 6: Poster for the Youth Balkan Athletics Games of 1990: the little Ljubljana dragon running around Ljubljana. Kept by the MGML. Photo by Damjana Šalehar, MGML archive. F0037558 Na primer Said 1995. Hingley 2005, 18ss. 32 Beard, Henderson 1995. 30 31 LITERATURA / REFERENCES Beard M., Henderson, J. 1995. Classics: a very short introduction. Oxford University Press: Oxford. Belaj, V. 1998, Hod kroz godinu. Mitska pozadina hrvatskih narodnih obièaja i vjerovanja. Golden marketing: Zagreb. Županek, B. 2008, Podobi starodavne in slavne predhodnice: dediščina Emone in Ljubljana [Images of an ancient and glorious ancestor: the heritage of Emona and Ljubljana]. Monitor ISH 10/2, 45-58. Grafenauer, I. 1956, Zmaj iz petelinjega jajca [Dragon from a cockerel’s egg]. Razprave II, SAZU, Razred za filološke in literarne vede: Ljubljana, 313-333. Hingley, R. 2005, Globalizing Roman Culture. Unity, Diversity and Empire. Routledge: London, New York. Hrovatin, I.M. 2007, Izročilo o jezeru in zmaju kot kozmogonski mit [Tradition of the lake and dragon as a cosmogonic myth]. Studia Mythologica Slavica X, 105-115. Hrženjak, M. 1999, Primer etnološke rekonstrukcije slovanskih mitskih motivov iz folklornega gradiva [Example of ethnological reconstruction of Slavonic mythical motifs from folklore material]. Časopis za kritiko znanosti year XXVII, No. 194, 89-103. Kokole, S., 2006, Some Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Appropriations and Adaptations of the Myth of the Argonauts in Ljubljana: From Texts to Images. In: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth century/Mediteranski miti od antike do 18. stoletja (Kokole, M. et al. ed.,), Založba ZRC: Ljubljana, 213-255. Makarovič, G. 2001, Zmajske predstave in njihovi pomeni na Slovenskem [Dragon representations and their significance in Slovenia]. Traditiones 30/2l, 27-52. Bernarda Županek Murovec, B. 2006, Graphische Darstellungen der Geschichte Jasons im Lichte der Herausgeber- und Sammeltätigkeit Johann Weichard Valvasors. in: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth century/Mediteranski miti od antike do 18. stoletja (Kokole, M. et al. ed.,), Založba ZRC: Ljubljana, 259-276. ZGODBE O ZAČETKU LJUBLJANE: EMONA, ARGONAVTI IN LJUBLJANSKI ZMAJ Otorepec, B. 1988, Srednjeveški pečati in grbi mest in trgov na Slovenskem [Medieval stamps and crests of cities and towns in Slovenia]. Slovenska matica, Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU: Ljubljana. Otorepec, B, Jurečič, F.V. 1995, Zgodovina grba mesta Ljubljane [History of the crest of Ljubljana]. Heraldica Slovenica: Ljubljana. Said, E. 1995, Orientalism. –Penguin books: London. Silberman N.A. 1996, Promised lands and chosen peoples: the politics and poetics of archaeological narrative. In: Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology (P.I. Kohl and C. Fawcett ed.), Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 249-262. Šašel Kos, M. 1998, Dolničarjev lapidarij [Dolničar’s lapidarium]. Arheološki vestnik 49, 329-353. Šašel Kos, M. 2006, A few remarks concerning the archaiologia of Nauportus and Emona: the Argonauts. In: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth centuy/ Mediteranski miti od antike do 18. stoletja (Kokole, M. et al. ed.,), Založba ZRC: Ljubljana, 13-20. Šmitek, Z. 2004, Mitološko izročilo Slovencev. Svetinje preteklosti [Mythological tradition of the Slovenians. Sacred objects of the past]. Študentska založba: Ljubljana. 39 Slika1: Zemljevid argonavtske poti po grofu Carliju / Figure 1: Map of Argonauts path by Count Carli Irena Žmuc ARGONAVTIKA ARGONAUTICA Pelej je svojemu nečaku Jazonu, tesalskemu princu, prevzel kraljevski prestol. Da bi ga vrnil legitimnemu nasledniku, je zahteval, da mu Jazon prinese ukradeno runo zlatega ovna. Jazon je zbral okoli petdeset junakov, ki so se z njim drznili podati na nevarno pot. Pomagali so jim bogovi, še posebej boginja Atena, ki je izdelala načrte za Argo. Ladja Argo je imela na premcu vgrajeno desko iz govorečega hrasta in je vodila posadko čez nevarne ovire. Pelias usurped the royal throne in place of his nephew Jason, Prince of Thessaly. As a condition for returning it to the legitimate heir, he demanded that Jason seize and bring him the Golden Fleece. Jason assembled around him 50 heroes who dared to set out with him on this dangerous quest. They had the help of the gods, especially the goddess Athena, who provided plans for construction of their ship, the Argo. Built into the prow of the Argo was a board of talking oak that helped guide the crew past dangerous obstacles. Po zlato runo so morali argonavti na Kolhido, v deželo kralja Ajeta. Po številnih pustolovščinah je odprava prispela na cilj. Kralj Ajet je Jazonu za zlato runo, ki ga je v Aresovi votlini čuval zmaj, naložil vrsto nevarnih in nemogočih nalog. V zadnji, odločilni nalogi je Jazonu s čarovnijo pomagala Ajetova hčerka Medeja, saj se je vanj zaljubila. Ko je Jazon uspešno opravil še zadnjo nalogo in dobil zlato runo, so morali argonavti pobegniti s Kolhide. Na begu so z ladjo Argo zapluli iz Črnega morja v Donavo, nato zavili v Savo in po Ljubljanici pluli do mesta, kjer so prezimili. Tu so ustanovili Emono, na pomlad pa zapluli do Nauportusa; tam so ladjo razstavili in jo prenesli štiristo stadijev daleč do reke Akylis ter nato zapluli v Jadransko morje.1 1 Navajamo različico mita, ki govori o njihovi vrnitvi po območju današnje Slovenije in Ljubljane po grškem avtorju Sozomenu iz 5. stoletja. Zgodba je močno skrajšana. Their quest for the Golden Fleece took the Argonauts to Colchis, the land of King Aeetes. After a series of adventures, the expedition arrived at its destination. King Aeetes ordered Jason to perform a number of dangerous and impossible tasks in exchange for the Golden Fleece, which was guarded by a dragon in a cavern sacred to Aries. In the final, deciding task, Jason was helped by the magical power of Aeetes’ daughter Medea, who had fallen in love with him. Once Jason had successfully completed the final task and obtained the Golden Fleece, the Argonauts had to flee Colchis. As they led, the Argo sailed from the Black Sea into the Danube, entering the Sava River at Belgrade and then navigating the Ljubljanica River to the place where they wintered over. It was here that they founded Emona, and in the spring they sailed on to Nauportus where they dismantled the ship and carried it 400 stadia to the Aquilis River, and then sailed on to the Adriatic Sea.1 1 This is the version of the myth that tells of their return through the area of present-day Slovenia and Ljubljana, according to the 5th century Greek author Sozomen. The story is radically shortened. Zgodovina mita History of the myth Mit o argonavtih, so antični zgodovinarji umestili v zibelko evropske duhovne tradicije v 13. st. pr. n. št., nastal je pred 8. st. pr. n. št. med Minijci v Beociji in Tesaliji.2 Literarna zgodovina ga razlaga dosti širše; na razstavi Emona: mit in resničnost in v katalogu ob razstavi ne predstavljamo vseh razsežnosti. Osredotočili smo se zgolj na Sozomena in njegovo različico zgodbe o ustanovitvi Emone. The myth of the Argonauts emerged some time before the 8th century BCE among the Minyans in Boeotia and Thessaly, that is, the central area of Greece. 2 Historians of Antiquity have placed the myth in the cradle of the European spiritual tradition in the 13th century BCE. Literary history offers substantially wider interpretations, although the exhibition Emona: Myth and Reality, and the catalogue accompanying the exhibition, do not present all of the dimensions. We have focused purely on Sozomen and his version of the founding of Emona. V grško-rimskem kulturnem krogu je bila simbolika mita o argonavtih arhetipska. Na eni strani močna pesem, ki jo pooseblja Orfej kot član odprave, na drugi strani pa močna simbolika in magija talismanov, ki jih poosebljajo zlato runo in drugi mitični predmeti3 ter osebe, ki v mitu nastopajo. Irena Žmuc 42 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA V epopeji argonavtske ekspedicije so sodelovali slavni mitski junaki iz grške mitologije. Prvi med argonavti je bil Jazon, tesalski princ. Uspešno je rešil nalogo, a njegov konec ni bil srečen. Čarovnija in izdajstvo, s katerima sta z Medejo pridobila zlato runo, jima nista prinesla srečnega konca – zveza z Medejo se je razdrla. Skupaj z ladjo Argo je na koncu propadel tudi Jazon. Je prispodoba za iskalca večne resnice. Argonavti, mornarji na ladji Argo, so bili grški polbogovi in junaki. Avtorji navajajo različno število Jazonovih spremljevalcev: od 25, 454, okoli 505, 556 pa vse do 647. Pojavljajo se tudi različna imena članov argonavtske ekspedicije. Argonavti so prispodoba za junake, ki so za človeka storili nekaj skrajno neverjetnega. Med njimi so bili: Zevsova sinova (po eni različici) dvojčka Kastor in Polidevk, mogočni Heraklej, 2 3 4 5 6 7 Šašel Kos, 2009, 110. Marinčič, 2006, 100. Aubelj, 2006, 14. Šašel Kos, 2006, 14, 20. Clemenz, III, prvi list. Grošelj, 2008, 36-39. Within the Greco-Roman cultural sphere, the myth of the Argonauts possessed an archetypal symbolism. On one hand it was a powerful poem, personified by Orpheus as a member of the expedition and, on the other, it offered powerful symbolism and the magic of talismans embodied by the Golden Fleece and other mythical objects3 and persons appearing in the myth. The epic poem of the Argonauts’ expedition features the participation of glorious heroes from Greek mythology. First among the Argonauts was Jason, the Prince of Thessaly. He successfully completed the task, but his end was not a pleasant one. The magic and betrayal through which he and Medea obtained the Golden Fleece did not bring about a happy ending – their marriage was broken. In the end, Jason himself died along with his collapsing Argo. He is an allegory for someone seeking eternal truth. The Argonauts, sailors on the Argo, were Greek demigods and heroes. Authors cite a varying number of Jason’s comrades: from 25 and 454 to around 505 or 556 and right up to 647. There are also a number of 2 3 4 5 6 7 Šašel Kos, 2009, 110. Marinčič, 2006, 100. Aubelj, 2006, 14. Šašel Kos, 2006, 14, 20. Clemenz, III, first sheet. Grošelj, 2008, 36-39. slavni zdravnik Eskulap, Argus, graditelj ladje Argo, Odisejev oče Laert, Laokoont, modri in pravični piloški kralj Nestor, videc Mops, Linkej s čudežnim vidom, čarobni pevec in igralec na liro Orfej; Perzej, ki je ubil Gorgono Meduzo, Tezej, atenski kralj in združitelj Atike, Avgij, kralj v Elidi, Ahilov oče Pelej in drugi. Zlato runo, minijski zaklad, so odnesli v nestriženih ovčjih mehovih; pomeni simbol resnice in duhovne čistosti. Argo je okretna grška triera, orodje za dosego cilja, njeno uničenje pa pomeni tudi konec sanj. Medeja je prispodoba za zvijačo, prezir in neznanje. Zmaj ponazarja zlo; Jazon je ubil zmaja, ki je čuval zlato runo; po legendi naj bi Jazon ubil zmaja na Ljubljanskem barju; v 17. stoletju je zmaj prišel v ljubljanski mestni grb8. Govoreča hrastova deska ponazarja božjo silo in naklonjenost, navdih; vgrajena je bila na premec ladje Argo, boginja Atena jo je prinesla Argosu iz svetega gaja v Zevsovem preročišču v Dodoni.9 different names given as members of the Argonauts’ expedition. The Argonauts are allegorical heroic figures who performed something extremely improbable for humans. They included Zeus’ sons, the twins Castor and Pollux, the mighty Heracles, the famed physician Asclepius, Argus, builder of the vessel the Argo, Odysseus’ father Laertes, the Trojan priest Laocoon, the wise and just King of Pylos, Nestor, the seer Mopsus, the magicallysighted Lynceus, the magical singer and lyre player Orpheus; Perseus, who slew Medusa the Gorgon, Theseus, King of Athens and unifier of Attica, Augeas, King of Elis, Achilles’ father Peleus and others. The Golden Fleece, the Minyan treasure, was carried off in unsheared sheepskins and represents a symbol of truth and spiritual purity. The Argo was a swift Greek triera and represents the tool for achieving the objective, while the destruction of the vessel also signifies the end of dreams. Medea is an allegorical figure for trickery, contempt and ignorance. The Dragon represents evil; Jason killed the dragon guarding the Golden Fleece; according to 17th century legend, Jason supposedly killed the dragon in the Ljubljansko Barje wetland; the dragon was then incorporated into the city crest of Ljubljana8. The talking oak board represents divine power and favour as well as inspiration; it was built into the prow of the Argo, after Athena brought it to Argus from a sacred grove at Zeus’ oracle in Dodona.9 8 9 Več o tem mag. Bernarda Županek v tem katalogu. Šašel Kos, 2009, 110. 8 9 On this, also see Bernarda Županek MA in this catalogue. Šašel Kos, 2009, 110. Irena Žmuc 43 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE »POZDRAVLJENA, ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI!« ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE G otovo je svojevrsten privilegij, da lahko mesto išče svoje korenine v mitskem izročilu. Tudi nastanek Ljubljane obdaja obstret vsaj polbožanskosti, a mesto je pri uporabi mita nekoliko sramežljivo, četudi gre za omembo ustanovitve v enem od treh najstarejših grških mitov, mitu o argonavtih, v zapisu iz 5. stoletja. Najbolj dodelan mit o svoji ustanovitvi zagotovo goji mesto Rim. Legendo o ustanoviteljih Rima, Romulu in Remu, ki ju je dojila volkulja, gradijo naprej, v letu 2007 je italijanski minister za kulturo sporočil, da so v bližini Avgustove palače odkrili votlino, kjer je volkulja hranila Romula in Rema, saj naj bi povsem ustrezala opisu svete jame Lupercale.10 Mit o argonavtih in nastanku Emone, predhodnice 10 Reuters, 2007, 19. Irena Žmuc HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/LJUBLJANA I t is of course a singular privilege for a city to be able to seek its roots in a mythical tradition. And the creation of Ljubljana sports an aura of at least semi-divinity, although the city is somewhat shy about using the myth – even though its founding is mentioned in one of the three oldest Greek myths, the myth of the Argonauts, found in a record from the 5th century. Meanwhile, Rome takes the prize for cultivating the most re-worked myth of how it was founded. he legend of the founders of Rome, Romulus and Remus, who were suckled by a she-wolf, continues to be embellished, with the Italian Minister for Culture reporting in 2007 that close to Augustus’ Irena Žmuc 45 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE Ljubljane, v zavest prebivalcev Ljubljane ni nikoli docela prodrl; mit o grških polbogovih in junakih, ki so prezimili na območju današnjega mesta, je sicer vedno znova vznemirjal in privlačil raziskovalce, a je ostajal »mitična sivina«. Kdaj se je Emona uvrstila v mit? V teku stoletij so različni pesniki spisali vrsto različic zgodbe o junaških popotnikih z ladje Argo. Zlasti vrnitev junakov v domovino ima več poti, saj so avtorji v mit postopoma vključevali poznavanje novih delov sveta. palace the cave had been found where the she-wolf fed Romulus and Remus, since it entirely matches the description of the sacred cave of Lupercal.10 he myth of the Argonauts and the creation of Emona, the forerunner of Ljubljana, never fully worked its way into the consciousness of Ljubljana’s residents and, while the myth of the Greek demigods and heroes Irena Žmuc 46 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Slika 2: Grška lončena posoda / Figure 2: Greek ceramic pot Apolonij Rodoški iz 3. stoletja pr. n. št. je bil prvi, ki je v mitu opisal t. i. donavsko različico vrnitve argonavtov.11 Bil je pesnik in bibliotekar v aleksandrinski knjižnici in se je lahko oprl na 11 Šašel, 1984, 35–37 ; Šašel Kos, 2009, 110–113. who wintered over in the area of the present-day city has continually excited and attracted researchers, it has nevertheless remained a “mythical grey area”. So when did Emona ind its place in the myth? Over the centuries, a number of poets have written a series of variations on the heroic voyagers aboard the Argo. he homeward journey of the heroes is conspicuously given several diferent routes as the 10 Reuters, 2007, 19. različne, njemu še dostopne vire.12 »Ko so pustili za seboj goro Anguros in daleč naprej od nje v ravnino moleči hrib Kauliakos, ob katerem se Istros razcepi v dve veji, izlivajoči se v morja daleč vsaksebi, in ko so potem prešli ravnino Laurion, so Kolhijci končno dospeli na Kronosovo morje.«13 Grki so imeli tedaj napačno predstavo o geografskih danostih Balkanskega polotoka, pisali so o drugem rokavu Donave (Istros), ki naj bi se izlival v Jadransko (Kronosovo) morje. Natančni tokovi rek so bili znani šele v avgustejski dobi;14 Plinij starejši je v delu Naturalis historia že ovrgel napačno predstavo o dveh rokavih Donave: »Mislim, da je pisce prevaralo sporočilo, da se je ladja Argo po reki spustila v Jadransko morje blizu Tergeste, ne ve se pa več, po kateri reki.«15 Najbolj razdelano različico, ki so jo pozneje mnogi prepisovali, je v 5. stoletju zapisal zgodovinar Sozomenos v Cerkveni zgodovini: argonavti so pluli po morju nad Skitijo in po rekah prišli v deželo Italikov, kjer so prezimili in ustanovili mesto, poimenovano Emona. Ko je prišlo poletje, so s pomočjo domačinov na stroju vlekli Argo po suhem okoli 400 stadijev in jo peljali po reki Akylis, ki se izliva v Pad.16 Podobno je vračanje opisal tudi zgodovinopisec Zosimos v drugi polovici 5. stoletja. Nekateri avtorji menijo, da razlaga prenosa ladje do morja ni nič nenavadnega: bilo je v navadi, da so ob geografskih težavah ladje razstavili in jih prenesli, meni arheolog in strokovnjak za arheologijo ladij Wolfram Mondfeld, ki je hkrati trdno prepričan, da so argonavti »vrgli sidro na sotočju Ljubljanice in Gradaščice«.17 Hubert Clemenz, nasprotno, o Clemenz, 2008 II, 76. Veliko virov je zgorelo v požaru aleksandrinske knjižnice leta 47 pr. n. št., nekateri so se ohranili v prepisih. 13 Clemenz, I, 92. 14 Šašel Kos, 2008, 111–112. 15 Ibidem, 111. 16 Bratož, 1992, 270. 17 Mondfeld, 1974, 10. 12 authors gradually incorporated new parts of the world into the myth as they became known. Apollonius Rhodius of the 3rd century BCE was the irst to describe in the myth the Danube version of the return of the Argonauts.11 He was a poet and librarian at the library in Alexandria, and was able to rely on various sources that were still accessible to him. 12 “When they let behind the mountain of Anguros and were far distant from it in the plain of the jutting hill of Kauliakos, at which the Istros divides into two branches, lowing each into distant seas, and when they had crossed the plain of Laurion, the Colchideans inally arrived at the Sea of Chronos.”13 he Greeks had at that time an erroneous idea of the geographical features of the Balkan peninsula, writing about the other branch of the Danube (Istros) which supposedly lowed out into the Adriatic (Chronos) Sea. he precise lows of the rivers were known only in the period of Augustus14 and in his Naturalis historia Pliny the Elder had already rejected the mistaken idea of there being two branches of the Danube: “I think that writers have been deluded by the report that the vessel Argo descended by river into the Adriatic Sea close to Tergeste, although it is no longer known by which river.”15 he most heavily-thumbed version, one later transcribed many times, was recorded in the 5th century by the historian Sozomen in his Church History: the Argonauts crossed the sea above Scythia and came by rivers to the land of the Italics, where they wintered over and founded a city named Emona. he following summer, with the assistance of the people of the country, they dragged the Argo, by Šašel, 1984, 35-37 ; Šašel Kos, 2009, 110-113. Clemenz, 2008 II, 76. Many sources were burned in the fire at the Alexandria library in 47 BCE, while some survived as transcripts. 13 Clemenz, I, 92. 14 Šašel Kos, 2008, 111-112. 15 Ibidem, 111. 11 12 Irena Žmuc 47 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE Irena Žmuc 48 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Slika 3: Zemljevid Wolfgang Lazius / Figure 3: Map Wolfgang Lazius prenosu ladje Argo meni, da o tem ne bi moglo biti govora, saj je triera tehtala 25 ton.18 Po 6. stoletju je vedenje o mitu zamrlo in v evropski literaturi ponovno oživelo šele leta 1423, ko so prepis 18 Clemenz, 2008, II, 176. means of machinery, the distance of 400 stadia, and so reached the Aquilis, which lows into the Po.16 A similar return journey was described by the historian Zosim in the second half of the 5th century. Some authors believe that the explanation regarding the portage of the ship to the sea was nothing unusual: it was the custom, whenever geographical diiculties were encountered, to dismantle a vessel and carry it, according to the archaeologist and ship archaeology expert Wolfram Mondfeld. He is also irmly 16 Bratož, 1992, 270. mita prinesli iz Bizanca v Firence.19 Renesančna zazrtost v antično zgodovino in kulturo, ko so izobraženci zahtevali vrnitev k virom, ad fontes, ga je ponovno ozavestila. Raziskovanje antike je postalo vseobsegajoče, nekateri pa so mit uporabili za gospodarsko-politični namen, tako so npr. v palači Fava v Bologni izdelali freske po Jazonovi zgodbi in primerjali iskanje zlatega runa v Kolhidi z diplomatsko misijo v Carigradu proti koncu 16. stoletja.20 Oživitev mita O živitev mita o argonavtih, ki so storili nekaj veličastnega, človeku skrajno nemogočega, je botrovala tudi ustanovitivi enega najvišjih evropskih odlikovanj. Burgundski vojvoda Filip Dobri je leta 1430 »v slavo rodbine, v čast devici Mariji in apostolu Andreju, pa tudi za obrambo in širjenje katoliške vere in Cerkve, kreposti in lepih navad ustanovil odlikovanje red zlatega runa. Po izumrtju burgundske hiše je prvenstvo nad redom prešlo na Habsburžane, sprva na špansko vejo, po letu 1700 pa na avstrijsko vejo. Red zlatega runa je postal najuglednejše odlikovanje v habsburški monarhiji.«21 Med odlikovanci so bili tudi plemiči iz vrst kranjske plemiške družine Auerspergov; med njimi je bilo kar dvanajst nosilcev tega odlikovanja.22 Prvi med Turjačani je red prejel Clemenz, 2008, II, 76. Perini, 2006, 211. 21 Preinfalk, 2005, 35–36. 22 Južnič, Red zlatega runa v spomin na argonavte, rokopis. 19 20 convinced that the Argonauts “cast their anchor at the conluence of the Ljubljanica and Gradaščica”.17 A contrasting view of the Argo’s portage is taken by Clemenz, who says this would be out of the question since the triera weighed 25 tons!18 Ater the 6th century, knowledge of the myth died out until it was revived in European literature in 1423 when a transcript of the myth was brought from Byzantium to Florence.19 he Renaissance focus on the history and culture of Antiquity, with intellectuals demanding a return to the source, ad fontes, brought it back into people’s consciousness. Research of Antiquity became all-embracing and some used the myth for commercial and political purposes. he Fava Palace in Bologna, for instance, bears frescoes drawn from Jason’s story, comparing the quest for the Golden Fleece in Colchis with the diplomatic mission to Istanbul towards the end of the 16th century.20 Reviving the myth T he revival of the myth of the Argonauts, who performed something grand and extremely improbable for mere mortals, paved the way for the creation of one of the highest distinctions. In 1430 Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, “for the glory of our mother country, in honour of the Virgin Mary and Apostle Andrew, as well as for the defence Mondfeld, 1974, 10. Clemenz, 2008, II, 176. 19 Clemenz, 2008, II, 76. 20 Perini, 2006, 211. 17 18 Irena Žmuc 49 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE Janez Vajkard knez Auersperg23 leta 1650; bil je štiristosedemindvajseti odlikovanec po vrsti.24 Območje današnje Slovenije ni sodilo v krog grške civilizacije, malo je tudi ohranjenih materialnih sledi o grški navzočnosti v naših krajih. Toda gotovo je bilo ozemlje vsaj od klasične dobe naprej v zavesti grških izobražencev. Razlagi in uporabi mita, ki naj bi se odvijal na naših tleh, sledimo od 16. stoletja naprej, ko so se tudi na Kranjskem učenjaki in izobraženci začeli ukvarjati z rimskimi ostalinami. Irena Žmuc 50 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Prvi med njimi je bil Avguštin Tyfernus, s pravim imenom Prygl,25 najverjetneje z Laškega (nemško Tüfer). Študiral je v Padovi, veliko potoval po Italiji, opravljal različne visoke cerkvene službe.26 Bil je prvi zbiralec rimskih napisov v naših krajih. Tyfernus je zapisoval napise (pa tudi drugi so mu jih pošiljali) iz Kranjske, Štajerske in Koroške. Po Mommsenu je ohranil redke napise, predvsem pa jih je kakovostno zapisal in izrisal. Če gledamo za nas zanimive kraje na Kranjskem, je Tyfernus zapisal tri napise iz Ljubljane, tri z Vrhnike, dva iz Bistre ter šestindvajset z Iga.27 Leta 1545 je Wolfgang Lanz, bolj znan kot Lazius,28 kartograf, zgodovinar in zdravnik z Dunaja, izdelal zemljevid Prikaz Goriškega, Krasa, Kočevskega, Kranjskega, Istre in slovenske marke29. Pod Ljubljano je na zemljevidu natisnjeno: »Tu so se ustavili argonavti, od tu pluli (do Jadrana) pod zemljo.« – »Hic Argonauis stationem habuit et Janez Vajkard knez Auersperg (1615–1677). http// … Liste_der_Ritter …, 24. 2. 2010. Avguštin Tyfernus (1470–1535). Simoniti, 1979, 83: variante imena Tyffernus, Tefernus, Tif(f )ernus oz. Prigl, Prugel, Prugl. Sam se je podpisoval kot Tyfernus oz. Prygl. 26 Simoniti, 1979, 87–88. 27 Simoniti, 1982, 94. 28 Wolfgang Lanz, bolj znan kot Lazius (1514–1565). 29 Lazius, 1584. Naslov po Bohinec, 1969, 9. and spread of the Catholic faith and the Church, virtue and ine habits, founded the decoration of the Order of the Golden Fleece. Ater the house of Burgundy died out, primacy over the Order went to the Habsburgs, irst to the Spanish line, and ater 1700 to the Austrian line. It became the most outstanding decoration in the Habsburg monarchy.”21 he Order included nobles from the ranks of the Carniolan house of Auersperg which produced a full 12 members who bore this decoration.22 he irst of the Turjaks to be made members of the Order was Janez Vajkard Prince Auersperg23 in 1650, and he was the 427th successive holder of the decoration.24 he area of present-day Slovenia was beyond the sphere of Greek civilisation and there are few preserved material traces of any Greek presence in this area. Yet there is no doubt that, at least from the Classical period on, educated Greeks were aware of this territory. he myth of the Argonauts is also the only report involving the history of the area of Slovenia/Ljubljana in the period between the 13th century BCE and 77 CE, when Pliny wrote critically of the geographical features of this area. he interpretation and use of the myth that was supposedly set in Slovenian lands can be traced from the 16th century on when scholars and intellectuals in Carniola started looking into Roman remains. 23 24 25 First among them was Avguštin Tyfernus, more properly named Prygl,25 who was most probably from Laško (German: Tüfer). He studied in Padua, travelled a great deal around Italy and performed Preinfalk, 2005, 35-36. Južnič, Red zlatega runa v spomin na argonavte [Order of the Golden Fleece in Memory of the Argonauts], manuscript. 23 Janez Vajkard Prince Auersperg 1615-1677. 24 http// … Liste_der_Ritter …, 24.2.2010. 25 Avguštin Tyfernus 1470-1535. Simoniti, 1979, 83: variants of the name Tyffernus, Tefernus, Tif(f )ernus, or Prigl, Prugel, Prugl. He signed himself Tyfernus or Prygl. 21 22 Irena Žmuc 51 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE Slika 4: Zemljevid Sebastian Münster / Figure 4: Map Sebastian Münster excauato monte, per specum sub terra traducta.«30 Nemški kartograf in profesor hebrejščine v Heidelbergu Sebastian Münster pa je leta 1550 na Karti Kranjske z Istro, Goriško, Furlanijo in delom Hrvaške Ljubljanico s podzemnim intervalom31 povezal z reko Mirno v Istri in pripisal: »Nauportus l. Emonia«.32 Wolfgang Lazius, Wikipedia, 2. 12. 2009; NUK, Ducatus Carniolae et Histriae una cum Marcha Windorum. 31 Šašel Kos, 2008, 113. 32 Naslov po Ilustrirana, 2000, 446. Münster, 1550. 30 various high oices for the Church.26 He was the irst collector of Roman inscriptions in the area of Slovenia. Tyfernus recorded inscriptions and he was also sent inscriptions by others, from Carniola, Štajerska and Koroška. According to Mommsen, he preserved rare inscriptions and in particular he recorded and drew them to a high standard. If we look at the areas of interest to us in Carniola, Tyfernus recorded three inscriptions from Ljubljana, three from Vrhnika, two from Bistra and 26 from Ig!27 In 1545 Wolfgang Lanz, better known as Lazius,28 a cartographer, historian and physician from Vienna, produced a map entitled Presentation of Goriško, Simoniti, 1979, 87-88. Simoniti, 1982, 94. 28 Wolfgang Lanz, better known as Lazius 1514-1565. 26 27 »Post Aemonam conditam« T rije izobraženci, Janez Ludvik Schönleben, Janez Vajkard Valvasor in Janez Gregor Dolničar, so v 17. stoletju utrdili mit o argonavtski ustanovitvi Emone kot zgodovinsko dejstvo. Vodila sta jih globoka zavest pripadnosti Ljubljani in ponos na njeno preteklost.33 Irena Žmuc 52 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Že Aristotel je opredelil razliko med mitom, v katerem pesnik piše, kaj bi se lahko zgodilo, in zgodovinarjem, ki opisuje dejanja resničnih ljudi.34 V nasprotju z njegovim mnenjem je v 17. stoletju »temeljni kamen« za poznavanje in razumevanje mita o argonavtih kot zgodovinske resnice na Slovenskem postavil jezuit, teolog, retorik in ilozof Janez Ludvik Schönleben.35 Slavno zgodovino Kranjske in njenega glavnega mesta sta kranjskim knezom in deželnim stanovom želeli predstaviti dve njegovi deli, Aemona vindicata sive Labaco metropoli Carnioliae (1674) in Carniolia antiqua et nova. (1681; nedokončano).36 Naslonil se je na Sozomena in Zosima ter njuno argonavtsko zgodbo o nastanku Emone37 in jo zanesljivo poistovetil z današnjo Ljubljano.38 Na naslovnici je natisnjeno, da je bila izdana v Salzburgu leta 1674 krščanske ere oziroma »Qui est Aemonae conditae 2897« – 2897 let po ustanovitvi Emone.39 Tako je uvedel štetje let ab urbe condita od leta 1222 pr. n. št. Šašel navaja Stareta in njegovo delo Ilirske najdbe železne dobe, kjer avtor pravi, da v isto obdobje Lavrič, 2003, 37. Šašel Kos, 2008, 110. Aristotel je živel v 4. st. pr. n. št., misel zapisal v Poetika, 9. 35 Janez Ludvik Schönleben (1618–1681). 36 Mihelič, 1998, 247–249. 37 Schönleben, 1674, I, 2. 38 Kastelic, 2000, 317. 39 Schönleben, 1674, naslovnica. 33 34 Karst, Kočevsko, Carniola, Istria and the Slovenian marches29. Printed beneath Ljubljana on the map are the words “Here the Argonauts stopped, and from here they sailed (to the Adriatic) under the Earth” (Hic Argonauis stationem habuit et excauato monte, per specum sub terra traducta).30 hen in 1550 the German cartographer and Heidelberg professor of Hebrew, Sebastian Münster, on his Map of Carniola and Istria, Goriško, Friuli and part of Croatia, linked the Ljubljanica and its underground interval31 to the Mirna River in Istria with the note: “Nauportus l. Emonia”.32 »Post Aemonam conditam« I n the 17th century, three men of learning, Janez Ludvik Schönleben, Janez Vajkard Valvasor and Janez Gregor Dolničar, consolidated the myth of the Argonauts having founded Emona as historical fact. hey were guided by a deep sense of ailiation to Ljubljana and pride in its past.33 Aristotle himself deined the diference between the poet who writes in a myth what might have happened, and the historian who describes the actions of real people.34 In contrast with his opinion, in the 17th century the “cornerstone” for knowing and understanding the myth of the Argonauts as historical truth in Slovenia was laid by a Jesuit, Lazius, 1584. Title after Bohinec, 1969, 9. Wolfgang Lazius, Wikipedia, 2.12.2009; NUK, Ducatus Carniolae et Histriae una cum Marcha Windorum. 31 Šašel Kos, 2008, 113. 32 Title after the Illustrated, 2000, 446. Münster, 1550. 33 Lavrič, 2003, 37. 34 Šašel Kos, 2008, 110. Aristotle lived in the 4th century BCE, and he wrote this idea in Poetics, 9. 29 30 Slika 5: Naslovnica z datacijo «post Aemonam conditam« / Figure 5: Cover page the counting of years «post Aemonam conditam« spada tudi z arheološko metodo ugotovljen začetek emonskega naselja.40 Mit o argonavtski ustanovitvi Emone je še utrdil Janez Vajkard Valvasor41 v Slavi vojvodine Kranjske. Jazonovo naselbino je postavil na sotočje Ljubljanice in Gradaščice: »Jazon je zgradil mesto (mestece) /…/ na kraju, kjer je danes predmestje ali kar vas Krakovo. /…/ Emona je nato postala močno in veliko mesto, kar se še danes vidi po Ljubljani.«42 Arheologi tam – še – niso kopali. Branko Reisp, ki je zavzeto preučeval Valvasorja, je menil, da je Valvasorjevo delo produkt časa, saj so tedaj iskali »starost« za dokazovanje imenitnosti, tudi Ljubljane, zato navedkom ne bi Šašel, 1984, 36. Janez Vajkard Valvasor (1641–1693). 42 Valvasor, 1689, II, 5, 237. 40 41 theologian, rhetorician and philosopher named Janez Ludvik Schönleben.35 Two of his works, Aemona vindicata sive Labaco metropoli Carnioliae (1674) and Carniola antiqua et nova... (1681), which was uninished, sought to present the glorious history of Carniola and its chief provincial city to the Carniolan princes and provincial estates.36 He relied on Sozomen and Zosim and their story of the Argonauts founding Emona37, reliably identifying it with present-day Ljubljana.38 he cover includes printed information that it was published in Salzburg in 1674 of the Christian Era, or rather “Qui est Aemonae conditae 2897” – 2897 years ater the founding of Emona.39 In this way he introduced the counting of years “ab urbe condita”, from 1222 BCE. Irena Žmuc Šašel cites Stare and his work Ilirske najdbe železne dobe [Illyrian Finds from the Iron Age], whereby the beginnings of the Emona settlement have been determined through archaeological methods as falling within the same period.40 In his Glory of the Duchy of Carniola, Janez Vajkard Valvasor41 further consolidated the myth of the Argonauts having founded Emona. Jason’s settlement was set up at the conluence of the Ljubljanica and Gradaščica: “Jason built a town (little town) … in the location where today there is the suburb or village of Krakovo. … Emona then became a powerful and large city, as can still be seen around Ljubljana.…”42 Archaeologists have not – yet – excavated there. Reisp believed that Valvasor’s work was a product of the times since in that period they were seeking out what was “old” as evidence of grandeur, including in Ljubljana, so we should not pay too much attention Janez Ludvik Schönleben 1618-1681. Mihelič, 1998, 247-249. 37 Schönleben, 1674, I,2. 38 Kastelic, 2000, 317. 39 Schönleben, 1674, cover page. 40 Šašel, 1984, 36. 41 Janez Vajkard Valvasor 1641-1693. 42 Valvasor, 1689, II, 5, 237. 35 36 53 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE smeli posvečati prevelike pozornosti.43 V Slavi je poleg besedila o nastanku Emone objavljena tudi graična upodobitev, ki bi jo lahko naslovili Argonavti gradijo Emono, a je podoba povezljiva z Emono samo zato, ker je postavljena ob besedilo, ki govori o argonavtski ustanovitvi Ljubljane.44 Valvasor je tudi vpeljal zmaja v ljubljanski mestni grb. Kot je Jazon ubil zmaja v Aresovi votlini na Kolhidi, tako naj bi ubil tudi zmaja na Ljubljanskem barju. O tem lahko govori srebrni pečatnik mesta Ljubljana iz sredine 15. stoletja.45 Ročaj pečatnika ima obliko zmaja, kar je bilo glede na tedanjo modo v navadi, toda stisnjen zmaj, upodobljen na pečatni strani nad mestnim grbom, je bil najverjetneje dodan kasneje. Enako je upodobljen na malem Irena Žmuc 54 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Slika 6: Pečatnik mesta Ljubljane / Figure 6: Seal of the city of Ljubljana mestnem sodnem pečatu. Na medeninasti beraški znački iz leta 1667 je upodobljen že »grozeč« zmaj z razprtimi perutmi,46 enako kot na veliki veduti Ljubljane v Valvasorjevi Slavi.47 Raztresen, 1974, 10. Murovec, 2006, 276. 45 MGML, 510:LJU;0025306. Otorepec, Jurečič, 1996, 29, 31. 46 MGML, 510:LJU;0025328. 47 Otorepec, Jurečič, 1996, 51. 43 to these claims.43 In Glory, alongside the text on the founding there is the sole graphic depiction, which we could title “the Argonauts build Emona” although the depiction relates to Emona purely because it is set next to the text recounting how the Argonauts founded Ljubljana.44 Valvasor also introduced the dragon to the city crest of Ljubljana. Just as Jason killed the dragon in the cavern of Aries in Colchis, so he supposedly slew the dragon in the Ljubljansko Barje wetlands. Indications of this nature can be found on a silver seal of the city of Ljubljana from the middle of the 15th century.45 he handle of the seal is in the form of a dragon, which was the fashionable practice of that time, but the compressed dragon depicted on the seal side above the city crest was no doubt added later. It is also depicted identically on a small seal of a city magistrate. A mendicant badge of 1667 depicts a “terrible” dragon with spread wings,46 just like in the large veduta of Ljubljana in Valvasor’s Glory.47 he myth was further cultivated by Janez Gregor Dolničar, Count halberg,48 an erudite personage who also founded the Dismas Fraternity and cofounded the Academia Operosorum. He addressed the following rapturous greeting to Emona: “Hail the venerable daughter of Jason, repose of the Argonauts, seat of bishops, court of princes, protector of faithfulness, throne of justice, shrine of the muses and jewel of joy.”49 In his Epitome chronologica50 he published an epitaph for Emona: “Emona, whoever 44 Raztresen, 1974, 10. Murovec, 2006, 276. 45 MGML, 510:LJU;0025306. Otorepec, Jurečič, 1996, 29, 31. 46 MGML, 510:LJU;0025328. 47 Otorepec, Jurečič, 1996, 51. 48 Janez Gregor Dolničar 1655-1719. 49 Dolničar, 1714, after Blaženka First. 50 Epitome chronologica, continens res memorabiles, nobilis, & antiquissimae urbis Labacensis, Metropolis iclyti Ducatus carnioliae. Ab urbe condito, usque ad annum Christi, M.DCC.XIV. Dedicata honoribus nobilis, ac Academiae operosorum Labacensium. Labaci : formis J. G. M(ayr), 1714. 43 44 Mit je naprej razvijal Janez Gregor Dolničar, grof halberg,48 erudit, med drugim ustanovitelj Dizmove bratovščine in soustanovitelj Akademije delavnih. Zanosno je nagovoril Emono z voščilom: »Pozdravljena, častitljiva Jazonova hči, počitek argonavtov, sedež škoije, dvor knezov, zaščitnica vernosti, prestol pravice, svetišče muz in dragulj radosti.«49 V delu Epitome chronologica50 je objavil nagrobni napis Emoni: »Emona, kdor te videl je, / in ni te vzljubil s srcem vsem, / ta brez ljubezni bivajoč / zavrača prav vse milosti.«51 V tedaj novozgrajeni ljubljanski stolnici je dal Gregorjev brat Janez Anton Dolničar vgraditi kamen z napisom z datacijo ab urbe condite: »Baziliko, posvečeno sv. Miklavžu, nadškofu iz Myre, glavnemu zavetniku ljubljanskemu, od starosti zanemarjeno in dotrajano, je Janez Anton Dolničar, dekan in generalni vikar ljubljanski, s podporo, zbirko in izredno skrbjo iz temeljev obnovil. Leta 1701 od deviškega rojstva ali leta 2904 od ustanovitve.«52 Gregorjev sin Aleš Sigismund je avtor personiikacije Emone, nekoliko utrujene žene na prestolu, ki naj bi jo bil izdelal po navodilih očeta in objavil na naslovnem listu Epitome Chronologica, Labaci 1714. Prestol »temelji« na ladji Argo. Janezu Gregorju Dolničarju pa ni uspelo pregovoriti mestnih mož, da bi Jazona in argonavte ovekovečili v ljubljanskem magistratu, na stropu osrednje dvorane.53 Ugotovitve vseh treh avtorjev so sodobniki z Janez Gregor Dolničar (1655–1719). Dolničar, 1714, po Blaženka First. 50 Epitome chronologica, continens res memorabiles, nobilis, & antiquissimae urbis Labacensis, Metropolis iclyti Ducatus carnioliae. Ab urbe condito, usque ad annum Christi, M.DCC.XIV. Dedicata honoribus nobilis, ac Academiae operosorum Labacensium. Labaci : formis J. G. M(ayr), 1714. 51 Lavrič, 2003, 37. 52 Kopriva, 1989, 20–21. 53 Kokole, 2006, 256–257. 48 49 has seen you, / and not fallen fully in love with you, / he existing without love / indeed rejects all grace.”51 In the then newly constructed Ljubljana Cathedral, Gregor’s brother Janez Anton Dolničar had a stone installed with the inscription and date ab urbe condite: “his basilica dedicated to St. Nicholas, Archbishop of Myra, chief protector of Ljubljana, neglected and worn with age, was restored from its foundations by Janez Anton Dolničar, dean and vicar-general of Ljubljana, with support, collections and extraordinary care. In the year 1701 from the Virgin birth or 2904 from the founding.”52 Gregor’s son Aleš Sigismund was the author of a personiication of Emona, a rather jaded woman on a throne, whom he supposedly depicted under his father’s instructions on the cover page of Epitome Chronologica, Labaci 1714. he throne is “based” on the Argo. However, Janez Gregor Dolničar was unable to persuade the elders of the city to have Jason and the Argonauts immortalised on the ceiling of the main hall in Ljubljana’s City Hall.53 he indings of all three writers were enthusiastically received by their contemporaries, and within the Academia Operosorum a programme was instituted to revive the Emona tradition, Aemona rediviva. It was at that time that an Operosorum member Jurij Andrej Gladič penned his now newly discovered paean to Emona.54 In the 17th century the Argonaut myth became part of the “urbane quality of the city”. he stories of Ljubljana’s fountains are telling in this respect. Ljubljana’s city leaders wanted to renovate the Lavrič, 2003, 37. Kopriva, 1989, 20-21. 53 Kokole, 2006, 256-257. 54 Ibidem 51 52 Irena Žmuc 55 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE navdušenjem sprejeli, v okviru Akademije delavnih so se programsko lotili oživljanja emonske tradicije, Aemona rediviva. Tedaj je nastala danes na novo odkrita hvalnica Emoni operoza Jurija Andreja Gladiča.54 Argonavtski mit je v 17. stoletju postal del »mestne urbanosti«. O tem govorijo zgodbe ljubljanskih vodnjakov. Vodnjak pred mestno hišo so ljubljanski mestni možje želeli prenoviti pred obiskom cesarja Leopolda I. leta 1660. Stari vodnjak so na hitro zamenjali z novo leseno soho Neptuna in jo pozlatili. Leta 1675 je Janez Khumerstainer izklesal podobo Neptuna, zgolj pri Dolničarju pa se je ohranil tudi napis z vodnjaka: »(Neptunu,) krotilcu morij, ker je po ustanovitvi Emone sprejel Jazona. Postavili so po občinskem sklepu ljubljanski stavbni odborniki.«55 Irena Žmuc 56 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Ob istem dogodku so na Starem trgu, na križišču starih poti, postavili Herkulov vodnjak. Upodobitev Herkula je ustrezala tedanji modi in priljubljenosti mita o argonavtih. Spet je bil izbran Janez Khumerstainer: na njegovi upodobitvi vidimo Herkula, kako duši leva, kar je bila prispodoba zmage nad Turki. Ko je Gruberjev kanal prekinil vodovod z Golovca, je Herkulov vodnjak presahnil, zato so ga odstranili.56 Neptunov vodnjak pred mestno hišo so čez čas zamenjali z novim, ki ga je izdelal Francesco Robba. Kokole razvija misel, da se tudi z Robbovim vodnjakom nadaljuje mit o argonavtih: upodobljen je Neptun z delinom pri nogah, dve podobi pa poosebljata reki Savo in Ljubljanico, ki sta pripeljali Ibidem. Ibidem; gl. tudi Zupan, 1991. Kopija Neptunovega vodnjaka stoji danes na trgu pred ZRC SAZU. 56 Zupan, 1991. Kip Herkula je ohranjen v avli ljubljanske mestne hiše. Kopija Herkulovega vodnjaka pa od leta 1991 stoji na križišču starih poti na Starem trgu. 54 55 fountain in front of the City Hall prior to the visit of Emperor Leopold I in 1660. hey quickly replaced the old fountain with a new wooden statue of Neptune, and covered it in gilt. In 1675 Janez Khumerstainer carved out the image of Neptune and only Dolničar retained the inscription on the fountain: (To Neptune), tamer of the seas, since he received Jason ater the founding of Emona. Erected upon municipal order by the Ljubljana building committee.55 For the same event, in Stari Trg, at the crossroads of ancient roads, a fountain of Hercules was erected. he depiction of Hercules corresponded with the then fashion and popularity of the Argonauts myth. his was again the work of Janez Khumerstainer, who carved Hercules strangling a lion, an allegory of the victory over the Turks. When the Gruber canal cut of the aqueduct from Golovec, the Hercules fountain dried up, so it was removed.56 he Neptune fountain in front of City Hall was replaced with a new one made by Francesco Robba. Kokole has cultivated the idea that the Robba fountain also served to perpetuate the myth of the Argonauts: Neptune is depicted with a dolphin at his feet, while two images embody the Sava and Ljubljanica rivers, which brought the Argonauts to this land. he fact that the Argonauts story was not maintained may perhaps be blamed on the fact that the fountain was completed in 1749 and, right at that time, under Maria heresa’s reforms, Carniola was divided into three prefectures – Gorenjska, Notranjska and Dolenjska. he fountain is therefore dedicated to three rivers, the Sava, Ljubljanica and Krka, or rather it acquired the title Fountain of the hree Carniolan Rivers.57 Ibidem; also see Zupan, 1991. A copy of the Neptune fountain today stands in the square in front of ZRC SAZU. 56 Zupan, 1991. The statue of Hercules is kept in the lobby of Ljubljana City Hall. Since 1991 a copy of the Hercules fountain has stood at the crossroads of ancient routes in Stari Trg. 57 Kokole, 2006, 257-258. 55 argonavte na naša tla. Da se argonavtska zgodba ni ohranila, je morda krivo dejstvo, da je bil vodnjak končan leta 1749, prav v tem obdobju pa je bila Kranjska po terezijanskih reformah razdeljena na tri kresije – gorenjsko, notranjsko in dolenjsko. Zato je vodnjak posvečen trem rekam: Savi, Ljubljanici in Krki, oziroma je dobil ime Vodnjak treh kranjskih rek.57 Ne pozabimo na slavne Auerspergove vrtove. Ohranjeni fragment Lede z labodom58 morda kaže na ureditev vrtov »po mitu«. Leda je Zevsu, ki se ji je približal kot labod, namreč rodila dvojčka Kastorja in Polidevka, oba argonavta. Od propadajočih vrtov so ostali le drobci, skodela se je ohranila na vodnjaku, ki od leta 1870 stoji na Krekovem trgu.59 Krasijo jo tri levje glave – je morda upodobitev leva kakorkoli povezana z nemejskim levom, ki ga je ubil Heraklej?60 Argonavti so še naprej burili domišljijo in željo po odkrivanju novega. Novo datacijo argonavtskega pohoda je izračunal sir Isaac Newton61, angleški izik, astronom in matematik, pa tudi mistik. V svoji Kronologiji starodavnega kraljestva se je ob izračunu naslonil na v mitu zapisane položaje zvezd. Poznal je položaj zvezd Prima Arietis in Ultima caudae arietis leta 1689 in ga primerjal s položajem, opisanim v mitu. Vedel je, da se ekvinokcij v enem letu premakne nazaj za 50’’, tako da je dobil dobo argonavtskega pohoda, ko so bile poglavitne točke ekvinokcija in solsticija v ozvezdjih Ovna, Kokole, 2006, 257–258. MGML 510:LJU;0027415. Horvat, 2005, 104–105. 60 Nemejski lev je v grški mitologiji neranljiva pošast, ki jo je Heraklej ubil in se odel v njeno kožo. 61 Sir Isaac Newton (1643–1727). Za pomoč se iskreno zahvaljujem dr. Stanislavu Južniču, ki me je opozoril na gradivo in mi ga ljubeznivo poslal iz ZDA. 57 58 59 We should also mention the famous gardens of the Auerspergs. he preserved fragment of Leda and the Swan58 perhaps indicates the arrangement of the gardens “according to myth”. Indeed, Leda bore the twins Castor and Pollux, both of them Argonauts, from Zeus, who came to her as a swan. Only fragments remain of the crumbling gardens and a dish was preserved on the fountain which has stood since 1870 in the square of Krekov Trg.59 It is adorned with three lions’ heads – the depiction of a lion perhaps associated in some way with the Nemean lion, which Hercules killed.60 he Argonauts continued to ire the imagination and desire for new discoveries. Irena Žmuc A new date for the voyage of the Argonauts was calculated by Sir Isaac Newton61, the English physicist, astronomer, mathematician and mystic. In his Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms, he based his calculation on the positions of the stars as recorded in the myth. He knew the positions of the stars Prima Arietis and Ultima caudae arietis in 1689 and compared these with the positions described in the myth. He knew that in one year the equinox undergoes a precession of 50΄΄, and this gave him the period of the Argonauts’ voyage, when the primary points of the equinox and solstice were in the constellations Aries, Cancer, Scorpio and Capricorn. He calculated that the voyage was made 43 years ater Solomon’s death.62 However, the middle of the constellation Aries was not necessarily right in the middle of the constellations, which changes the date somewhat.63 he Greek astronomer Hipparchus made MGML 510:LJU;0027415. Horvat, 2005, 104-105. In Greek mythology the Nemean lion was an invulnerable monster that Hercules killed, dressing himself in its skin. 61 Sir Isaac Newton 1643-1727. My sincere thanks go to Dr. Stanislav Južnič for his help in advising me of the material, which he kindly sent from the USA. 62 Newton, 1728, 94; King Solomon, the wise Jewish king, ruled from 970 to 931 BCE. 63 Newton, 1728, 86-87, also see Južnič, 2009. 58 59 60 57 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE Raka, Škorpijona in Kozoroga. Izračunal je, da je potovanje potekalo 43 let po Salomonovi smrti.62 Vendar sreda ozvezdja Aries ni bila nujno ravno sredi ozvezdij, kar datacijo nekoliko spremeni.63 Položaje ozvezdij je enako izračunal tudi grški astronom Hiparh.64 Newtonov izračun je pokazal, da so antični zgodovinarji za 300 let prezgodaj ocenili pot argonavtov, kar pomeni, da naj bi se na pot odpravili v 10. st. pr. n. št. Če upoštevamo obe dataciji argonavtskega potovanja, tako 13. kot 10. st. pr. n. št., vidimo, da sta na tleh Ljubljane v obeh obdobjih stali prazgodovinski naselbini: na Ljubljanskem gradu je bila naselbina t. i. kulture žarnih grobišč. Po najnovejših arheoloških izkopavanjih v zadnjih letih lahko na arheološkem najdišču Tribuna ob Dolenjski cesti sledimo poselitvi Ljubljane tudi v času okoli leta 1000 pr. n. št. Gre za strnjeno urbano naselje večjega obsega; arheologi so našli ulico s hišami (ognjišča in shrambne jame).65 Irena Žmuc 58 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Mit o argonavstski ustanovitvi Ljubljane se je tako zelo »prijel«, da so leta 1706 dijaki najvišjega razreda gramatike jezuitske gimnazije uprizorili igro z naslovom Prikazana je na odru slava Jazona, ki si jo je pridobil z ustanovitvijo Emone ali Kako Jazon s pomočjo hrabrih Emoncev srečno premaga zahrbtne naklepe svojega strica Pelia.66 Zgodba je precej prirejena. Plemeni Gorenjcev in Dolenjcev (zapisani sta latinski poimenovanji Gorenicos in Dolenicos, zato raziskovalci menijo, da je avtor besedila Slovenec) se med seboj prepirata, komu naj pripade Emona. Prepir reši Jazon, ki se mu Newton, 1728, 94; kralj Salomon, modri judovski kralj, je vladal od leta 970 do 931 pr. n. št. 63 Newton, 1728, 86–87, gl. še Južnič, 2010, 138-139. 64 Južnič, ibidem.. 65 Novšak, 2009, http. 66 Latinski naslov: Proposita theatraliker ê Condita Aemona/Jasonis Gloria/Seu/Jason de Patrui sui peliae insidiis feliciter/Aemoniensis virtute triumphans. 62 exactly the same calculations for the positions of the constellations.64 Newton’s calculation showed that the historians of Antiquity had placed the journey of the Argonauts 300 years too early, meaning that they supposedly set out on their expedition in the 10th century BCE. Taking both dates for the Argonaut expedition, that is the 13th and 10th centuries BCE, we may see that in both periods prehistoric settlements stood on the site of Ljubljana: at Ljubljana Castle there was a settlement of what was called the urn burial culture. And the latest archaeological excavations of recent years have yielded, at the ind site of what is called Tribuna along Dolenjska Street, traces of settlement in Ljubljana dating to around 1000 BCE. his was a tightly huddled urban settlement of some size and archaeologists have found a street with houses (ireplaces and store pits).65 he myth of the Argonauts establishing Ljubljana took hold so much that in 1706 pupils of the highest grade at the Jesuit grammar school performed a play entitled A stage presentation of the glory of Jason, acquired through the founding of Emona or How Jason with the help of the brave Emonans fortunately overcame the peridious machinations of his Uncle Pelias.66 he story was liberally adapted. he tribes of the Gorenjci and Dolenjci (given in the Latin names of Gorenicos and Dolenicos, so researchers believe that the author of the text was Slovenian) were quarrelling over whom Emona belonged to. he quarrel was resolved by Jason, who was resisted by the Argonauts, and chiely concerned who would contribute more to the ight against Aeetes. Ater the victory, the dispute continued as Južnič, manuscript, 2010. Novšak, 2009, http. 66 Latin title: Proposita theatraliker ê Condita Aemona/Jasonis Gloria/ Seu/Jason de Patrui sui peliae insidiis feliciter/Aemoniensis virtute triumphans. 64 65 uprejo argonavti, češ da naj pripade tistim, ki bodo več pripomogli v boju proti Ajetu. Po zmagi se spor nadaljuje z vprašanjem, kdo je več prispeval k zmagi. Spet posreduje Jazon in razsodi, da del Emone zahodno od Nauportusa pripade Gorenji Karniji, vzhodni del pa Dolenji. Nazadnje se Jazon in Ajet pobotata (!), argonavti se vrnejo v Jazonovo službo in zgradijo novo ladjo za Jazonovo vrnitev v domovino po Jadranskem morju. Ob slovesu Jazon v Karniji pusti svojega namestnika.67 Stoletna tradicija gledaliških predstav gojencev jezuitskega kolegija je prvič izbrala zgodbo o Jazonu, a »antično mitologijo, ob Jazonu, obravnava kakor zgodovino«.68 Grof Gian Rinaldo Carli69 je študiral ilozoijo, matematiko in retoriko na plemiškem kolegiju v Kopru, nato pa še v Padovi, je tri leta kasneje poučeval na katedri za teorijo navtike in ladjedelske arhitekture, obenem pa še astronomijo. Leta 1745 je objavil disertacijo o argonavtih na Krasu; zagovarjal jo je na univerzi v Padovi, izdal pa v Benetkah. Ne ukvarja se z ustanovitvijo Emone, pač pa dokazuje, tudi z navedki antičnih avtorjev, da so argonavti v Istri izpluli na morje.70 Prvi od naših učenjakov se je skliceval na datacijo potovanja argonavtov po Newtonu in na antičnega astronoma Hiparha.71 Slovenski razsvetljenec, zgodovinar in komediograf Anton Tomaž Linhart72 je v Poskusu zgodovine Kranjske in ostalih dežel južnih Slovanov Avstrije Grošelj, 2004, 106–107; jezuiti se v Ljubljani za stalno naselijo leta 1597. Ibidem. 69 Grof Gian Rinaldo Carli (1720–1795). V štirih nadaljevanjih se je v zgodovinskem časopisu Carniolia leta 1840 Franz Mühleisen odzval na Carlijevo delo o argonavtih. Zanimivo je, da avtor ne zanika argonavtskega potovanja, pač pa zgolj ovrže tezo, da so potovali prek naših krajev. 70 Carli, 1745, 76ss. 71 Sir Isaac Newton (1643–1727); Edmund Halley (1656–1742); Hiparh (okoli 190–okoli 120 pr. n. št.), starogrški astronom, geograf in matematik. 72 Anton Tomaž Linhart (1756–1795). to who had contributed more to the victory. Jason was again the mediator, and he ruled that the part of Emona west of Nauportus belonged to Gorenja Carniola, and the part to the east to Dolenja Carniola. Finally Jason and Aeetes were reconciled (!), the Argonauts returned to Jason’s service and built a new ship for Jason’s return to his homeland via the Adriatic Sea. On his departure, Jason leaves a deputy in Carniola.”67 his was the irst time the centuries-old tradition of theatrical performances by wards of the Jesuit college had chosen the story of Jason, but “ancient mythology, alongside Jason, was treated as history.”68 Carli Count Gian Rinaldo 69 who studied philosophy, mathematics and rhetoric at the nobility college in Koper, and then in Padua, taught three years later in the department of nautical theory and shipbuilding, as well as astronomy. In 1745 he published a dissertation on the Argonauts in the Karst, which he defended at the University of Padua and published in Venice. He does not deal with the founding of Emona but provides evidence, including citations of ancient writers, that the Argonauts entered the sea in Istria.70 he irst of our scholars made reference to Newton’s dating of the Argonauts and to the Hipparchus, the astronomer of Antiquity.71 67 68 In his Attempt at a history of Carniola and other lands of the southern Slavs of Austria, the Enlightenment igure, historian and playwright Anton Tomaž Linhart72 mentioned the Argonauts Grošelj, 2004, 106-107; the Jesuits arrived in Ljubljana for good in 1597. Ibidem. 69 Gian Rinaldo Count Carli 1720-1795. In four subsequent contributions in the historical newspaper “Carniolia” in 1840, Franz Mühleisen responded to Carli’s work on the Argonauts. It is interesting to note that the author does not deny the journey of the Argonauts, but merely rejects the notion that they travelled through this area. 70 Carli, 1745, 76. 71 Sir Isaac Newton (1643-1727); Edmund Halley (1656-1742); Hipparchus (circa 190 – circa 120 BCE), ancient Greek astronomer, geographer and mathematician. 72 Anton Tomaž Linhart 1756-1795. 67 68 Irena Žmuc 59 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE omenil argonavte in njihovo pot kot zgodovinsko dejstvo. Poglavje zaključi z besedami: »To je bilo približno 1260 let pr. Kr. … Tisti, ki ga hočejo izločiti iz vrste resničnih dogodkov, bi lahko na isti način zavrgli vso staro zgodovino.«73 Posnemovalci O Irena Žmuc 60 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA dejanski povezavi Črnega morja po Savi in po Donavi je razmišljal Gabrijel Gruber,74 ki je poleg profesure v Ljubljani opravljal še službo navigacijskega direktorja za vse reke v monarhiji, z izjemo Donave. Izdelal je načrte za dve povezavi: prva naj bi tekla od Devina po reki Timav, druga pa od območja Reke do Kolpe in Save. Sodeloval je s polbratom Tobijo, pa tudi z licejskim profesorjem Balthasarjem Hacquetom;75 avgusta 1775 so na novi jadrnici skupaj izpluli iz Krškega, pluli mimo Zagreba, Siska, Jasenovca in Slavonskega Broda ter oktobra dosegli cilj v Zemunu.76 O tej izkušnji je pisal tudi Hacquet in kritiziral uporabo jadrnic za tovorjenje po Savi.77 Gruber je najverjetneje sam zrisal važnejše točke in tokove; menil je, da bi bilo zamisel o prekopu mogoče uresničiti, saj so bile nadmorske višine rek primerne. »Do Krškega lahko ladje tovorijo po 150–180 centov, od Krškega do Beograda pa 300–400 centov. Vendar je plovba nevarna. Zato bi bilo treba staro rečno korito poravnati. Linhart, 1981, 16–19. Gabrijel Gruber (1740–1805). Balthasar Hacquet (1739–1815). 76 Avgij, v grški mitologiji kralj v Elidi. Njegov hlev (velik nered) je Heraklej očistil v enem dnevu tako, da je skozenj speljal vodo dveh rek. Brata Gruber sta imenovala Avgijev hlev povezavo Črnega morja z Jadranskim morjem. 77 Scopoli, 1984, 90–91. 73 74 75 and their route as historical fact. He concludes a chapter with the words: “his was approximately 1260 years before Christ. … hose who wish to exclude it from the succession of true events would in the same way be rejecting all of ancient history.”73 Imitators A n actual link with the Black Sea via the Sava and Danube was pondered by Gabrijel Gruber74 who, in addition to his professorship in Ljubljana, performed the job of navigational director for all rivers in the Empire, with the exception of the Danube. He made plans for two links: the irst would run from Devin along the Timav River, and the second from the area of Rijeka to the Kolpa and Sava. He collaborated with his half-brother Tobias and with the Lyceum professor Balthasar Hacquet,75 with whom he embarked in a new sailing boat in August 1775 from Krško, sailing through Zagreb, Sisak, Jasenovac and Slavonski Brod, reaching the goal of Zemun in October.76 Hacquet himself wrote about this trial and he pondered a revival of the Argonaut’s route.77 Gruber most probably charted the major points and lows himself since he believed that a canal would be feasible since the rivers were at appropriate altitudes. “Up to Krško, vessels may carry 150 – 180 cwt. each, and from Krško to Belgrade 300 – Linhart, 1981 16-19. Gabrijel Gruber 1740-1805. Balthasar Hacquet 1739-1815. 76 Augeas, in Greek mythology the King of Elis. His stables (in great disorder) were cleaned by Heracles in one day by running the water of two rivers through them. The Gruber brothers compared the Augean stables with the link between the Black Sea and Adriatic. 77 Scopoli, 1984, 90-91. 73 74 75 To je gotovo Heraklejevo delo, vendar potrebno in koristno, tako kot njegovo čiščenje Avgijevih hlevov.«78 Gruberjevi zamisli je bil naklonjen tudi nepodpisan recenzent: »Möchte jetzt der Vorschlag des würdigen Abbé Grubers günstigere Aufnahme funden, als er olim fand.«79 Argonavtsko pot, četudi v nasprotni smeri, je opravil častnik, podjetnik in jakobinec Janez Siegfried Heribert baron Tauferer.80 Baron je imel široko humanistično in matematično-tehnično znanje. Snoval je različne tehnične in gospodarske načrte v okviru avstrijske orientalske politike. V devetdesetih letih 18. stoletja je v gozdovih okoli Jasenovca sekal les za gradnjo ladij in bukve za pridobivanje pepelike. V letu 1782 je začel za Francoze izvažati les z lastno rečno ladjo. Tovoril je po Kolpi, Savi in Donavi ter po Črnem morju v Carigrad – v obratni smeri, z izjemo plovbe po Ljubljanici, je opravil argonavtsko pot!81 400 cwt. Navigation is hazardous, however. For this reason the old river bed would need to be dredged. his is no doubt a Herculean labour, but necessary and beneicial, as was his cleaning of the Augean stables.”78 he unsigned reviewer was favourably disposed towards Gruber’s idea: “Möchte jezt der Vorschlag des würdigen Abbé Grubers günstigere Aufnahme funden, als er olim fand.”79 he route of the Argonauts, albeit in the opposite direction, was completed by the oicer, entrepreneur and Jacobin Janez Siegfried Heribert, Baron Tauferer.80 he Baron had broad humanist, mathematical and technical knowledge. He formulated various technical and commercial plans as part of Austria’s oriental policy. In the 1790s he cut wood in the forests around Jasenovac to build ships, and beech to obtain potash. In 1782 he started to export wood for the French in his own river vessel. He hauled his cargo along the Kolpa, Sava, Danube and through the Black Sea to Istanbul – in the opposite direction, and with the exception of the Ljubljanica, he completed the route of the Argonauts!81 Južnič, 2006, 39-41. Annalen, 1802, 218. Janez Siegfried Heribert Taufferer (1750–1796). 81 Gspan, 1980, 21–22. Vodopivec, 1989: baron Taufferer se je že kot častnik v Vojni krajini pridružil prostozidarjem ter se povezal z avstrijskimi in madžarskimi jakobinci. Leta 1794 je pobegnil v Italijo, navezal stike s francoskimi diplomati in stopil v francosko službo. Med drugim je pripravil načrt za revolucijo v habsburških deželah. Avstrijci so ga leta 1795 ujeli in ga na Dunaju leto kasneje usmrtili. 78 79 80 Južnič, 2006, 39-41. Annalen, 1802, 218. Janez Siegfried Heribert Taufferer 1750-1796. 81 Gspan, 1980, 21-22. Vodopivec, 1989: as an officer in the Marches, Baron Taufferer joined the Freemasons and forged links with the Austrian and Hungarian Jacobins. In 1794 he fled to Italy and set up contacts with French diplomats, entering the service of the French. He also drew up plans for a revolution in the Habsburg dominions. In 1795 the Austrians captured him and a year later executed him in Vienna. 78 79 80 Irena Žmuc 61 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE Zanimanje ne ponehuje N a zgodovinarje 17. stoletja se je skliceval tudi France Prešeren,82 ko je v Elegiji svojim rojakam83 zapisal: »Kaj da čast očetov glasa / nima v pesmah starih dnov, / kaj da v zgodbah zdanj’ga časa / brati slave ni sinov? / V sedem gričih je prebival / volk in jastreb tankovid, / ko je že Navport umival / več sto let Emone zid.« (Ljubljana je 471 let starejša od Rima, na sedmerih gričih so se še pasle divje zveri, ko je Emona že stala.) Sustained interest T he historians of the 17th century were also relied upon by France Prešeren82 who wrote in his Elegy to His Countrymen83: “What voice to honour Irena Žmuc 62 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Slika 7: Načrt prekopa Dunaj-Trst / Figure 7: Plan of canal Vienna-Trieste Gotovo se je na Schönlebna, Valvasorja in Dolničarja skliceval avtor Zemljevida deželnega glavnega mesta Ljubljane iz leta 1853.84 Zemljevid France Prešeren (1800–1849). Prešeren, 1971, 119–120. Urednik Anton Slodnjak je v opombi na str. 322 razložil, da je pesnik napisal elegijo v Celovcu, kjer je opravljal odvetniški in sodni izpit. Primerjal je celovško meščansko okolje z domačim in se žalostil »nad narodno nezavednostjo Ljubljančanov, na njihovo malomarnost za domače književno in kulturno prizadevanje in na njihovo pridobivaštvo, ki ni kazalo nobenega smisla za domovinsko narodno čast.« 84 MGML, 510:LJU;0036915. 82 83 our fathers / as none there are in ancient poems, / what of the tales of today / wherein no gory of its sons? / On the seven hills dwelled / wolf and sharpsighted hawk, / when Nauportus already lapped / for centuries at the walls of Emona.” (Ljubljana is 471 years older than Rome, and wild animals grazed on Rome’s seven hills when Emona was already standing). here is no doubt that the author of the 1853 map 82 83 France Prešeren 1800-1849. Prešeren, 1971, 119-120. The editor Anton Slodnjak notes on page 322 the explanation that the poet wrote the Elegy in Klagenfurt, where he was taking his legal and court exam. He compared the Klagenfurt bourgeois environment and lamented “the lack of national consciousness of the Ljubljana people, their negligence of domestic literary and cultural efforts and their acquisitiveness, which has evinced no purpose for the home and national honour.” je založil Blasnik, izrisal ga je Emil Luterotti, posvečen pa je visokorodnemu gospodu Andreasu von Hohenwartnu, »k.k. wirklicher Hof- und Statthalttereirath zu Laibach«.85 Zemljevid je opremljen z dvema legendama z različnimi zanimivostmi o Ljubljani. V historični skici je avtor, morda Blasnik sam, uvodoma zapisal, da je mesto eno najstarejših v monarhiji, saj ga je ustanovil Jazon leta 1222 pr. n. št. Želja po neposredni povezavi habsburške monarhije z Jadranskim morjem pa je botrovala »argonavtskemu projektu« z začetka 20. stoletja. Inženir C. Wagenführer je projektiral študijo plovnega kanala od Dunaja do Jadranskega morja in jo na Dunaju izdal v samozaložbi.86 V uvodu je avtor zapisal, da ga je do idejne zasnove z že natančnimi tehničnimi rešitvami vodil razvoj hitrejših prometnih poti. Po načrtih drznega avstrijskega inženirja bi se uresničile antične, napačne predstave o bifurkaciji Donave. Plovni kanal bi tekel od Dunaja prek Gradca, Maribora, Pragerskega, Celja, Zidanega Mosta, Ljubljane, Vrhnike, Loža, Planine in Sežane do Občine in Barcola pri Trstu. Vse je ostalo v načrtih. Valentin Vodnik je v svoji Zgodovini vojvodine Kranjske, Trsta in Goriške groije87 zgodbo o argonavtih označil za pravljico. Zgodovinarja druge polovice 19. stoletja in konca 19. stoletja August Dimitz88 in Josip Gruden89 pa sta prepoznala historično vrednost mitološke Velika verjetnost je, da gre za Karla Sigmunda grofa von Hohenwartna, ki je bil leta 1848 izvoljen v frankfurtski parlament in bil do leta 1854 na Kranjskem (po ÖBL), kasneje deželni glavar Kranjske in predsednik avstrijske vlade. Ni znano, kako je Karl postal Andreas. – Podatke našel mag. Janez Polajnar. 86 MGML, 510:LJU;0025146. Načrt obsega gradbeno ekspertizo, oceno finančnih stroškov, sedem slik, pregledno karto, generalni profil plovne poti in dve tabeli. 87 Vodnik, 1812, 4. 88 Dimitz, 1874, I, 5. 89 Josip Gruden (1869–1922). 85 Chief Provincial City of Ljubljana referred to Schönleben, Valvasor and Dolničar.84 he map was published by Blasnik, and drawn by Emil Luterotti, while it is dedicated to the noble gentleman Andreas von Hohenwarten, “k.k. wirklicher Hofund Statthalttereirath zu Laibach”.85 he map is furnished with two keys featuring various points of interest about Ljubljana. In the historical sketch the author, perhaps Blasnik himself, writes by way of introduction that the city is one of the oldest in the monarchy, having been founded by Jason in 1222 BCE. he desire for a direct link between the Habsburg Empire and the Adriatic Sea gave rise to the “Argonaut project” at the beginning of the 20th century. At that time, the design project entitled Study of a navigable canal from Vienna to the Adriatic Sea was selfpublished by the engineer C. Wagenführer.86 In his introduction, the author writes that he was led to the conceptual design and precise technical solutions by the development of more rapid transport routes. he plans of the bold Austrian engineer would have seen the fulilment of the ancient, erroneous notion of the bifurcation of the Danube. he navigable canal would have run along the route of Vienna, Graz, Maribor, Pragersko, Celje, Zidani most, Ljubljana, Vrhnika, Lož, Planina, Sežana, Občine and Barcola by Trieste. It never got past the drawing board. In his History of the Duchy of Carniola, Trieste and the County of Gorica87, Valentin Vodnik labelled the story of the Argonauts a fairy tale. he historians MGML, 510:LJU;0036915. This very probably relates to Karl Sigmund Count von Hohenwarten, who was elected to the Frankfurt parliament in 1848 and up until 1854 was in Carniola (according to the ÖBL), later he was viceroy of Carniola and Austrian prime minister. It is not known how Karl became Andreas. – Information found by Janez Polajnar MA. 86 MGML, 510:LJU;0025146. The plan covers building expertise, financial costs, seven pictures, a chart, general profile of the navigable route and two tables. 87 Vodnik, 1812, 4. 84 85 Irena Žmuc 63 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE zapuščine. Gruden je v Zgodovini slovenskega naroda natančno opisal pot argonavtov in dodal: »V tej pravljici je vsaj toliko zgodovinske resnice, da so bile naše dežele starim Grkom dobro znane, ker so vedeli za lastnosti in tek njihovih vod. Morala je torej biti med njimi trgovinska zveza in naravne proge, po katerih se je gibal promet, so bile naše reke.«90 Zanimanje je ob koncu 19. stoletja pojenjalo in se umaknilo v sfero arheološke stroke, pred drugo svetovno vojno pa je spet sledil manjši »izbruh« razlage mitskega izročila. of the second half of the 19th century and end of the 19th century, August Dimitz88 and Josip Gruden89, however, recognised the historical value of the mythological legacy. In his History of the Slovenian Nation, Gruden precisely described the route of the Argonauts, adding: “In this fairy tale there is at least suicient historical truth that our lands were well known to the ancient Greeks since they knew about Irena Žmuc 64 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Slika 8: Načrt vodnjaka / Figure 8: Plan of fountain Politično so mit izrabili italijanski okupatorji. Že marca 1942 je rimski arhitekt Italo Mancini poslal v Ljubljano načrt za postavitev monumentalne 90 Gruden, 1911, 17–18. the properties and low of the waters here. here must, therefore, have been trade links between them, and the natural routes by which trade was conducted was our rivers.”90 From the end of the 19th century interest waned and withdrew into the domain of the archaeological profession, while up until the Second World War there were again some minor “outbreaks” of interpretation of the mythical tradition. Dimitz, 1874, I, 5. Josip Gruden 1869-1922. 90 Gruden, 1911, 17-18. 88 89 fontane na Kongresnem trgu.91 Megalomanski vodnjak bi na povsem »golem« trgu slavil zvezo med Kraljevino Italijo in Ljubljansko pokrajino, ki naj bi bila nov biser v italijanski kroni: veličasten vodnjak z upodobitvami legende o argonavtih, s štirimi glavami rimske volkulje, ki bi bruhale vodo, s štirimi različno velikimi kroglami in z dvanajstimi stebri, ki bi obkrožali sprednji del. Vodnjak naj bi na dveh stebrih ob straneh »čuvala« Zevsova dvojčka Kastor in Polidevk.92 he Italian occupation force exploited the myth politically. As early as March 1942, Italo Mancini, an architect from Rome, sent to Ljubljana plans for the erection of a monumental fountain in Kongresni Trg.91 he extravagant fountain would, in the entirely “bare” square, glorify the connection between the Kingdom of Italy and the Ljubljana region, which would supposedly be the new jewel in the Italian Irena Žmuc 65 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE Mancini, ZAL. Gl. še: Kambič, 1980, 139: trdi, da je bilo stališče občine do projekta negativno. Brezkompromisno poročilo ing. Kobeta je bilo, da bi bila fontana predvsem politični projekt, da je projekt tragičnega razkola med rimsko tradicijo in sodobnostjo, da ne upošteva nasada platan in sedanjih poti v Zvezdi, da je treba dati prednost domačim arhitektom itn. Odgovora ing. Kobeta nismo našli. 92 Mancini, ZAL. 91 crown: a magniicent fountain with depictions of the legend of the Argonauts, with the four heads of the Roman she-wolf spouting water, with four spheres of difering sizes and 12 columns that would encircle the front section. he fountain would have been “guarded” by Zeus’ twins Castor and Pollux on two columns at the sides.92 Mancini, ZAL. Also see: Kambiè, 1980, 139: he asserts that the municipality’s view of the project was negative. The uncompromising report of engineer Kobe was that the fountain would be primarily a political project, that it was a project of the tragic slaughter between Roman tradition and modernity, that it did not take into account the stand of plane trees and the current paths in the star shape, that priority should be given to local architects and so on. Engineer Kobe’s response has not been found. 92 Mancini, ZAL. 91 Močnejši pečat sta med Slovenci pustili literatura in publicistika. M ed slovenskimi bralci je močno zasidran Janez Jalen z zgodovinskim romanom Bobri, ki ga je izdal v letih 1942/43. Morda se je na svojevrsten način postavil po robu italijanskim okupatorjem. V poglavjih, kjer že opisuje zaton koliščarskega naselja Ostrorogega Jelena, govori o prihodu ladje Argo, ki jo nezaupljivi Ostrorogi Jelen sicer občuduje, in prišleke poimenuje črnolasi vzhodnjaki.93 Pri tem smo opazili zanimivo razliko: za Jalna so bili tujci črnolasci (Italijani?), pri Apoloniju Rodoškem pa beremo: »Svoje svetlolase glave so ovenčali z lovorjem /.../.«94 Irena Žmuc 66 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Leta 1943 je izšel manj znani roman Radislava Rudana95 z naslovom Argonavti. Rudan opisuje celotno epopejo argonavtske poti. Seveda se roman odvija tudi na območju Ljubljane: »Reki, po kateri so pripluli, so dali ime Nevferta, novi naselbini pa po koliščarskem jezeru Eblana.«96 V istem obdobju je časopis Slovenski narod objavil poročilo o dogodkih o Kavkazu, »o katerem se je spletlo že v starem veku mnogo pravljic«, omenja tudi pot argonavtov, a se ne naveže na Emono.97 A stronger imprint was left on the Slovenians by literature and journalism A irm place in the minds of Slovenian readers is occupied by Janez Jalen and his historical novel Bobri [Beavers], published in 1942/43. Perhaps in his own way he was standing up against the Italian occupation. In the chapters where he describes the decline of the stilt-dwelling settlement of Ostrorogi Jelen (Sharp-horned Deer), the Argo sails in. Jalen called the newcomers dark-haired easterners.93 he suspicious folk of Ostrorogi Jelen admired the great vessel, but we have also noticed an interesting diference. For Jalen the foreigners were dark-haired (Italians?), while in Apollonius Rhodius we read: “heir fair heads were wreathed in laurels…”94 In 1943 Radislav Rudan95 published his lesser-known novel Argonavti. Rudan describes the entire epic of the Argonaut’s journey. Of course, the novel also takes place in the Ljubljana area: “he river by which they sailed was named by them Neuferta, and the new settlement by the stilt-dwelling lake, Eblana.”96 In the same period, the newspaper Slovenski narod carried a report on events in the Caucasus, “about which in ancient times many tales were spun”, and this mentions the route of the Argonauts, but does not tie it to Emona.97 Jalen, 1982, 521ss. Clemenz, Argonavti, 2008, I, 40. SBL, 1964, 70. Radislav Rudan, pravo ime Radislav (Franc) Rehar (1894– 1969). Književnik in časnikar. 96 Rudan, II, 115. 97 Slovenski narod, 1942.dlib 93 94 95 Jalen, 1982, 521ss. Clemenz, Argonavti, 2008,I, 40. 95 SBL, 1964,70. Radislav Rudan, rela name Radislav (Franc) Rehar 1894-?. Writer and journalist. 96 Rudan, II, 115. 97 Slovenski narod, 1942.dlib 93 94 Še nekaj zanimivejših navedkov o mitičnih junakih pri nas I van Pregelj98 se upre nemškim zgodovinarjem z navajanjem »bajne pravljice o Jazonu ali Jeznem. Ta sloviti avanturist, pripoveduje Valvasor, je prišel s svojimi Argonavti v kraj, kjer danes stoji Ljubljana.« Razloži tudi nastanek imena: »Lepa hčerka ribiča, ki jo je srečal na bregu, mu je bila všeč in jo je vprašal za pot: Puella dulcis, dic mihi, amoena, ubi via recta? Ker ga ni razumela, mu je odgovorila le ‘Amoena’ in tako naj bi kraj dobil ime.« Jože Olaj v svojem pesniškem prvencu Argonavti razume argonavte kot trpko slepilo: »/…/ in vemo tudi, / da je Aresov gaj samo cenena prevara / s papirnatim zmajem, / ko prispeš, / je runo že udomačeno / in tako dolgo so ga namakali / v postani vodi, / da je zgubilo svoj lesk, / potem so ga razmnožili / in ga dobiš v vsaki traiki.«99 Argonavti naj bi bili celo predhodniki tihotapcev ob Jadranskem morju. »Mreža njihovih blodenj se je baje dotaknila tudi našega ozemlja. Martin Krpan in Argonavti? Vezava je resnično narejena in skrajno fantastična. Toda zapisana je mitološka resnica, da gre v bajki in pripovedki za isti povedek, motiv, ki stalno menja osebek.«100 Zanimivi sta omembi mita pri Bojanu Štihu in Matjažu Kmeclu. »V meni se je za štiri leta prebudila zdrava liška kri mojih prednikov, tistega praočeta, ki je z Pregelj, 1926, 67–77.dlib Olaj, 2004, 40–41. 100 Orel, 1931.dlib 98 Here are some other fascinating mentions of mythical heroes in this area. I van Pregelj98 sets himself up against the German historians by citing the “fairy tale of Jason or Jesen. hat celebrated adventurer, narrates Valvasor, came with his Argonauts to the place where Ljubljana stands today.” He also explains the origin of the name: “He was captivated by a beautiful isherman’s daughter, whom he encountered on the bank, and he asked her the way: Puella dulcis, dic mihi, amoena, ubi via recta? Since she did not understand him, she merely replied “Amoena”, and this is how the place apparently gained its name.” In his poetical debut Argonavti, Jože Olaj regards the Argonauts as a bitter illusion: “… and we also know / that the grove of Aries is just a cheap deception / with a paper dragon, / when you arrive, / the leece is already domesticated, / and it has been soaked so long / in stagnant water / that it has lost its lustre, / then it was duplicated, / and you can get one at any kiosk.”99 he Argonauts were supposedly even the predecessors of smugglers along the Adriatic coast. “heir web of aimless wandering has also apparently touched our land. Martin Krpan and the Argonauts? he connection is seriously made and extremely fantastical. But what is written is a mythological truth, that the fairy tale and narrative involve the same predicate and motif, with constant changes of subject.”100 99 here are interesting mentions of the myth by Bojan Štih and Matjaž Kmecl. Pregelj, 1926, 67-77 .dlib Olaj, 2004, 40-41. 100 Orel, 1931.dlib 98 99 Irena Žmuc 67 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE dvaindevetdesetimi leti plaval čez Kolpo, in kdo ve še kakšnih hajdukov in Erov! Tudi kri Argonavtov: pred štiri tisoč leti so prešli rosno Barje in zapustili potomca! Argonavti! O, kako čudovito je bilo živeti v klokotanju te zdrave prakrvi, ki jo je začutilo prožno, mlado telo ...«101 »Svet tod je bil po svoji substratni civiliziranosti izjemno pisan, saj je bil dolgo dotlej že nekakšno križišče poti med barbarskim vzhodom in Azijo ter kulturnim Mediteranom, med staro Helado in evropskim severozahodom. Tod čez so vodile prastare in pomembne poti v Orient, čezenj so potovali stari Argonavti, jantarski trgovci in rimske kohorte. /…/«102 Irena Žmuc 68 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Dane Zajc je prvi napisal skrajšano priredbo Argonavtov za otroke, a se nastanka Emone ne dotakne, na naše kraje bi se lahko nanašal le hitri zaključek: »Pluli so po rekah in mnogih morjih. Včasih so morali prenašati Argo na ramenih od ene vode čez kopno do drugega morja.«103 Zgodovinsko upodobitev izkrcanja argonavtov na tleh Ljubljane je v letih 1936/37 izdelal slikar meščanskega žanra, portretist, krajinar in vedutist Ivan Vavpotič: v avli nekdanje Trgovske akademije, današnje Ekonomske šole v Ljubljani, je naslikal monumentalno upodobitev dramatičnega trenutka pristanka ladje Argo ob lesenem pomolu na koliščarskem jezeru. Osrednji iguri sta Jazon in Medeja. Zdi se, da so domačini, ki jih je zmotil prihod tujcev, do prišlekov nezaupljivi.104 Štih, 1968, 44. Kmecl, 1988. 103 Zajc, 1999, 26. 104 Opis Metka Simončič. 101 102 “Four years ago there awoke in me a healthy dose of the blood of my ancestors, of that great grandfather who, aged 92, swam across the Kolpa, and who knows what bandits and Erov! And the blood of the Argonauts: four thousand years ago they crossed the dewy Barje and let ofspring! he Argonauts! Oh, how wonderful it was to live in the gurgling of that healthy ancient blood, felt by the lexible young body…”101 “In its substrate civilisation the land here was exceptionally variegated since it had long been a kind of crossroads between the Barbarian east and Asia and the cultured Mediterranean, between ancient Hellada and the north-west of Europe. Ancient and important routes ran through here to the Orient, and along them voyaged the ancient Argonauts, amber traders and Roman cohorts. …”102 Dane Zajc irst wrote a short version of his adaptation Argonavti for children, but he does not touch on the founding of Emona, and only the hasty conclusion might relate to this area: “hey sailed through rivers and many seas. At times they had to carry the Argo on their shoulders from one body of water across land to another sea.”103 A historical depiction of the disembarking of the Argonauts at the site of Ljubljana was painted in 1936/37 by the burgher genre painter, portrait artist and veduta painter Ivan Vavpotič, and this can be seen in the lobby of the former Trade Academy, today the Ljubljana Economics School. He painted a monumental depiction of the dramatic moment when the Argo docked alongside a wooden wharf in the stilt-dwelling lake, surprising the local people. he central igures are Jason and Medea. It seems Štih, 1968, 44. Kmecl, 1988. 103 Zajc, 1999, 26. 101 102 Danes – identiteta, tradicija R eka pomeni pot in Ljubljanica je bila že od prazgodovine plovna pot težko prehodnega Ljubljanskega barja. Pot vrnitve argonavtov skozi naše kraje odraža vedenje o starih trgovskih poteh, ki so vodile čez Balkanski polotok v Italijo.105 Današnja Ljubljana je bila že tedaj križišče poti od Črnega morja k Alpam in od Baltika do Jadrana.106 Danes se raziskovalci107 ne sprašujejo več o argonavtskem prihodu, pač pa razpravljajo o stvarnih podlagah, ki so pripeljale Grke v naše kraje. Gotovo so prišli trgovci, rudarji, popotniki, raziskovalci … Hubert Clemenz je v celoti prevedel Argonavtiko po Apoloniju Rodoškem (prva knjiga), v drugi knjigi je zapisal kritične opombe, opisal izvor epa, razmere v Grčiji itn., v tretji knjigi pa je v kartah, risbah in slikah predstavil pot argonavtov po naših krajih. Sam je šel po argonavtski poti in skuša dokazati, da opis geografskih danosti povsem ustreza opisu v mitu.108 Šašel Kos, 2006, 20. Šašel, 1984, 35–45. 107 Šašel, Šašel Kos, Bratož. 108 Clemenz, 2008, I–III. 105 106 that the local people, confused by the arrival of the strangers, are mistrusting of the newcomers.104 Today – identity, tradition A river is a means of travel and since prehistoric times the Ljubljanica had been a route of navigation through the inaccessible Ljubljansko Barje wetlands. he return route of the Argonauts through these lands relects knowledge of ancient trade routes that ran through the Balkan peninsula to Italy.105 Present-day Ljubljana was even then a crossroads of routes from the Black Sea to the Alps and from the Baltic to the Adriatic.106 Nowadays researchers107 are no longer wondering about the arrival of the Argonauts, but are discussing the real basis for the Greeks being led to this area. Merchants, miners, travellers and explorers certainly came here. Hubert Clemenz translated in its entirety the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius (irst book), in his second book he wrote critical notes, the origin of the epic, the circumstances in Greece and so forth, and in his third book he presented the route of the Argonauts through this area in maps, drawings and paintings. He himself went along the route of the Argonauts and he attempts to demonstrate that the described geographical features entirely match the descriptions in the myth.108 Description by Metka Simončič. Šašel Kos, 2006, 20. 106 Šašel, 1984, 35-45. 107 Šašel, Šašel Kos, Bratož. 108 Clemenz, 2008, I–III. 104 105 Irena Žmuc 69 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE O etimologiji poimenovanja Emona Z a različne grške toponime in oronime, ki so v zahodnobalkanskem in severozahodnoitalskem krogu bolj intenzivni, še ni prave jezikovne razlage. Npr.: Aegida (Koper), Piranon (Piran), Neapolis (Novigrad), Ad Pirum (Hrušica, morda iz grškega korena pŷr), Okra (Nanos), Nauportus (Ljubljanica, Vrhnika).109 Prav tako so grška poimenovanja Karouánka (Karavanke), Phligádia (območje med Tirolsko in Julijskimi Alpami), Istra naj bi dobila ime po Donavi (Istros), Ákylis (Soča, ni zanesljivo), hélos Loúgeon (verjetno Cerkniško jezero).110 Irena Žmuc 70 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Ime Emona je še vedno uganka. Jezikoslovci o njegovem izvoru še niso dali odgovora – je iskati izvor poimenovanja Emone po Haemonii, kot se je v antiki imenovala Jazonova domovina Tesalija, zgolj špekulacija?111 V Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mithology najdemo naslednjo razlago imena Haemonia:112 Haemon 1. Sin Pelasga in oče Tesala. Antično ime za Tesalijo, iz Haemon izpeljana Haemonia ali Aemonia (po Apollon. Rhod. iii.1090; Plin. H.N. iv.). Naj omenimo še poskus Davorina Trstenjaka, ki je po svoje izpeljal antično ime. Sam je kritičen do »Jasonovega brodarjenja po Dunaji (Donavi), Savi in Ljublani, saj ni važno, kje je Jazon privezal svojo barko«, zapiše pa svoj etimološki pogled: »/.../ in Šašel, 1984, 37. Bratož, 2003, 252–253. 111 Dictionary, 2009, 324. 112 Dictionary, p. 324 (v. 2). 109 110 On the etymology of the name Emona T here are as yet no proper linguistic explanations for the various Greek toponyms and oronyms that are fairly prominent in the western Balkan and north-western Italic domain. For example, Aegida (Koper), Piranon (Piran), Neapolis (Novigrad), Ad Pirum (Hrušica, perhaps from the Greek root pŷr), Okra (Nanos) and Nauportus (Ljubljanica, Vrhnika).109 Equally there are the Greek names Karouánka (Karavanke), Phligádia (the area between the Tyrolean and Julian Alps), Istria supposedly gained its name from the Danube (Istros), Ákylis (Aquilis, the Soča, uncertain), hélos Loúgeon (probably the lake of Cerkniško Jezero). 110 he name Emona is still an enigma. Linguistic experts have not yet provided an answer for the origin of the name – so is it mere speculation to seek the origin of the name Emona in Haemonia, as hessaly, Jason’s homeland, was called in Antiquity?111 In the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology there is the following explanation of the name Haemonia:112 Haemon 1. Son of Pelasgus and father of hessalus. he ancient name of hessaly, from Haemon is derived Haemonia or Aemonia (ater Apollon. Rhod. iii.1090; Plin. H.N. iv.). Mention should also be made of the attempt by Davorin Trstenjak to ind in his own way the derivation of the ancient name. He is himself critical of “Jason’s navigation along the Danube, Sava and Ljubljana, since it is not important where Jason tied Šašel, 1984, 37. Bratož, 2003, 252-253. 111 Dictionary, 2009, 324. 112 Dictionary, p. 324 (v. 2). 109 110 postavljam za tema imena Aemona, indiški glagol am (vindiziran em), latinski amare, ljubiti.«113 Zagotovo Jazon kot prispodoba iskalca resnice še vedno živi, on in njegovi »argonavti so še vedno na poti za svojimi sijočimi slepili«.114 up his ship”, but he records thus his etymological view: “…and I submit for this name Aemona, the Indian verb am (Wendish em), Latin amare, to love.”113 In his allegorical capacity as a seeker of truth, Jason undoubtedly lives on, together with “… the Argonauts, still journeying ater their gleaming illusions.”114 Irena Žmuc 71 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE Slika 8: Jazon / Figure 8: Jason 113 114 Trstenjak, 1854, 311. Repar, 2004, zavihek. 113 114 Trstenjak, 1854, 311. Repar, 2004, cover note. VIRI IN LITERATURA / REFERENCES Avbelj, B. 2006, Antična mitologija [Mythology of Antiquity]. – Modrijan: Ljubljana. Bohinec, V. 1969 Slovenske dežele na zemljevidih od 16. do 18. stoletja [The Slovenian lands in maps from the 16th to 18th century]. – Ljudska pravica: Ljubljana, 3-9. Bratož, R. 1992, Zosimos. Neue Geschichte. – in: Zgodovinski časopis, 46, 2. Publication of the Association of Historical Societies of Slovenia (Zveza zgodovinskih društev Slovenije): Ljubljana. Bratož, R. 2003, Grška zgodovina: Kratek pregled s temeljnimi viri in izbrano literaturo [Greek History: a brief overview with basic sources and selected literature]. – Zveza zgodovinskih društev Slovenije: Ljubljana, 245-255. 72 “HAIL TO THE VENERABLE DAUGHTER OF JASON!” THE ARGONAUTICA, OR THE MYTHICAL FOUNDERS OF EMONA/ LJUBLJANA Južnič, S. 2006 Gabrijel Gruber: Od ljubljanskega prekopa do jezuitskega generala [Gabrijel Gruber: from the Ljubljana canal to Jesuit general]. – Družina: Ljubljana. Južnič, S. 2008 Pouk fizike v Kopru v luči srednjeevropskih sodobnikov [The teaching of phhysics in Koper in the light of medieval contemporaries]. – in: L΄insegnemento della fisica. Capodistria, 143-187. Carli, G. G. 1785, Della spedizione degli Argonauti in Coleo, libri quatro. In cui vari punti si dilucidano intorno alla navigazoine, all´ astronomia, alla cronologia, e alla geografia degli antichi. – G. Braglia: Mantova. Južnič, S., 2009 Koprska fizika pred 20. stoletjem: Nadaljevanje šole v Kopru od časov Giuseppeja Tartinija do konca 19. stoletja [Koper physics before the 20th century: continuation of the school in Koper from the times of Giuseppe Tartini to the end of the 19th century]. – in: Acta Histriae, 17,4, 143-187. Koper. Clemenz, H. 2008, Argonavti Apollonija Rodoškega [The Argonauts of Apollonius Rhodius], I-III. – Galerija 2: Vrhnika. Južnič, S. 2010, attachment to the copy of Newton’s Chronology. Manuscript. Cvirn, J. et al. 2000 Zemljevidi od antike do 16. stoletja [Maps from Antiquity to the 16th century]. – in: Ilustrirana zgodovina Slovencev [Illustrated History of Slovenians] (Vidic M. ur.). Založba MK: Ljubljana, 446. Južnič, S. 2010 Carli – prvi Newtonov zagovornik z območja sodobne Slovenije [Carli – Newton’s first advocate in the area of modern-day Slovenia]. – in: Acta Histriae, under review. Dimitz, A. 1874, Geschichte Krains von den ältesten Zeit bis auf Jahr 1813, I. – Ljubljana. Irena Žmuc Južnič, S. 2006 Gabrijel Gruber in navigacijski inženir Jurij Vega – 2. del [Gabrijel Gruber and the navigational engineer Jurij Vega – Part 2]. – in: Arhivi, 29, 1, 39-63. Publication of the Archive Society and Archives of Slovenia (Arhivsko društvo in arhivi Slovenije): Ljubljana. First, B. 1997 Prestolnica Ljubljana – nekoč in danes [The Capital City Ljubljana – then and now]. – in: Prestolnica Ljubljana – nekoč in danes (Habič M. ed.). National Museum of Slovenia: Ljubljana. Gspan, A. 1980, Taufferer Janez Siegfried Heribert. – in: Slovenski biografski leksikon [Slovenian Biographical Lexicon], Vol. 12, (A. Gspan, F. Petrè eds.), Ljubljana. Gregenegger, D. 1994, Augustinus Tyfernus, Jean Jacques Boissard und die älteste überlieferung norischer Inschriften. Diplomarbeit. – ÖNB: Vienna, 50-56, 134-135. Grošelj, N. 2004, Antična književnost pri pouku jezuitov v Ljubljani [Literature of Antiquity in Jesuit Teaching in Ljubljana]. – in: Keria IV-2, 106-107. Ljubljana. Grošelj, N. 2008, Bajke: dialog z antiko [Mythical Tales: dialogue with Antiquity]. – ISH: Ljubljana. Gruden, J. 1911, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda [History of the Slovenian Nation]. – Družba sv. Mohorja: Celje. Hacquet, B. 1984, La vita di Belsazar Hacquet ed il suo viaggio a vela sulla Sava da Lubiana a Semlin. Autobiografia di Joannes Antonius Scopoli, (Pilleri, G. and Mušič, D. eds.). – Waldau-Bern: Verlag des Hiranatomischen Institutes. Horvat, F. 2005, Sto vodnjakov na Slovenskem [A Hundred Fountains in Slovenia]. – Prešernova družba: Ljubljana, 104-105. Jalen, J. 1982, Bobri [Beavers]. – Mladinska knjiga: Ljubljana. Južnič, S. 2003 Pedagoško in znanstveno delo bratov Gruber [The Pedagogical and Scientific Work of the Gruber Brothers]. – in: Kronika, 51, 2, 151-177. Zveza zgodovinskih društev Slovenije: Ljubljana. Južnič, S. 2006 Pirančan Tartini s kombinacijskim tonom proti d΄Alambertu [The Piranese Tartini and the combination tone against d’Alambert]. – in: Annales. Series historia et sociologia, 16, 1, 133-144. Koper. Kambič, M. 1980 Iz starih fotografskih albumov: Projekt fontane v ljubljanskem parku Zvezda [From old photo albums: the fountain project in Ljubljana’s Zvezda Park]. – in: Kronika, No.2, 138-139. Kmecl, M. 1988 Kulturnozgodovinski portret (kroki) Slovencev [Cultural and historical portrait (sketches) of Slovenians]. – in: Sodobnost, 36, 12. Ljubljana. dlib.si Kokole, S. 2006, Some Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Appropriations and Adaptations of the Myth of the Argonauts in Ljubljana. – in: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century. (M. Kokole, B. Murovec, M. Šašel Kos, M. Talbot eds.), ZRC SAZU: Ljubljana, 213-259. Kopriva, S. 1989 Ljubljana skozi čas: Ob latinskih in slovenskih napisih in zapisih [Ljubljana through time: in Latin and Slovenian inscriptions and notes]. – Založba Borec: Ljubljana. Lavrič, A. (ed.) 2003 Zgodovina ljubljanske stolne cerkve [The History of the Ljubljana Cathedral]: Ljubljana 1701-1714. – France Stele Art History Institute, ZRC SAZU: Ljubljana. Lazius, W. 1584 Carinthiae ducatus, et Goritiae, Karstii, Chaczeolae, Carniolae, Histriae, et Windorum marchae descrip. – in: National and University Library, cartographic and pictorial collection, A IV – 27. Linhart, A.T., 1981, Poskus zgodovine Kranjske in ostalih dežel južnih Slovanov Avstrije [Attempt at a history of Carniola and other lands of the southern Slavs of Austria]. – Slovenska matica: Ljubljana. Mancini, I. 1943 Prospetto frontale. – in: ZAL, Reg I 2396, II A/6. Marinčič, M. 2006, The Poetics of the Argonauts Voyage: Shamanism, Sorcery and Art. – in: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century. (M. Kokole, B. Murovec, M. Šašel Kos, M. Talbot eds.), ZRC SAZU: Ljubljana. MGML, 510:LJU;0025306 Seal, middle of the 15th century. MGML, 510:LJU;0025328 Medicant badge, 1667. MGML, 510:LJU;0027415 Leda and the Swan, fragment. MGML, 510:LJU;0036915 Map of the Provincial Capital, Ljubljana, 1853. Rudan, R. 1943, Argonavti [The Argonauts]. – Slovenčeva knjižnica: Ljubljana. Mihelič, D. 1998 Jezuit Janez Ludvik Schonleben kot zgodovinar [The Jesuit Janez Ludvik Schonleben as a historian]. – in: Jezuitski kolegij v Ljubljani [The Jesuit College in Ljubljana] (1597-1773). (V. Rajšp ed.), Ljubljana: Milko Kos Historical Institute of ZRC SAZU: Provincialate of the Slovenian Province of the Society of Jesus: Institute of Church History, Theology Faculty, 247-261. Schönleben, J. L. 1674 Aemona vindicata sive Labaco metropoli Carnioliae. – Salisburgi. dlib Mühleisen, F. 1840, Ueber die Rückkehr der Argonauten aus Kolchis, und die wärend derselben angeblich veranlaßte Gründung Aemona΄s. Nach Carli. – in: Carniolia. Zeitschrift für Kunst, Wissenschaft und geselliges Leben. 22, 25 and 29 May and 1 June. Münster, S. 1550 Cosmography, oder Beschreibung aller Länder. – in: National and University Library, cartographic and pictorial collection, 2368. Schönleben, J. L. 1681 Carniolia antiqua et nova. – Labaci. dlib Simoniti, P. 1979, Humanizem na Slovenskem in slovenski humanisti do srede XVI. Stoletja [Humanism in Slovenia and Slovenian humanists up to the mid-16th century]. - Slovenska matica: Ljubljana, 83-112. Simoniti, P. 1982, Tyfernus. – in: Slovenski biografski leksikon. (A. Gspan, J. Munda, F. Petrè eds.), Vol. 13, SAZU: Ljubljana, 262-265. Šašel Kos, M. 2006, A Few Remarks Concerning the archaiologia of Nauportus and Emona: The Argonauts. – in: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century. (M. Kokole, B. Murovec, M. Šašel Kos, M. Talbot eds.), ZRC SAZU: Ljubljana. Murovec, B. 2006, Graphische Darstellung der Geschichte Jasons im Lichte der Herausgeber- und Sammeltätigkeit Johann Weichard Valvasors. – in: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century. (M. Kokole, B. Murovec, M. Šašel Kos, M. Talbot eds.), ZRC SAZU: Ljubljana, 259-276. Šašel Kos, M. 2009, Ljubljanica in mit o Argonavtih [The Ljubljanica and the myth of the Argonauts]. in: Ljubljanica kulturna dediščina reke [Ljubljanica, cultural heritage of the rivier]. National Museum of Slovenia: Ljubljana, 110-113. NN, 1802, Annalen der österreichischen Literatur. – Nr. 28, XXVIII. Stück, 218. Vienna. Trstenjak, D. 1854 Zgodovinski pomenki: Rimska cesta iz Akvileje čez Emono v Sisek [Historical discussions: the Roman road from Aquileia through Emona to Sisak]. – in: Novice, 78, 310-311, 315-318, 319, 323: Ljubljana. Novšak, M. 2009, http://tribuna.freehost386.com/najdisce.html Olaj, J. 2004, Argonavti [The Argonauts]. – Društvo Apokalipsa: Ljubljana. Orel, B. 1933 O Levstikovem Martinu Krpanu [On Levstik and Martin Krpan]. – in: Dom in svet, 44, 10. Ljubljana. dlib Österreichisches Biographisches Lexicon und Biographische Dokumentation 1815-1950. – www.biographien.ac.at/ oebl?frames=yes Štih, B. 1968 O Ketteju in Kosovelu [On Kette and Kosovel]. – in: Sodobnost, 16, 11. Ljubljana. dlib.si Valvasor, J. V. 1689 Die Ehre des Herzogthums Crain. – Laybach. dlib Uredništvo, 1964, Radislav Rehar. – in: Slovenski biografski leksikon (A. Gspan ed.), Vol. 9, SAZU: Ljubljana. Vodnik, V. 1812 Geschichte des Herzogthums Krain, des Gebietes von Triest und der Grafschaft Görz. – Vienna. Otorepec, B., Jurečič, Valt 1996, Zgodovina grba mesta Ljubljane [History of the Crest of the City of Ljubljana]. – Heraldica Slovenica Society: Ljubljana. Vodopivec, P. 2006, Le Jacobin de la Carniole: Le baron Siegfried von Taufferer et la France. – in: Publications de la Sorbonne, Paris, 15-27. Perini, G., 2006, Il fregio con le storie di Giasone dipinto dai Carracci a Palazzo Fava, Bologna. – in: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century. (M. Kokole, B. Murovec, M. Šašel Kos, M. Talbot eds.), ZRC SAZU: Ljubljana, 211. Vodopivec, P. 1989, Liberté Égalité – Prostost Enakost: odsevi francoske revolucije [Liberté Égalité – Freedom, Equality: reflections of the French Revolution]. – in: City Museum of Ljubljana pamphlet: Ljubljana. Pregelj, I. 1926 Osmero pesmi [An Eightsome of Poems]. – in: Dom in svet, 39, 1. Ljubljana. dlib Zajc, D. 1999, Argonavti [The Argonauts]. – ZDSLU: Ljubljana. Preinfalk, M. 2005, Auerspergi: po sledeh mogočnega tura [The Auerspergs: tracking the mighty aurochs]. – Založba ZRC, Milko Kos Historical Institute: Ljubljana. Prešeren, F. 1971, Elegija svojim rojakom [Elegy to His Countrymen]. – in: Pesnitve in pisma [Poems and Letters]. (A. Slodnjak ed.), Kondor: Ljubljana, 119-120. Raztresen, M. 1974, V Krakovem zakopana Jazonova Emona [Jason’s Emona Buried in Krakovo]. – in: Dnevnik, XXIII, 55, 10. Ljubljana. Raztresen, M. 1974 Bojna ladja na Ljubljanici [Warship on the Ljubljanica]. – in: Dnevnik, XXIII, 334, 10. Ljubljana. Reuters, 2007 Kjer je volkulja dojila Romula in Rema [Where the she-wolf suckled Romulus and Remus]. – in: Delo, 22 Nov. 2007, 19. Ljubljana. Zupan, G. 1991, Janez Khumerstainer: Herkulov in Neptunov vodnjak [Janez Khumerstainer: the fountains of Hercules and Neptune]. – in: City Museum of Ljubljana pamphlet: Ljubljana. Wagenführer, C. 1900, Studie über einen Schiffarhrts-Canal von der Donau zur Adria (Wien – Trst). Selsbverlage: Vienna. – MGML, 510:LJU;0025306 Plan of the Vienna-Trieste canal, 1900. http//.de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liste_der_Ritter_des_Ordens_ vom_Goldenen_Vlies www.ancientlibrary.com/smith-bio/1432.html. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, 324 (v.2). Irena Žmuc 73 POZDRAVLJENA ČASTITLJIVA JAZONOVA HČI! ARGONAVTIKA ALI O MITIČNIH USTANOVITELJIH EMONE/ LJUBLJANE LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE O bmočje severnega Jadranskega morja je od 13. stoletja pred našim štetjem predstavljajo pomembno stičišče, ki je trgovsko povezovalo Sredozemlje s severnim delom Apeninskega polotoka in z območji srednje Evrope. Obstaja več mitov in izročil, ki ohranjajo spomin na poti, po katerih je potekala trgovina s sredozemskim bronom in baltskim jantarjem.1 Med njimi je tudi izročilo o argonavtih, ki je nastalo pred 8. stoletjem pr. n. št.,2 nanaša pa se na čas 13. stoletja pr. n. št. Predvsem mitološko izročilo nam kaže tudi, da je prostor današnje Slovenije »v zavesti izobraženega grškega človeka obstajal vsaj od klasične dobe dalje«.3 Sami materialni viri in raziskave materialne kulture pa dokazujejo stike med današnjim slovenskim prostorom in Grki v t. i. temni oziroma prehodni dobi grške zgodovine od 1 2 3 Zlobec, 1999, str. 11–32. Šašel Kos, 2009, str. 112. Bratož, 2003, str. 245. Janez Polajnar LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY Janez Polajnar 75 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE S ince the 13th century BCE, the area of the northern Adriatic Sea has been an important point of contact, providing a trade link for the Mediterranean with the northern part of the Apennine Peninsula and the area of Central Europe. Several myths and traditions preserve the memory of the route along which trade in Mediterranean bronze and Baltic amber lowed.1 hese include the tradition of the Argonauts, which emerged prior to the 8th century BCE,2 and relates to the period of the 13th century BCE. In particular, the mythological tradition also indicates that the area of modern-day Slovenia “existed in the consciousness of the educated Greek at least from the classical period on”.3 Material sources and research of material culture provide evidence of contact between the modern-day territory of 1 2 3 Zlobec, 1999, pp. 11-32. Šašel Kos, 2009, p. 112. Bratož, 2003, p. 245. leta 1100 do 800 pr. n. št. in v arhaični dobi od leta 800 do 480 pr. n. št., manj pa v klasični in helenistični dobi.4 Zgodba o povezavi med kraji in ljudmi, ki so živeli na območju današnje Slovenije in starimi Grki se v znanstvenih besedilih zaključi nekako tukaj. V 17. stoletju pa je, kot lahko preberemo v članku Irene Žmuc, mitološko izročilo o argonavtih dobilo dodatno zgodovinsko dimenzijo, postalo je dokazni material o ustanovitvi antične Emone. S postopnim prihodom vplivov italijanske renesanse in humanizma ter s tem vzbujenim zanimanjem za antiko so svoje mesto v zapiskih več avtorjev najprej našli antični spomeniki in ostanki, ki jih je bilo moč najti na Slovenskem.5 Janez Polajnar 76 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY Z v renesansi prebujenim zanimanjem za antiko ter njeno znanstveno in umetniško zapuščino se je v zavesti izobražene ljubljanske elite zasidrala podoba Jazona in argonavtov – mitskih ustanoviteljev Emone. Mit je s Schönlebnovim dokončnim lociranjem Emone na mestu današnje Ljubljane, z navajanjem antičnih avtorjev in s potrebnimi razlagami v zavesti ljubljanskih veljakov postal zgodovinsko dejstvo. Ljubljana, mesto na robu »sodobnega dogajanja«, je s tem dobila starodavno in slavno zgodovino, ki so jo ustvarjalci hoteli ponosno razkazovati pred svetom, pred drugimi deželami, državami in mesti. Vse od poznega srednjega veka in zgodnje renesanse, ko se je v evropsko zavest intelektualcev 4 5 Ibidem, str. 253. Prve zapise o vzidanih in najdenih antičnih spomenikih in ostankih nam prinaša že popotni dnevnik Paola Santoninija (Kastelic, 1975, str. 121), ki je skozi slovenske dežele potoval kot spremljevalec oglejskega vizitatorja, na začetku 16. stoletja pa so nastali zapiski Augustina Tyffernusa. Rajko Ložar pa omenja še Petra Apianusa, Bartolomeja Amatija, Wolfganga Lazia in »nekega Antiquusa Austriacusa«. (Ložar, 1941, str. 111) Predvsem ohranjeni starejši pisni viri pri Pliniju v 1. stoletju n. št. ter Zosimosu in Sozomenusu iz 4. in 5. stoletja n. št. ter kasnejša povzemanja in prepisi so teologu in polihistorju Janezu Ludviku Schönlebnu omogočili »oživitev« mita, ki je Ljubljani oziroma Emoni dajal častitljivo starost in zgodovino. Slovenia and the Greeks in what was called the Dark or Transitional Age of Greek history, from 1100–800 BCE and in the archaic period from 800–480 BCE, but less so in the Classical and Hellenistic Ages.4 he story of a link between places and the people who lived in the area of present-day Slovenia and the ancient Greeks ends around about here in reference texts. In the 17th century, however, as we can already read in Irena Žmucs’ article the mythological tradition of the Argonauts took on an added historical dimension, becoming documentary evidence of the founding of ancient Emona. With the gradual arrival of the Italian Renaissance and humanism inluences, and thereby an awakened interest in Antiquity, the writings of several authors started incorporating ancient monuments and remains that could be found in Slovenian lands.5 In the context of the awakened Renaissance interest in Antiquity and its scientiic and artistic legacy, the image of Jason and the Argonauts – the mythical founder of Emona – became anchored in the consciousness of the educated Ljubljana elite. With Schönleben’s inal location of Emona in the place of present-day Ljubljana, by quoting ancient authors and with the necessary explanations, it became a historical fact in the minds of Ljubljana’s grandees. It is in this way that Ljubljana, a city on the margin of “modern events”, acquired an ancient and glorious history which its creators sought to proudly reveal to the world, to other provinces, countries and cities. 4 5 Ibidem, p. 253. The first records of built and found ancient monuments and remains are provided by the travelogue of Paolo Santonini (Kastelic, 1975, p. 121), who travelled through Slovenian lands in the entourage of the emissary of the patriarch of Aquileia and at the beginning of the 16th century Augustin Tyffernus also produced notes. In addition, Rajko Ložar mentions Peter Apianus, Bartolomej Amati, Wolfgang Lazio and some “Antiquus Austriacus” (Ložar, 1941, p. 111). Most importantly, the preserved older written sources from Pliny in the 1st century CE and from Zosim and Sozomen in the 4th and 5th centuries, along with later summaries and transcriptions, enabled the theologian and polymath Janez Ludvik Schönleben to “revive” the myth that accorded Ljubljana, or rather Emona, a venerable age and history. in družbenih elit (ob že obstoječi politični zavesti oziroma prepričanju o nadaljevanju Rimskega cesarstva) naselilo tudi »spoznanje« oziroma odkritje antične duhovne dediščine, sta namreč pojma civilizacije in kulture vse bolj postajala del evropske zavesti in samopodobe. Zavesti, ki je odkrivala izvore in iskala povezave s svojo bitjo v antičnem času. Srednji vek je v zavesti evropskih intelektualnih in umetniških elit vedno bolj postajal diametralno nasprotje antike (navsezadnje to ostaja vse do danes) – doba civilizacijskega in kulturnega zaostanka. Renesansa je predstavljala ponovni dvig civilizacije in kulture, ki sta se izgubili v temi srednjega veka. In kdo si v takšnem vzdušju ne bi želel neposredne povezave z evropskim izvornim središčem kulture in civilizacije – s staro Grčijo. Končno, če pogledamo na sam pojem civilizacije s sodobnejšega stališča in če se, kot pravi Norbert Elias, »vprašamo, katera je pravzaprav splošna funkcija pojma civilizacija in kaj je tisto skupno, na podlagi česar vsa ta človeška vedenja in dejavnosti označujemo za ‘civilizirane’, ugotovimo najprej nekaj zelo preprostega: ta pojem izraža samozavedanje zahodnega sveta. Lahko bi rekli temu tudi nacionalna zavest. V njem je zajeto vse tisto, v čemer zahodne družbe v zadnjih dveh ali treh stoletjih vidijo svoje prednosti pred prejšnjimi ali pa tistimi ‘bolj primitivnimi’ današnjimi družbami. Z njim poskuša zahodna družba označiti tisto, kar je njena posebnost in na kar je ponosna: stanje svoje tehnike, načine svojega vedenja, razvoj svojih znanstvenih spoznanj ali svojega svetovnega nazora in še veliko drugega.«6 Oblikovanje narodne zavesti sicer predstavlja dolgotrajen in postopen proces, in skupna identiteta in pripadnost nekemu narodu v tem prednacionalnem času še ni obstajala oziroma vsaj ni »konstruirala najmočnejše izmed vezi«.7 A vendar, kot meni Patrick Geary, je 6 7 Elias, 2000, str. 71–72. Geary, 2005, str. 23. Right from the late Middle Ages and the early Renaissance, when the European consciousness of intellectuals and the elite of society (alongside the existing political awareness/conviction regarding the continuation of the Roman Empire) acquired their “awareness” or discovery of the spiritual heritage of Antiquity, the concepts of civilisation and culture increasingly became part of the European consciousness and self-image. his was an awareness that discovered its origins and sought links to its existence in Antiquity. In the consciousness of Europe’s intellectual and artistic elite, the Middle Ages became ever more a diametrical opposite (in fact it remains so today) – an age of civilisational and cultural backwardness. Indeed, the Renaissance represented the renewed ascent of civilisation and culture which had become lost in the darkness of the Middle Ages. And who, in such an atmosphere, would not desire a direct link with the original European centre of culture and civilisation – ancient Greece. Ultimately, if we look at the actual term civilisation from the modern viewpoint, and if, as Norbert Elias writes, “we ask what is in fact the general function of the concept of civilisation and what is the common thing on the basis of which all human behaviour and activities are labelled as ‘civilised’, we can establish irstly something very simple: this concept expresses the self-consciousness of the Western world. We could also call this national consciousness. It encapsulates everything in which over the last two or three centuries Western societies see their advantages over earlier or those ‘more primitive’ societies of today. In this way Western society seeks to label everything special to it and of which it is proud: the state of its technology, its methods of behaviour, the development of its scientiic awareness or its worldview and much more.”6 he forming of a national consciousness is a long and gradual process, and a common identity and ailiation to some nation prior to a national 6 Elias, 2000, pp. 71-72. Janez Polajnar 77 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE »intelektualni kontekst, v katerem se je rodil sodobni nacionalizem, sprva predstavljala fascinacija evropskih znanstvenih elit, še posebej v Franciji in Nemčiji, s starim svetom. Fascinacija s klasično kulturo in civilizacijo /…/ je pripravila prizorišče za radikalni preobrat samopercepcije in identitete in pri tem pometla s stoletji zelo različnih družbenih identitet.«8 Janez Polajnar 78 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY Mitske podobe v zavesti ljudi narekujejo in oblikujejo predstave o preteklosti in posledično o sedanjosti. Po Hobsbawmu so izumljena tradicija, Benedict Anderson je nove družbene oblike zavedanja poimenoval zamišljene skupnosti itd. V vseh primerih pa gre za oblikovanje oziroma konstrukcijo preteklosti za potrebe sedanjosti. In baročni zgodovinarji so se spraševali, od kod in od kdaj, oziroma: »Zgodovinarji polihistorji baroka so iskali izvor evropskih narodov v nekem vsakokratnem mitskem predniku, začetke pa pomikali nazaj k praizvorom, k Noetu in njegovim sinovom po vesoljnem potopu.«9 Iskanja izvorov so bila med obdobji različna, antična civilizacija pa predstavljala eno od vezi, s katero so se ali pa so se vsaj hotele identiicirati evropske intelektualne in družbene elite od zgodnje renesanse dalje. Na splošno lahko govorimo, da je pri evropskih mitskih predstavah o izvoru narodov pomembno vlogo imela dihotomija med klasično civilizacijo in »barbarstvom«. Oblikovala je raziskovanja in interpretacije ter proizvedla dva dominantna »evropska mita«. Prvi poudarja pomembnost kulturne transmisije starih antičnih »centrov civilizacije« pri izvoru Evrope. Pri tem pa se osredotoča na barbarsko uničenje klasičnega Rima in kasnejšo oživitev klasične civilizacije od renesanse dalje. Druga mitska predstava 8 9 Ibidem. Kastelic, 2000, str. 322. period did not exist, or at least did not “construct the strongest of bonds”.7 Nevertheless, as Patrick Geary writes, the “intellectual context in which modern nationalism was born was initially the fascination with the ancient world on the part of European scholarly elites, particularly in France and Germany. Fascination with classical culture and civilization /…/ set the stage for a radical reversal of selfperception and identity, sweeping away centuries of very diferent social identities.”8 Mythical images in people’s consciousness in fact determine and shape notions of the past and consequently of the present. According to Hobsbawm they are an invented tradition, while Benedict Anderson called the new public forms of consciousness imagined communities and so on. In all cases they involve a formulation or construction of the past to suit the needs of the present. And Baroque historians were already asking themselves whence and when, or rather “the polymath historians of the Baroque were still seeking the origin of the European nations in some recurrent mythical ancestor, and were shiting the beginnings back to their proto-origin, to Noah and his sons ater the Flood.”9 he search for these origins difered from period to period, but the civilisation of Antiquity represented one of the bonds with which Europe’s intellectual and social elites identiied – or at least wished to identify – from the early Renaissance on. In general, we can say that an important part in European mythical notions of the origin of nations was played by the dichotomy between Classical civilisation and “barbarism”. his shaped research and interpretations and produced two dominant “European myths”. he irst emphasises the importance of the cultural transmission of “centres of civilisation” from old Antiquity in the origin of Europe. Here the focus 7 8 9 Geary, 2002, pp. 18-19. Ibidem, pp. 18-19. Kastelic, 2000, p. 322. predstavlja nasprotje prve. Poudarja domorodno naravo izvora Evrope in v ospredje postavlja nepokvarjenost in čistost svobode »barbarov«, v nasprotju z despotsko naravo klasičnih imperijev.10 Obe sta vidni pri Schönlebnu in tudi pri Janezu Vajkardu Valvasorju. Na eni strani vzpostavitev »nesporne« povezanosti mesta s starimi Grki, na drugi strani pa kasnejše simpatiziranje z Japodi, ki so si jih podredili Rimljani. Oba avtorja namreč preveva »enaka ljubezen in enako navdušenje do domače dežele in ponos na slavne dogodke njene preteklosti. Dramatični opisi dosežejo pri obeh pisateljih vrh v opisu junaške obrambe Metulma is on the Barbarian destruction of Classical Rome and the subsequent revival of Classical civilisation starting in the Renaissance. he other mythical notion represents a counter to the irst. It emphasises the native nature of the origin of Europe and places at the forefront the untainted and pure freedom of the “Barbarians”, in contrast to the despotic nature Janez Polajnar 79 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE Slika 1: Ljubljanski grb kakor ga je narisal Valvasor. Angel drži prapor z napisom Vivat Æmona / Figure 1: The coat-of-arms of Ljubljana as drawn by Valvasor. An angel holds a banner with the inscription Vivat Æmona. pred Oktavijanom Avgustom in pisatelja stojita samoumevno na strani Japodov proti osvajalnemu Rimu.«11 Pri podobi ni bil pomemben samo ponos na antično dediščino, temveč tudi na domovino. 10 11 Kristiansen, 1996, str. 138. (Več o tem: Hingley, 2005.) Kastelic, 2000, str. 318. of the Classical empires.10 Both notions are evident in both Schönleben and Janez Vajkard Valvasor. On one hand, there is the “undisputed” connection of the city to the ancient Greeks while, on the other, the later sympathising with the Iapodes, who were subdued by the Romans. Indeed, both authors are imbued with “equal love and equal enthusiasm for their native land and pride in the glorious events of its past. Both writers achieve a high point in their dramatic descriptions in recounting the heroic defence of Metulum against Octavian Augustus, and 10 Kristiansen, 2005, p. 138. (More on this Hingley, 2005.) Kot pa ugotavlja Manuela Struck, je bil v Svetem rimskem cesarstvu še v zgodnji fazi humanizma rimski vpliv na nemško kulturo celo zmanjševan, saj so grško kulturo razumeli in predstavljali kot »boljšo«12. Ljubljana odkrije svojo antično predhodnico V Janez Polajnar 80 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY svoji knjigi Epitome Chronologica iz leta 1714 je mestni veljak Janez Gregor Dolničar (halnitcher) nagovoril Ljubljano z naslednjimi besedami: »Pozdravljena, častitljiva Jazonova hči.«13 »Svetloba« odkrite antične civilizacije je v Ljubljani zasijala nekoliko kasneje kot v npr. italijanskih mestih, a navdušenje nad dediščino je bilo izjemno. V 17. stoletju je tako s humanizmom in renesanso zbujeno zanimanje za antičnega duha in ilozoijo tudi na Slovenskem prineslo nekaj velikih domoznanskih del, ki so se ukvarjala z zgodovino dežele Kranjske, raziskovanjem njene antične preteklosti in odkrivanjem mitoloških ustanoviteljev predhodnice Ljubljane. »V poznem 17. stoletju in začetku 18. stoletja je nastala prva podoba Emone.«14 V navezavi na rimske omembe mita pri Pliniju, Zosimu in Sozemu je šlo za prvo »obdobje intenzivnega ustvarjanja identitete Ljubljane kot v osnovi antične: je čas ustvarjanja podobe Emone kot mitične, z argonavtsko sago povezane predhodnice Ljubljane«.15 Struck, 2001, str. 96. Nagovor Ljubljani. Citirano po First, 1997, str. 9. 14 Županek, 2008, str. 47. 15 Ibidem, str. 49. 12 13 both writers stand naturally on the side of the Iapodes against all-conquering Rome.”11 In this image, it was not just pride in the heritage of Antiquity that was important, but also pride in one’s homeland. Yet, as Manuela Struck concludes regarding events in the Holy Roman Empire, in the early phase of humanism the Roman inluence on German culture was even reduced since Greek culture was regarded and represented as “better”12. Ljubljana discovers its antique predecessor I n his book Epitome Chronologica from 1714 one of the cities’ nobelman Janez Gregor Dolničar (halnitscher) addressed Ljubljana with following words: “Welcome the venerable daughter of Jason.”13 he “light” of the discovered ancient civilisation started shining in Ljubljana somewhat later than, for instance, in Italian cities, yet the enthusiasm over this heritage was extraordinary. With its humanism and awakened interest in the spirit and philosophy of Antiquity, the 17th century thus produced in Slovenian lands some major works studying the homeland, dealing with the history of the Province of Carniola, researching its Antique past and discovering the mythological founders of Ljubljana’s ancestor. “he irst image of Emona emerged in the late 17th century and beginning of the 18th century.”14 his also means that this was the irst “period of intensive creation of the identity of Ljubljana as being based in Antiquity: it was a period of creating the image of Emona as the mythical forebear of Ljubljana tied to the saga of Kastelic, 2000, p. 318. Struck, 2001, p. 96. 13 Address to Ljubljana. Quioted from: First, 1997, p. 9. 14 Županek, 2008, p. 47. 15 Ibidem, p. 49. 11 12 Navdušenje poznorenesančne in baročne ljubljanske elite nad antično zapuščino mesta je razumljivo in kaže, da je ljubljanska elita želela ujeti korak z znanstvenimi in umetnostnimi tokovi Evrope. Schönleben in Valvasor sta, ob poudarjanju pripadnosti deželi, to v svojih besedilih vedno izpostavila. Navdušenje nad antično predzgodovino Ljubljane je bilo zato toliko večje. Duhovno in kulturno povezanost z antiko so iskali, se z njo identiicirali in enačili po vsej Evropi. Obuditi oziroma ustvariti podobo starodavnega antičnega mesta niti ni bilo težko, material za ustvarjanje slavne preteklosti je dobesedno ležal pred vrati. Schönleben mitološkega izročila ni razumel kot takega, temveč kot zgodovinsko dejstvo, ki priča o pomembni in slavni zgodovini dežele Kranjske in njenega glavnega mesta Ljubljane. V svojem delu Aemona vindicata, izdanem leta 1674, je najprej dokazal, da je antična Emona stala na mestu sodobne Ljubljane, hkrati pa je hotel ustvariti zavest o stari in slavni zgodovini deželne prestolnice. Zavzemal se je za ponovno vrnitev antičnega imena in z njim zgodovinske pravice do ustanovitvenega mita. Z uveljavitvijo slednjega bi se Ljubljana namreč lahko ponašala z nazivom daleč najstarejšega mesta v habsburški monarhiji. Izrazil je tudi upanje, da bo poznavanje starodavnega sijaja in plemenitih prednikov mesta pri mestnih očetih obudilo spomin na vzvišen patricijski red.16 Schönleben je z »razkritjem« in vzpostavitvijo povezave med grškimi argonavti, rimsko Emono in Ljubljano tako neposredno meril na identiiciranje »novih patricijev« s starimi – tj. z vzvišeno staro civilizacijo, s tem pa spodbudil do tedaj neznano raven zanimanja za antični čas in antično zapuščino Ljubljane. 16 Kokole, 2006, str. 218–219. the Argonauts.”15 he enthusiasm of the late Renaissance and Baroque elites of Ljubljana concerning the Antique city’s legacy is understandable and indicates that the Ljubljana elite wanted to catch up with scientiic and artistic currents in Europe. While stressing their ailiation to this land, Schönleben and Valvasor always highlighted this in their texts. he enthusiasm regarding Ljubljana’s Antique prehistory was for that reason even greater. Indeed, a spiritual and cultural link with Antiquity was sought, identiied with and equated across Europe. Awakening/creating the image of the ancient city of Antiquity was not even diicult since the material for creating that glorious past literally lay on the doorstep. Schönleben did not regard it as a mythological tradition as such, but more as a historical fact testifying to the important and glorious history of the land of Carniola and its chief city of Ljubljana. In his work Aemona vindicata, published in 1674, irst he demonstrated that the Emona of Antiquity stood on the site of modern Ljubljana, while at the same time he wished to raise awareness of the old and glorious history of the provincial capital. He supported reinstatement of the Antique name and with it the historical right to its creation myth. By establishing the creation myth, Ljubljana would in fact boast the title of by far the oldest city in the Hapsburg dominions. He also expressed the hope that knowledge of and familiarity of the ancient glory and noble forebears of the city would awaken a memory of the exalted patrician order among the city’s fathers.16 hrough his “discovery” and by establishing the link between the Greek Argonauts, Roman Emona and Ljubljana, Schönleben directly targeted the identiication of the “new patricians” 16 Kokole, 2006, pp. 218-219. Janez Polajnar 81 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE Velika pripadnost deželi in spoznanje, da vojvodine Kranjske v tujini praktično ne poznajo, »čeprav je lep biser med cesarskimi dednimi deželami,«17 je v objavljanje raziskovanj, običajev in zgodovine dežele Kranjske vodilo tudi Janeza Vajkarda Valvasorja. Spoznanje, da tuji spisi le skopo pišejo o Kranjski, ga je, ob njegovem lastnem zanimanju za zgodovino in občudovanju tujih topograij, k pisanju dodatno spodbudilo. »Ta misel je mojemu Janez Polajnar 82 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY Slika: 2: Personifikacija Emone v Dolničarjevi Aemoni vindicati / Figure 2: Emona personified in Dolničar’s Æmona Vindicata občudovanju često primešavala zlovoljo in jezo, da se stari Grki, pa tudi današnji popotniki večkrat v svojih spisih mnogo manjšim stvarem kar načuditi 17 Valvasor, 1969, str. 8. with the old ones – i.e. with the old exalted civilisation, and thereby encouraged a hitherto unknown level of interest in Antiquity and its legacy in Ljubljana. A great ailiation to the country coupled with an awareness that the Duchy of Carniola was practically unknown abroad, “although it is a ine jewel among the imperial hereditary lands,”17 also led Janez Vajkard Valvasor to research the customs and history of Carniola. An awareness that foreign writing provided scant coverage of Carniola was an additional spur to his work, alongside his own interest in history and his admiration for foreign topographies. “his thought has oten mixed into my admiration an ill-will and anger that the ancient Greeks, as well as modern-day travellers, frequently are unable to remark on much smaller things in their writings, on the contrary, they ly past this land worthy of all attention with truly miserly or even mute pens.”18 Valvasor drew from Schönleben in describing the mythical founding of Emona and, just like him, he did not doubt that Jason was the founder. he evidence in his view was far too multifaceted and “not just poetic, but also historical”19 for it to be rejected. he two authors were also in agreement on the name and date of the founding. Jason gave Emona its name ater his native land of hessaly, then called Emonia. He founded the city 1174 years ater the Flood, or rather 472 years before the founding of Rome. In addition to this information, Valvasor himself tried to locate the exact site of Jason’s settlement, which supposedly extended over the Krakovo suburb and the estates of the Teutonic Knights, and he even drew up a plan of Emona.20 Valvasor, 1969, p. 8. Ibidem, p. 9. 19 Valvasor, 1689, p. 5. 20 Kokole, 2006, p. 228. 17 18 ne morejo, nasprotno pa, mimo te vse pozornosti vredne dežele s prav varčnim ali celo nemim peresom poletavajo.«18 Valvasor je Schönlebna pri opisu mitske ustanovitve Emone povzemal in enako kot on ni dvomil o ustanovitelju Jazonu. Dokazi po njegovem mnenju niso samo poetični, temveč tudi historični in so preveč mnogovrstni, da bi jih bilo moč zavrniti.19 Tudi glede imena in časa ustanovitve sta si bila avtorja edina. Jazon je Emoni dal ime po svoji rojstni deželi Tesaliji, takrat imenovani Emonia. Mesto pa je ustanovil 1174 let po vesoljnem potopu oziroma 472 let pred ustanovitvijo Rima. Poleg teh podatkov je Valvasor sam poskušal locirati natančen kraj Jazonove naselbine, ki naj bi obsegal krakovsko predmestje in posesti križevniškega reda, pripravil pa je tudi načrt Emone.20 Duh antike se je med mestnimi očeti sicer zbudil že dobri dve desetletji pred izidom Schönlebnovih del.21 A verjetno ni odveč, če povemo, da so kranjski deželni stanovi Schönlebnu leta 1668 priznali letno rento 200 l., da bi končal zastavljene zgodovinske spise.22 Kakor ugotavlja Stanko Kokole, je bila za nadaljnje dogajanje v zvezi z mitom ključna prav vloga Schönlebna, saj so prav na njegovih Ibidem, str. 9. Valvasor, XIII. knjiga, 1689, str. 5. Kokole, 2006, str. 228. 21 Jeseni leta 1660 so namreč Ljubljančani pričakovali obisk cesarja Leopolda I. in mesto je bilo treba olepšati. Čas je klical po vsebini iz antike. V časovni stiski so pred mestno hišo takrat postavili vodnjak z lesenim in pozlačenim kipom Neptuna. Sam rimski bog vode in morij je bil v tistem času priljubljen krasilni element vodnjakov v italijanskih in evropskih mestih, ljubljanskemu pa je bil po pričevanju Janeza Gregorja Dolničarja dodan tudi danes neohranjen napis: »[Neptunu,] krotilcu morij, ker je po ustanovitvi Emone sprejel Jazona. Postavili so po občinskem sklepu ljubljanski stavbni odborniki.« (Kokole, 2006, str. 257.) Dodatno sporočilo o antičnih graditeljih mesta je prinašal Herkulov vodnjak na Starem trgu, ki ga je prav tako sprva krasil pozlačen lesen junak z ladje Argo. Obe leseni plastiki so mestni veljaki nato leta 1675, eno leto po izidu Schönlebnove Aemone vindicate, dali izklesati kamnoseku Janezu Khumersteinerju. 22 SBL, 1967, str. 237. 18 19 20 In fact, the spirit of Antiquity had already been awakened amongst the city’s fathers in the two decades before Schönleben’s works were published.21 Yet it is probably worth stating that in 1668 the Carniolan provincial estates granted Schönleben an annual allowance of 200 lorins in order for him to inish the historical texts he intended to write.22 As Stanko Kokole concludes, Schönleben played a crucial role in further developments surrounding the myth since his text provided the very basis for later eforts to anchor the creation myth of the Argonauts as much as possible in the consciousness of contemporary people. hrough various cultural events, the Antique past was evoked with selfconidence and pride primarily by the Academia Operosorum Labacensium (from 1693) and its predecessor Societas Unitormu (from 1688). he most committed and active among all of them was the previously mentioned nephew of Schönleben – the chronicler, historian and lawyer Janez Gregor Dolničar, who held several important posts in the provincial capital.23 Dolničar himself wrote several texts in which he discovered Antique monuments of Emona, inventoried them and transcribed their inscriptions. His enthusiasm over the monuments from Antiquity is closely documented in the work In the autumn of 1660, the people of Ljubljana awaited a visit by the Emperor Leopold I, and the city needed to be spruced up. The times called for some substance from Antiquity. Short of time, the authorities installed a fountain with a wooden and gilt statue of Neptune in front of the City Hall. The Roman god of water and the sea was himself a favourite ornamental element at that time for fountains in Italian and European cities and, according to the record of Janez Gregor Dolničar, the Ljubljana fountain was also given an inscription which is no longer preserved: “[To Neptune], tamer of the seas, since he received Jason after the founding of Emona. Erected upon municipal order by the Ljubljana building committee.” (Kokole, 2006, p. 257) Another message concerning the Antique builder of the city was provided by the Hercules fountain in Stari Trg, which was also first ornamented with the wooden and gilt hero from the Argo. The city leaders then had the stonemason Janez Khumersteiner carve the two wooden sculptures in stone in 1675, one year after the publication of Schönleben’s Aemona vindicata. 22 SBL, 1967, p. 237. 23 From 1689 he was a secretary at the Carniolan Viceroy’s office, and in 1694 he was elected a city notary, then from 1803 he was a sworn court councillor. (SBL, 1980, p. 74) 21 Janez Polajnar 83 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE besedilih temeljila kasnejša prizadevanja, da bi se ustanovitveni mit o argonavtih čim bolj zasidral v zavesti sodobnikov. Samozavestno in ponosno je z različnimi kulturnimi manifestacijami antično preteklost obujala predvsem Academia operosorum Labacensium (od leta 1693) s predhodnico Societas Unitormu (od leta 1688). Najbolj zavzet in aktiven med vsemi pa je bil že omenjeni Schönlebnov nečak Janez Gregor Dolničar – kronist, zgodovinar in pravnik, ki je zasedal tudi več pomembnih položajev v deželni Antiquitates Urbis Labacensis. A lack of evidence regarding the founding of the city also drew him to insert some invented inscriptions. As Stanko Kokole has found, Dolničar almost yielded to the temptation to document an invented “found inscription” to Janez Polajnar 84 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY Slika 3: Obnavljanje Emone. Upodobitev je iz Valvasorjeve Slave vojvodine Kranjske / Figure 3: The rebuilding of Emona. From Valvasor’s Glory of the Duchy of Carniola thereby provide more solid support for the foundation myth. In order to sound more convincing, he wrote the inscription as a transcription in capital letters: “IASON ESONIS | FILIVS CVM ARGONAV(tis) | LABACVUM CONDIDIT | ANNO ANTE SERV(atoris) NOS(tri) ADVEN(tum) mcc. Ii [= A.D: 1222]”24. However, upon revision he deleted all the sentences asserting that this was an inscription 24 Kokole, 2006, p. 226. prestolnici.23 Dolničar sam je napisal več besedil, v katerih je odkrival antične spomenike Emone, jih popisoval in prepisoval napise. Navdušenje nad antičnimi spomeniki je lepo dokumentirano v delu Antiquitates Urbis Labacensis. Pomanjkanje dokazov o ustanovitvi mesta ga je vleklo tudi k vstavljanju izmišljenih napisov. Kot ugotavlja Stanko Kokole, se je Dolničar skoraj vdal skušnjavi, da bi dokumentiral izmišljeni »najdeni napis« in z njim ustanovitvenemu mitu dal trdnejšo oporo. Da bi bil napis še prepričljivejši, ga je napisal kot transkripcijo z velikimi črkami: »IASON ESONIS | FILIVS CVM ARGONAV(tis) | LABACVUM CONDIDIT | ANNO ANTE SERV(atoris) NOS(tri) ADVEN(tum) mcc. Ii [= A.D: 1222]«.24 Vendar pa je ob reviziji izbrisal vse stavke, ki so trdili, da gre za napis, vklesan v starodavni kamen. Poskušal je določiti tudi natančen kraj, kjer bi se lahko argonavti izkrcali. Dolničar je za kraj postanka določil Breg, kjer je takrat tudi dejansko stalo ljubljansko pristanišče.25 Od leta 1689 je bil tajnik pri kranjskem vicedomskem uradu, leta 1694 je bil izvoljen za mestnega sindika (notarja), od l. 1703 pa je bil zapriseženi sodni svetnik. (SBL, 1980, str. 74) 24 Kokole, 2006, op. 39, str. 226. 25 Ibidem, str. 227. Navdušenje nad argonavti in prepričanje v zgodovinsko resničnosti Jazona kot osebe in ustanovitelja mesta so poudarjali že na naslovnicah izdanih del. Letnice, ki datirajo izide knjižnih del Schönlebna in Dolničarja, namreč poleg krščanskega štetja po rimskem zgledu navajajo tudi letnico od ustanovitve mesta. Schönlebnova Aemona vindicata je bila tako natisnjena Anno Aerae Christianae M. DC. LXXIV oziroma bolj impresivnega leta Qui est Aemona conditae MM. DCCC. XCVII, Dolničarjevo delo Epitome chronologica pa: annum Christi M. DCC.IV oziroma Aemona condita 2935. 23 carved into an ancient stone. He did, on the other hand, try to determine the exact location where the Argonauts might have put ashore. Dolničar determined their landing place was Breg, right where the Ljubljana wharfs were actually situated at that time.25 From Jason’s Emona to the Roman city I nterest in the Argonauts showed no signs of lagging throughout the 18th century, although it seems that, compared with the enthusiasm at the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th centuries, it had nevertheless slightly weakened. Regarding the founding of Emona by the Argonauts, there was certainly no doubt in the mind of Anton Tomaž Linhart. Nevertheless, it seemed that this needed to be explicitly “underlined” as an incontrovertible fact. It was clear that many people had already questioned the “incontrovertible truth” of Jason founding the city. In his Poskus zgodovine Kranjske (An Attempt at a History of Carniola) he therefore provided evidence in several places of the truth of their journey. “his journey was the famous voyage of the Argonauts, approximately 1260 years BC. hose who wish to exclude it from the succession of true events would in the same way be rejecting all of ancient history.”26 Ibidem, p. 227. The enthusiasm over the Argonauts and the certainty in the historical reality of Jason as a person and founder of the city were also emphasised on the covers of published works. Indeed, the years of publication given in the books by Schönleben and Dolničar included, alongside the Christian year, the year since the founding of the city, in the Roman tradition. Schönleben’s Aemona vindicata was thus printed in Anno Aerae Christianae M. DC. LXXIV, or in the more impressive year Qui est Aemona conditae MM. DCCC. XCVII, and Dolničar’s work Epitome chronologica was printed in: annum Christi M. DCC. IV or Aemona condita 2935. 26 Linhart, 1981, p. 17. 25 Janez Polajnar 85 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE Od Jazonove do rimske Emone Z Janez Polajnar 86 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY animanje za argonavte nato ni pojenjalo še vse 18. stoletje, vendar se v primerjavi z navdušenjem ob koncu 17. in na začetku 18. stoletja vseeno zdi nekoliko manjše. O ustanovitvi Emone s strani argonavtov še vedno ni dvomil Anton Tomaž Linhart. Kljub vsemu se mu je zdelo, da je to potrebno eksplicitno »podčrtati« kot neizpodbitno dejstvo. Očitno pa je, da so mnogi »neizpodbitni resničnosti« Jazonovega ustanoviteljstva mesta že oporekali. V svojem Poskusu zgodovine Kranjske je zato Linhart na več mestih dokazoval resničnost potovanja. »To potovanje je bilo približno 1260 let pr. Kr. znamenito argonavtsko popotovanje. Tisti, ki ga hočejo izločiti iz vrste resničnih dogodkov, bi lahko na isti način zavrgli vso staro zgodovino.«26 Legenda se po Linhartovem mnenju ne skriva v samem Jazonovem potovanju, temveč samo v predstavi, da sta Jadransko in Črno morje povezana z dvema krakoma reke Ister/Donave. Resničnost Jazonovega potovanja je, enako kot Schönleben, utemeljeval s samim imenom Emona, ki je bilo pač preveč podobno staremu imenu za Tesalijo – Haemonia – od koder so argonavti izhajali. »Resnični« Jazon je tako na lastni koži občutil le pomanjkljivost legende, »pravljice«, ki je govorila o jadransko-črnomorski bifurkaciji. »Pred njim je namesto Jadranskega morja vstalo pusto pogorje. Bila je pozna jesen. V tej stiski, ko so pred njim stale Alpe, za njimi razen naporov dolgotrajnega brodarjenja strah pred Kolhijci, bivanje v neznani deželi, poleg tega pa ga je nadlegovalo še nemilo podnebje in letni čas, se je zatekel pred tako različnimi sovražniki v nekakšne koče in okope. Te koče, zametek bodočega mesta, ki so bile vso zimo njegova Tesalija, njegova Emonija, je Jazon 26 Linhart, 1981, str. 17. In Linhart’s opinion, the legend lay hidden not in the actual voyage of Jason, but only in the notion that the Adriatic and Black seas were connected by two branches of the Ister/Danube. Just like Schönleben, he based the truth of Jason’s voyage on the actual name Emona, which was simply too similar to the old name for hessaly – Haemonia – from which the Argonauts hailed. he “real” Jason thus for his own part sufered only from the deiciencies of the legend, the “fairy tale”, which spoke of the Adriatic and Black Sea bifurcation. “Before him, instead of the Adriatic Sea, there rose up an empty mountain range. It was late autumn. In such constraints, when the Alps stood before them, and behind them apart from the arduous and lengthy navigation, the fear of the people of Colchis, their dwelling in an unknown land, and moreover their sufering from an inhospitable climate and season, they sought refuge from such a variety of enemies in some manner of dwellings and fortiications. hese houses, the germ of the future city, which for that entire winter was his hessaly, his Emonia, Jason named Emona.”27 In his description of “Carniolan towns before the arrival of the Romans”, Linhart reiterated that, given the evidence, it was impossible to deny the arrival of the Argonauts and their founding of Emona. “I have found no evidence, neither in the natural elements of our land, nor among the historical records, that would in any way question the certainty of the fact that it was founded on the site of Ljubljana by Jason’s companions, and that would detract from the convincing power of the evidence in all manner of historical sources.”28 In any event, a number of years ater Linhart, Valentin Vodnik wrote in his history of the area: “he view of Zosim and Herodianus that, as Jason passed through in 1222 BCE and during his stay in this area, he built Emona is a fairy tale which Pliny Ibidem, p. 17. Ibidem, p. 56. 29 Vodnik, 1812, p. 4. 27 28 imenoval Emona.«27 Pri opisu »kranjskih mest pred prihodom Rimljanov« je Linhart ponovno zatrdil, da je glede na dokaze nemogoče zanikati prihod argonavtov in njihovo ustanovitev Emone. »Nobenega dokaza nisem našel, niti v naravi naše dežele, niti med zgodovinskimi podatki, ki bi kakorkoli spodbijal prepričljivost dejstva, da so jo na mestu Ljubljane ustanovili Jazonovi sopotniki, in ki bi jemal prepričujočo moč dokazom iz vsakovrstnih zgodovinskih virov.«28 Kakorkoli, že nekaj let za Linhartom je Valentin Vodnik v svoji Zgodovini vojvodine Kranjske, Trsta in Goriške groije zapisal: »Stališče Zosima in Herodianusa, da je mimoidoči Jazon leta 1222 pr. Kr. tekom svojega bivanja na tem področju zgradil Emono, je pravljica, ki so jo Plinij in drugi imeli za vredno zapisovanja.«29 Še prej pa je v Lublanskih novizah zgodbo o Emoni obravnaval zgolj kot epizodo znotraj zgodovine ljudstev in narodov, ki so se naseljevali na območju propadlega Rimskega cesarstva. »Emona je bila že razdjana, kader so Slovenci na Kranjsko prišli, inu so ta kraj, kjer sedaj Lublana stoji, Gradiše imenovali; niso namreč vedeli, da to poderto mesto je per Rimcih imelo ime Emona: drugiga pa ni bilo viditi, kakor razvaleno ozidje, to je razdjan grad ali gradiše.«30 Zgodba oziroma zgodovinskost mitičnih ustanoviteljev se je umikala iz zavesti ljudi. Vstajale so nove podobe, ki so bile vezane predvsem na izvor slovenskega naroda in na njegovo avtohtonost na tem prostoru. France Prešeren je v Elegiji svojim rojakom še obujal spomin na slavne kranjske praočete, ki so Emono postavili pred Rimom oziroma, ko »v sedem gričih je prebival/ volk jastreb tankovid«.31 Sredi stoletja je v Novicah zgodba Ibidem, str. 17. Ibidem, str. 56. 29 Vodnik, 1812, str. 4. 30 Citirano po; Novice, 1858, št. 42. 31 Prešeren, 1971, str. 119-120. 27 28 and others held to be worth recording.”29 Even earlier, he described the story of Emona in his publication Lublanske novize (1797-1800) as merely an episode within the history of the peoples and nations who settled in the area of the collapsed Roman Empire. “Emona was laid waste when the Slovenians came to Carniola, and the place where Lublana now stands, they named Gradiše; indeed they did not know that the ruined city bore the name of Emona under the Romans: there was nothing else to be seen but collapsed walls, that is, a destroyed castle or fortiied settlement.”30 he story or historical dimension of the mythical founders slipped out of people’s consciousness. New images arose in a new consciousness and were linked primarily to the origin of the Slovenian nation and its autochthonous status in this area. Even France Prešeren in his Elegy to His Countrymen drew attention to the glorious fathers who established the city, when “in seven hills lived / the sharp-sighted wolf vulture.”31 And occasionally, by accident or design, the story of the Argonauts crept into stories that stretched back that far. In the middle of the century, in the publication Novice the priest Matevž Poženčan Ravnikar revealed his opinion on the arrival of Slovenians. he theory whereby the Slovenians arrived in these parts even before the Celts was more than acceptable to this man of nationalist leanings. he “collector of national goods”, as he is labelled in the Slovenian Biographical Lexicon, undoubtedly deserved the label. And he tried to use the myth of the Argonauts to suit the needs of a new reality – now no longer in the search for an old and glorious history of the city, but for an old and glorious history of the nation. he autochthonist theory indeed placed the settlement of the Slavs/Slovenians in preRoman times. Like others, he included romantic notions of hard-working and peace-loving ancestors. 30 31 Quoted from Novice, 1858, no. 42. Prešeren, 1971, pp. 119-120. Janez Polajnar 87 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE Janez Polajnar 88 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY o argonavtih stopila v povsem nov kontekst. Duhovniku Matevžu Poženčančanu Ravnikarju se je namreč zdela teorija, po kateri so Slovenci v te kraje prišli še pred Kelti, več kot sprejemljiva. »Nabiralec narodnega blaga«, kot je označen v Slovenskem biografskem leksikonu, si je to oznako nedvomno zaslužil. Mit o argonavtih pa je skušal uporabiti za potrebe nove realnosti – tokrat ne več za iskanje stare in slavne zgodovine mesta, temveč stare in slavne zgodovine naroda. Avtohtonistična teorija je namreč naselitev Slovanov/Slovencev postavila v predrimski čas. Podobno kot ostale je vključevala romantične predstave o delovnih in miroljubnih prednikih. »Kdor bi terdil, de se je naš rod sem vrinil, kaciga druziga preganjat, naj pove, kdo je pred teh dežela gospodar bil? Nasproti li pripovedujejo, de je bil naš narod pervi tukaj, in de ni nobeniga druziga preganjal.«32 Le malokdo pa je tudi v mitu o argonavtih poskušal iskati dokazov za naselitev Slovencev. Poženčanu se je zdela mogoča tudi ta povezava. »De je naš narod prišel od Gerških krajev sem gori, naj bo že po morji ali po Dunavi in Savi, potrjujej tudi povest od Jazona. Jazon (ali morebiti Jezen), če se pravlice od njega prav razlože, je bil kupec, ki je s svojimi tovarši se vozil po Dunavi in Savi, in tudi v ta kraj, kjer je zdaj Ljubljana, prišel. Tukaj je bil eno lopo (morebiti tudi več) postavil in to selišče Emono imenoval, kakor je bila tudi v Tesaliji, kjer je bil Jazon doma, ena Emona. Na Kranjskem so v Emoni dalje hiše stavili, de je bila grozno velika. Če tudi Jazon ni tod nič ljudi najdel, de bi bil ž njimi kupčeval, je pa morde draziga blaga iskal, kateriga bi bil doma ali po poti prodajal.«33 Poženčan ni bil edini, ki je zgodovino Slovencev poskušal povezati z grško mitologijo. Enako je storil Anton Krempel, prav tako velik zagovornik avtohtonistične teorije, vendar se je pri tem naslonil na izročilo trojanske 32 33 Novice, 1846, št. 27. Ibidem. “Whosoever would assert that our nation pushed their way in here, driving out any others, should say who was previously lord of these lands? On the contrary may they relate how our nation was the irst here, and that it drove no others away”32. Yet few sought evidence for the settlement of the Slovenians in the myth of the Argonauts. Yet this link also seemed possible to Poženčan. “he fact that our nation arrived up here from Greek lands, be it by the sea or the Danube and Sava, is conirmed by the tale of Jason. Jason (or perhaps Jezen [Angry]), if the tales of him relate correctly, was a merchant who voyaged with his comrades along the Danube and Sava, and also came to the place which is now Ljubljana. Here he erected one shack (possibly more) and named this settlement Emona, just as in hessaly, Jason’s home, there was an Emona. In Carniola more houses were built in Emona, until it was terribly big. Although Jason found no people here to trade with, he perhaps sought more precious goods, which he might sell at home or along the way.”33 Yet he was not the only one who sought to link the history of the Slovenians with Greek mythology, although he relied on another myth. In his 1845 book Dogodivšine štajerske zemle [Events in the Land of Styria], Anton Krempel, another great advocate of the autochthonist theory, linked the “migration of the Slovenians” to the fall of troy and the surviving Trojan traitor Antenor who, according to one version, supposedly founded the city of Padua. he Pannonian Slovenians encompassed the Heneti (Venedi, Vinidi), whom the Trojan Prince Antenor led in about 1200 BC to the lands of the present-day Venetians, and there built the city named in Slovenian Padava. hose Venedi or Vinidi were also Slovenians.”34 Interest in archaeology and with it the “prehistoric” route supposedly taken by the Argonauts was very Novice, 1846, no. 27. Ibidem. 34 Krempel, 1845, p. 9. 32 33 vojne. V svoji knjigi Dogodivšine štajerske zemle iz leta 1845 je »preseljevanje Slovencev« povezal s padcem Troje in preživelim trojanskim izdajalcem Antenorjem, ki naj bi po eni od različic ustanovil mesto Padova. »Panonski Slovenci so vkup segali z’ Henetmi (Venedmi, Vinidmi), kere je trojanski Princ Antenor okoli 1200 let pred Kr. v kraje zdajnih Benetkov privodil, ino tu slovenskega imena mesto Padavo zezidal. Toti Venedi ali Vinidi so ali tudi Slovenci bili.«34 Zanimanje za arheologijo in z njo tudi za »prazgodovinsko« pot, ki naj bi jo naredili argonavti, je bilo močno živo vse 19. stoletje. Za ukvarjanje »s pravljico« pa je pisanje o argonavtih označil Davorin Trstenjak, ki si je sam sicer tudi prizadeval, da bi dokazal prisotnost Slovencev na današnjem ozemlju že od antike dalje. Leta 1854 je v Zgodovinskih pomenkih v Kmetijskih in rokodelskih novicah Jazonovo zgodbo hitro odpravil. »Da pravlica od zidanja Hemone po Jasonu druga ni, kakor basen brez vsake temeljitosti, če ravno si je naš vsega poštenja vredni Schoenleben prizadeval resnico dokazati, spozna vsak izurjeni historik, in v nar novejšem času je naš rojak učeni profesor dr. Čižman kritički neresničnost Jasonovega brodarjenja po Dunaji (Donavi), Savi in Ljubljani dokazal.«35 Zanimanje za Emono in tudi za mit o argonavtih pa je še kar vztrajalo. V prispevkih Historičnega društva za Kranjsko je tako v naslednjih letih izšlo še nekaj razprav na to temo. Trstenjak, tokrat podpisan s psevdonimom Vicko,36 je zato leta 1859 Historično društvo za Kranjsko okrcal, češ da se v svojem časopisu Mittheilungen des historischen Vereins für Krain ukvarja z nepomembnimi rečmi in z že obdelano zgodovino. »Kranjci poleg tega imajo že dosti zbranega gradiva v svojih letopiscih, Krempel, 1845, str. 9. Novice, 1854, št. 78. 36 SBL, 1980, p. 198. 34 35 much alive throughout the 19th century. Meanwhile, Davorin Terstenjak labelled writings about the Argonauts as dealing with a “fairy tale”, but he himself strove to prove the presence of Slovenians in the present territory from Antiquity. In 1854 he quickly expunged the story of Jason from the Historical Discussion section of the publication Kmetijske in rokodelske novice. “he fact that the tale of the building of Emona by Jason is nothing other than a fairy tale without any foundation, even though our esteemed Schoenleben strove to prove its veracity, is recognised by any experienced historian and most recently our compatriot and learned professor Dr. Čižman has critically proven the falsehood of Jason’s navigation of the Danube, Sava and Ljubljana.”35 Nevertheless, interest in Emona as well as the myth of the Argonauts persisted. In subsequent years, several discourses on this topic were published in papers of the historical society for Carniola. Terstenjak, then signing himself under the pseudonym of Vicko36, therefore chided the Historical Society for Carniola in 1859 on the premise that in its newspaper Mittheilungen des historischen Vereins für Krain it was involving itself in trivial matters and with history that had already been addressed. “Moreover the people of Carniola already have enough collected material from their chroniclers such as Valvazor, Baucer, Dolničar etc.; there is need only to search there and to make transcriptions into special books. All this would serve domestic history better than seeking out houses in Ljubljana where Jason tied up his vessel. he Historical Society should collect material in its Mittheilungen for domestic history, and not seek from its associates history that has already been critically scrutinised. Critical historians are only now siting through the collected material, and the society and its organ (Mittheilungen - Ed.) is merely a ‘Zeughaus’ (armoury - Ed.), into which various types of weapon are being brought.”37 Novice, 1854, no. 78. SBL, 1980, p. 198. 37 Novice, 1859, no. 9. 35 36 Janez Polajnar 89 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE kakor: v Valvazorjih, Baucerjih, Dolničarjih itd.; trebalo bi se le, tam poiskavati in v posebne bukve prepisovati. Vse to bi bolje koristilo za domačo zgodovino, kakor pa iskanje hiše v Ljubljani, pri kateri je Jason svojo barko privezal. Historično društvo bi moglo v svoje Mittheilungen zbirati gradiva za domačo zgodovino, ne pa iskati od svojih sodelavcev že kritično izdelane zgodovine. Kritični zgodovinopisci šele ustajajo po nabranem gradivu, družtvo in njihov organ (Mittheilungen, op. p.) je samo ‘Zeughaus’ (orožarna, op. p.), v katerega se nosi orožje razne vrste.«37 Janez Polajnar 90 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY Kljub vsemu pa je Jazonova zgodba še kar globoko v 19. stoletje preganjala marsikaterega raziskovalca. Ko je August Dimitz pisal Zgodovino Kranjske, se je zato za krajši čas pomudil tudi pri Jazonu in njegovih argonavtih. V leta 1874 izdani knjigi je zapisal: »Geograija in kulturna zgodovina sta že prinesli pravilno tolmačenje starodavnega izročila. Tako obstaja le malo potrebe po dodatnem utemeljevanju, če v prazgodovini Kranjske svoje mesto dobi tudi Jazonova saga.«38 Poleg tega, da je sam mit razumel kot mit, je tudi zavrnil tiste, ki so vse skupaj označili za navadno pravljico brez vsake vrednosti. »Zgodba, ki se je tako močno vtisnila v spomin pri številnih ljudstvih, ima pač svojo vrednost in niso nujno prazne marnje. Moderna znanost spoznava njeno vrednost za zgodovinsko vedenje o daljnih epohah in razume mitsko pustolovščino kot zgodovinsko pričevanje o ‘prazgodovinski trgovini’.«39 Kljub vsemu pa je zgodba še v novejšem času tako močno vtisnjena v spominu, da nekateri verjamejo, da je Jazonova saga ovekovečena na dveh rimskih kamnih pri Rogaški. V svoji Zgodovini vojvodine Štajerske je namreč zgodovinar Albert Muchar zapisal, da se zdi, da je Jazonova pot ovekovečena na dveh kamnih, Novice, 1859, št. 9. Dimitz, I., 1874, str. 5. 39 Ibidem. 37 38 Nevertheless, Jason’s story was still occupying many researchers well into the 19th century. So, when August Dimitz wrote his History of Carniola, he also spent a little time on Jason and his Argonauts. He noted for his book, published in 1874: “Geography and cultural history have now procured the proper interpretation of the ancient tradition. here is thus little need for additional justiication as to whether in the prehistory of Carniola Jason’s saga also earns a place.”38 Apart from regarding the story itself as a myth, he also rejected those who labelled the whole thing a mere fairy tale without any value. he story, which took such a powerful hold in the memory of numerous peoples, does indeed have a value, and it is not necessarily a load of nonsens. “Modern academic study recognises its value in terms of historical knowledge of distant epochs and interprets the mythical adventures as a historical testament of prehistoric commerce.39 Nevertheless, even in more recent times the story has become so imprinted in our memory that some believe the saga of Jason to have been immortalised on two Roman stones at Rogaška.” 40 In his History of the Duchy of Štajerska, the historian Albert Muchar writes that Jason’s voyage appears to have been immortalised on two stones kept at the Graz Joanneum. he irst depicts a lying dragon and the second a woman, and on her right she is holding a child upside down, whom it appears she is going to throw against the rocks lying on the ground. Muchar linked the image to Medea’s killing of her own child and light from the lying dragon. “We may even be so bold as to suspect that this monument is linked to the ancient tale of Jason, Medea and the Argonauts, and their escape from the Black Sea along the Danube and Sava to this point and against the current to Emona, and that it is a carved immortalisation of the folk saga of events of Dimitz, Book I., Ljubljana 1874, p. 5. The same historical meaning of the »fairy tale« was recognized by the historian Josip Gruden some years later. (Gruden, 1911, p. 18) 40 Ibidem. 38 39 shranjenih v graškem Joanneumu. Na prvem je upodobljen leteči zmaj, na drugem pa ženska, ki na svoji desni za noge drži na glavo obrnjenega otroka, ki ga bo, kot se zdi, vrgla ob skale, ki ležijo na tleh. Muchar je upodobitev povezal z Medejinim ubojem lastnih otrok in begom pred letečim zmajem. »Upamo si celo domnevati, da je ta spomenik povezan s starodavno pripovedjo o Jazonu, Medeji in argonavtih in njihovem begu iz Črnega morja po Donavi in Savi do sem in proti toku do Emone in, da je plastično ovekovečenje ljudske sage o takratnih dogajanjih v tej spodnještajerski, toku Save tako bližnji, pokrajini. (?)«40 Zgodba o argonavtih je tudi »ponarodela« do te mere, da se je za Jazonovo barko našel tudi ljudski »natančni kraj« pristanka. Ta naj bi bil ob bregu Ljubljanice, ki je vzporeden z današnjo Wolfovo ulico. Povsem po »naključju« je na istem mestu tri tisočletja kasneje stala pivovarna in gostilna, imenovana Pri belcu oz. Zum weissen Rössel. Janez Bleiweiss je ob popisovanju »starih hiš naše Ljubljane«, ki ga je povzemal po »gradivu pl. Radiča in dr. Lipiča«, popisal tudi to zapuščino. »Našo Ljubljanico so Rimljani imenovali Nauportus; ob bregovih Nauporta, tako vsaj pripovedujejo nekateri zgodopisci, je argonaut Jason, pripeljavši se na ladiji s svojimi tovarši iz Ponta v Donavo, iz Donave v Savo, iz Save v Ljubljanico Aemoni prvi temelj položil. Neka šaljiva pravljica celo to pripoveduje, da na tistem mestu, kjer danes stoji pivarna ‘zum weissen Rössel’, je Jason, s svojimi tovariši stopivši na suho, ladijo svojo priklenil. Res, da starinska bajta ‘Roselnova’ po svojem obrazu še zelo opominja na čase Jasonove.«41 Ta »pravljica« pa je bila med Ljubljančani prisotna vsaj nekje od srede 19. stoletja, ko jo je v svojem satiričnem potopisu Pot iz Ljubljane v Šiško omenil 40 41 Muchar, I, 1844, str. 423. Novice 1878, št. 18. that time in this Lower Styrian region, so close to the low of the Sava (?)”41 he story of the Argonauts became part of Ljubljana to such an extent that the folk tradition ‘precise location’ of the landing of Jason’s vessel was found. his was supposedly situated on the banks of the Ljubljanica, parallel to today’s Wolfova Street. Quite coincidentally, on the same location three millennia later stood a brewery and inn named Pri belcu, or Zum weissen Rössel. In his inventory of the “old houses of our Ljubljana”, which he summarised from “the material of pl. [the ennobled] Radič and Dr. Lipič”, Janez Bleiweiss also listed this legacy. “he Romans called our Ljubljanica River the Nauportus; along the banks of the Nauportus, or so at least some historians relate, the Argonaut Jason, travelling on his ship with his comrades from the Pontus to the Danube, from the Danube to the Sava and from the Sava to the Ljubljanica, laid the irst foundation of Aemona. Some light-hearted tale even relates that on the spot where now stands the brewery ‘zum weissen Rössel’, Jason and his comrades tied up their ship and set foot on dry land. It is true that the face of the elderly ‘Roselnova’ building does strikingly conjure up the times of Jason.” 42 his “fairy tale” was present among the people of Ljubljana from at least some time in the middle of the 19th century, when it was already mentioned in the satirical travelogue Pot iz Ljubljane v Šiško (Journey from Ljubljana to Šiška) by the travel writer and storyteller Fran Erjavec. “Some historian even claims that the market women were already selling their wares in old Emona ‘by the bridge’, that Jason stopped by the bridge and that he was there received ‘in corpore’ by all the market women.”43 Muchar, Book I. 1844, p. 423. Novice, 1878, no. 18. 43 Slovenski glasnik, Vol. 3, no. 10, 1859. 41 42 Janez Polajnar 91 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE tudi potopisec in pripovednik Fran Erjavec. »Nek zgodovinar terdi celo, da so branjovke že v stari Emoni ‘pred mostom’ prodajale, da se je Jazon pred mostom ustavil in da je bil ondi od vseh branjovk ‘in corpore’ sprejet.«42 Z nadaljevanjem raziskovanj se je vedno bolj odkrivala rimska Emona. Intenzivno arheološko raziskovanje je v zadnjih sto letih prineslo veliko odkritij in spoznanj, mitična podoba pa se je postopoma umaknila zgodovinskim in arheološkim raziskovanjem. Kljub temu so Jazon in argonavti, kot lahko vidimo v članku Irene Žmuc, našli svoje mesto v slovenskem leposlovju in umetnosti. Janez Polajnar 92 LJUBLJANA AND ITS PLACE IN ANTIQUITY, THE CREATION OF LJUBLJANA’S OLD AND GLORIOUS HISTORY Po drugi svetovni vojni je sledil čas, ki bi ga lahko označili za drugo veliko odkrivanje in ustvarjanje podobe Emone. Veliki gradbeni projekti, kot je bil npr. Cankarjev dom, so odkrili številne nove izkopanine in hkrati ponovno vzbudili širše zanimanje javnosti. Nove podobe in povezave so trendu hitro sledile. »V to obdobje sodi tudi vrsta poskusov vklopiti reference na Emono v urbano podobo Ljubljane. Motivacija za ponovno ustvarjanje in reinterpretacijo ni bila bistveno drugačna kot v prvem obdobju: pogoste releksije na to, da ima Ljubljana urbano, kar se tiče komunalne ureditve in infrastrukture malone moderno predhodnico, odsevajo željo v Ljubljani ponovno vzpostaviti zavest o omikanih antičnih koreninah mesta.«43 42 43 Slovenski Glasnik, 3. zv., št. 10, 1859. Županek, 2008, str. 55. Slika 4: Plakat razstave v Mestnem muzeju Ljubljana leta 1972. Foto Damjana Šalehar, arhiv MGML. / Figure 4: From the Archaeological Eras of Ljubljana exhibition held in 1972 in the City Museum of Ljubljana. Photo by Damjana Šalehar, MGML archive. Further research increasingly revealed the Roman Emona. Over the past 100 years intensive archaeological research has produced a large number of inds and discoveries, while the mythical image has gradually withdrawn from historical and archaeological study. Nevertheless, Jason and the Argonauts have, as we can see in Irena Žmucs article, ultimately found their place in Slovenian literature and art. he period ater the Second World War could be labelled as the second great discovering and creation of the image of Emona. Major construction projects such as Cankarjev dom yielded a host of new excavated inds and at the same time reawakened the wider interest of the public. New images and associations rapidly followed this trend. “his period also saw a range of attempts to embed references to Emona into the urban image of Ljubljana. he motivation for re-creation and re-interpretation was not signiicantly diferent from that of the irst period: frequent relections on the fact that Ljubljana has an urban, and in terms of municipal order and infrastructure, quite a modern forebear, indicate the desire in Ljubljana re-establish an awareness of the cultivated, Antique roots of the city.”44 44 Županek, 2008, p. 55. LITERATURA / REFERENCES Bratož, Rajko: Grška zgodovina [Greek History], Ljubljana 2003. Dimitz, August: Geschichte Krains von der ältesten Zeit bis auf Jahr 1813, I., Ljubljana 1874. Valvasor, Janez Vajkard: Slava vojvodine Kranjske [Glory of the Duchy of Carniola], in: Valvasorjevo Berilo, ed. Mirko Rupel, Ljubljana 1969. Elias, Norbert: O procesu civiliziranja, vol. 1, Ljubljana 2000. Vodnik, Valentin: Geschichte des Herzogthums Krain, des Gebiethes von Triest und der Grafschaft Görz, Dunaj 1812. First Blaženka: Prestolnica Ljubljana – nekoč in danes [The Capital Ljubljana – Then and Now], in: Prestolnica Ljubljana – nekoč in danes [The Capital Ljubljana – Then and Now], ed. Marko Habič (et al.), Ljubljana 1997. Zlobec, Barbara: Poročila antičnih geografov o severnem Jadranu [Reports of geographers of Antiquity on the northern Adriatic], in: Zgodovinski časopis, no. 1, 1999. Geary, Patrick J.: The Myth of Nations, The Medieval Origins of Europe, Princteon, Oxford 2000. Gruden, Josip: Zgodovina slovenskega naroda, Celovec 1912. Hingley, Richard: Globalizing Roman Culture, Unity, diversity and empire, London, New York 2005. Kastelic, Jože: Antična zgodovina v Valvasorjevi Slavi vojvodine Kranjske in njeni ilustratorji [Antique history in Valvasor’s Glory of the Duchy of Carniola and its illustrators], in: Vita artis perennis, ed. Alenka Klemenc (et al.), Ljubljana 2000. Županek, Bernarda: Podobi starodavne in slavne predhodnice: dediščina Emone in Ljubljana [Images of an ancient and glorious forebear: the heritage of Emona and Ljubljana], in: Monitor ISH, X/2, 2008. Kmetijske in rokodelske novice/ Novice kmetijskih, rokodelnih in narodskih reči/Novice gospodarske, obertnijske in narodske (Novice), Ljubljana 1843-1902. Slovenski glasnik, Ljubljana 1858-1868. Kastelic, Jože: Arheologija Slovenije v XIX. Stoletju [Archaeology of Slovenia in the 19th Century], in: XI. seminar slovenskega jezika, literature in kulture [The 11th Seminar on the Slovenian language, literature and culture], Ljubljana 1975. Kokole, Sanko: Some Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Appropriations and Adaptations of the Myth of the Argonauts in Ljubljana: From Texts to Images, in: Mediterranean Myths from Classical Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century, ed. Metoda Kokole (et al.), Ljubljana 2006. Krempel, Anton: Dogodivšine Štajerske zemle, Graz 1845. Kristiansen, Kristian: European Origins - ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Barbarism’, in: Cultural Identity and Archeology, The Construction of European Communities, ed. Paul Graves-Brown (et al.), London, New York 1996. Linhart, Anton Tomaž: Poskus zgodovine Kranjske in ostalih dežel južnih Slovano Avstije, , Ljubljana 1981. Ložar, Rajko: Razvoj in problemi slovenske arheološke vede [Development and problems of Slovenian archaeological science], in: Zbornik za umetnostno zgodovino, ed. France Stele (et al.), Ljubljana 1941. Muchar, Albert: Geschichte des Herzogthums Steiermark, I., Graz 1844. Prešeren, France: Pesnitve in pisma [Poems and Letters], ed. Anton Slodnjak, Ljubljana 1971. Šašel Kos, Marjeta: Ljubljanica in mit o Argonavtih [The Ljubljanica and the myth of the Argonauts], in: Ljubljanica – kulturna dediščina reke [The Ljubljanica – Cultural Heritage of the River], ed. Peter Turk (et al.), Ljubljana 2009. Slovenski biografski leksikon, Ljubljana 1925-1991. Struck, Manuela: The Heilige Römische Reich deutscher Nation and Hermann the German, in: Images of Rome, Perceptions of ancient Rome in Europe and United States in the modern age, ed. Richard Hingley, Portsmouth, Rhode Island, 2001. Valvasor, Janez Vajkard: Die Ehre des Herzogthums Crain [Glory of the Duchy of Carniola], Book XIII, Ljubljana 1689. Janez Polajnar 93 LJUBLJANA IN NJENO MESTO V ANTIKI, USTVARJANJE STARE IN SLAVNE ZGODOVINE LJUBLJANE KATALOG RAZSTAVLJENIH PREDMETOV Andreja Knapič Irena Žmuc Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek Jožica Hrustel Tadeja Mulh Janez Polajnar Catalogue of Exhibited items Kip Emonca (kopija) / Statue of Emonan (copy) 1 8 mavec (original: bron s pozlato) / plaster (original: bronze with gilt) 150 x 54 x 35 cm MGML, G6 Lonček / Pot keramika / ceramic 9,1 x 8 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., začetek 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, 47708 9 Lonec / Pot keramika / ceramic 13,9 x 9,3 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., začetek 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, 47702 14 Odlomki oljenke / Fragments of oil lamp keramika / ceramic 1,7 x 5,4 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., začetek 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, beginning of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, S63123 15 Odlomki krožnikov / Fragments of plates keramika / ceramic 3,6 x 1,5 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., prva četrtina 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, S63124, S63125 10 Balzamarij / Fragrance bottle Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 96 Catalogue of exhibited items steklo / glass 5,8 x 2,2 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., prva polovica 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, 47703 2 Lonec / Pot keramika / ceramic 23,4 x 10,3 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., začetek 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, beginning of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007/ Kongresni trg, grave 1007 5 MGML, 47700 Skodelica / Cup keramika / ceramic 4,4 x 7,5 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., prva četrtina 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 11 Ogledalo / Mirror speculum – zlitina bakra in kositra / alloy of copper and tin 7,3 x 0,3 cm 1.–2. stoletje / 1st – 2nd century Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, 47724 MGML, 4770 3 Pladenj / Platter keramika / ceramic 26,3 x 3,4 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., prva četrtina 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007/ Kongresni trg, grave 1007 6 Krožnik / Plate keramika / ceramic 2,6 x 15,6 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., prva četrtina 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, 47706 13 Ostenje amfore / Amphora sherd keramika / ceramic 21 x 18 cm 1. stoletje n. št. / 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, S63121 MGML, 47707 MGML, 47709 4 Skodelica / Cup keramika / ceramic 5,5 x 9,5 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., prva četrtina 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 7 Vrč / Jug keramika / ceramic 14,7 x 4 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., začetek 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, irst quarter of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, 47701 12 Izčrepinjska ploščica / Potsherd keramika / ceramic 4,8 x 1,2 cm konec 1. stoletja pr. n. št., začetek 1. stoletja n. št. / end of 1st century BCE, beginning of 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, 47704 16 Odlomki vrča / Fragments of jug keramika / ceramic 6,4 x 1 cm 1. stoletje n. št. / 1st century CE Kongresni trg, grob 1007 / Kongresni trg, grave 1007 MGML, S63126 17 Kamnita plošča z napisom / Stone tablet with inscription marmor / marble 79 x 82 cm jesen 14/pomlad 15 / autumn 14/spring 15 Narodni muzej, L57 / National Museum, L57 18 Vrč / Jug keramika / Ceramic 19,9 x 20,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 21408 19 Vrč / Jug keramika / ceramic 15,4 x 12 cm rimski čas / Roman period 23 Vrč / Jug keramika / ceramic 21 x 14 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 47661 24 Vrč / Jug keramika / ceramic 21,6 x 13,7 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 47662 25 Vedro / Pail bron / bronze R 19,8 x 16 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 4828 MGML, 30405 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 97 20 Vrč / Jug keramika / ceramic 14,5 x 11,6 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 30407 21 Vrč / Jug keramika / ceramic 12,9 x 9,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period 26 Krožnik / Plate keramika / ceramic R 14,4 x 3 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 34069 27 Krožnik / Plate keramika / ceramic R 17 x 4 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 47658 MGML, 30410 22 Vrč / Jug keramika / ceramic 22 x 14 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 47660 28 Krožnik / Plate keramika / ceramic R 17,4 x 4 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 47656 Katalog razstavljenih predmetov 29 Krožnik / Plate keramika / ceramic R 17 x 4 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 47653 34 Amfora / Amphora keramika / ceramic 91,0 x 40 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 47665 30 Krožnik / plate keramika / ceramic R 17 x 5,3 cm konec 1., začetek 2. stoletja / end of 1st, beginning of 2nd century MGML, 47652 31 Krožnik / Plate Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar keramika / ceramic R 17 x 4,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 47657 35 Čaša / Goblet keramika / ceramic 7,8 x 6,5 cm prva polovica 2. stoletja / irst half of 2nd century MGML, 4289 36 Zajemalka / Ladle bron / bronze R 3,9 x 2,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 11417 98 Catalogue of exhibited items 32 Krožnik / Plate keramika / Ceramic R 17,1 x 3,6 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 47655 33 Amfora / Amphora keramika / ceramic 85 x 30 cm rimski čas / Roman period 37 Zajemalka / Ladle bron / bronze R 5,4 x 13,1 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 31963 38 Zajemalka / Ladle bron / bronze R 5,2 x 14 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 31965 MGML, 47666 39 Zajemalka / Ladle bron / bronze R 5,6 x 10,9 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 31961 40 Zajemalka / Ladle bron / bronze R 5,6 x 9,2 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 31964 46 Igralni žeton/ Game token steklo / glass R 1,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33986 41 Zajemalka / Ladle bron / bronze R 6,2 x 7,3 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 31952 47 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,8 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 15987 42 Strigilis / Strigilis bron / bronze 20,5 x 8,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 32943 48 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,7 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 30426 43 Posoda za mazila / Ointment vessel bron / bronze R 16 x 13,5 cm druga polovica 4. stoletja second half of 4th century 49 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,6 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 31890 MGML, 15986 44 Igralni žeton / Game token 50 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,8 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 17274 45 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 17275 steklo / glass R 1,2 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 30433 51 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,6 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33221 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 99 Katalog razstavljenih predmetov 52 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,3 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 15990 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 100 Catalogue of exhibited items 58 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 2,3 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33561 53 Igralni žeton / Game token 59 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,2 cm rimski čas / Roman period kost / bone R 1,6 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 32834 MGML, 15593 54 Igralni žeton / Game token 60 Igralni žeton / Game token MGML, 30432 MGML, 33562 steklo / glass R 1,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period 55 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,9 cm rimski čas / Roman period kamen / stone R 1,8 cm rimski čas / Roman period 61 Igralna kocka / Dice kost / bone 1,5 x 1,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 4761 MGML, 30448 56 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,3 cm rimski čas / Roman period 62 Igralna kocka / Dice kost / bone 1,0 x 1,0 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33383 MGML, 31209 57 Igralni žeton / Game token steklo / glass R 1,8 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33511 63 Igralna kocka / Dice kost / bone 1,1 x 1,3 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33982 64 Igralna kocka / Dice kost / bone 1,2 x 1,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33983 70 Sponka / Clasp bron s pozlato, železo, granat / bronze with gilt, iron, garnet 8,2 x 3,5 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1/ Dravlje, grave 1 MGML, 32541 65 Igralna kocka / Dice kost / bone 1,1 x 1,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33984 71 Sponka / Clasp bron s pozlato, železo, granat / bronze with gilt, iron, garnet 8,2 x 3,5 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 MGML, 32542 66 Igralna kocka / Dice kost / bone 0,9 x 0,9 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 14855 72 Pasna spona / Belt buckle bron s pozlato, granat / bronze with gilt, garnet 9 x 4,5 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 MGML, 32535 67 Igralna kocka / Dice kost / bone 1,1 x 1,1 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 14856 73 Prstan (kopija) / Ring (copy) bron s pozlato (original: zlato) / bronze with gilt (original: gold) R 2,2 cm MGML, G135 68 Igralne kroglice / Marbles steklo / glass 12 kosov / 12 pieces R 1,6–1,9 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33716 74 Ogrlica iz jagod / Bead necklace steklo, jantar / glass, amber 10 kosov / 10 pieces različne dimenzije / various dimensions konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 MGML, 32599 69 Igralne kroglice / Marbles steklo / glass 3 kosi / 3 pieces R 1,6-1,8 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33764 75 Okrasni trak / Decorative band zlato / gold 2,5 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1/ Dravlje, grave 1 MGML, 32536 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 101 Katalog razstavljenih predmetov 76 Lasnica / Hairpin železo / iron 12 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 82 Novec / Coin bron / bronze R 2,2 cm sredina 4. stoletja / middle of 4th century MGML, S41440 MGML, 32537 77 Jagoda / Bead jantar/ amber R 1,7 x 1,3 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 83 Oljenka / Oil lamp keramika / ceramic 9,7 x 7,2 x 3,7 cm sredina 4.–6. stoletje / mid 4th to 6th century MGML, 4864 MGML, 32538 78 Jagoda / Bead Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar jantar / amber R 1,9 x 1,3 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 84 Stilus / Stylus bron / bronze 7,6 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33714 MGML, 32540 102 Catalogue of exhibited items 79 Okov / Reinforcer srebro / silver 2,6 x 0,8 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 85 Stilus / Stylus bron / bronze 10,3 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33331 MGML, 32545 80 Okov / Reinforcer srebro / silver 2,5 x 0,8 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 86 Stilus / Stylus bron / bronze 8,4 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33425 MGML, 32546 81 Novec – amulet / Coin - amulet bron / bronze R 2,7 cm konec 5., začetek 6. stoletja / end of 5th, beginning of 6th century Dravlje, grob 1 / Dravlje, grave 1 MGML, 32563 87 Stilus / Stylus železo / iron 12,4 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 33586 88 Novec / Coin bron / bronze R 1,7 cm druga polovica 4. stoletja / second half of 4th century 94 Pečatna škatlica / Oicial seal box bron / bronze 2,1 x 1,6 x 0,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 4878 MGML, S36998 89 Ostroga / Spur bron / bronze 7,6 x 5,5 cm 4. stoletje / 4th century MGML, 33412 95 Pečatna škatlica / Oicial seal box bron / bronze R 1,5 x 0,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 4880 90 Sponka / Fibula bron s pozlato / bronze with gilt 6,7 x 3,1 x 4,4 cm 4. stoletje / 4th century MGML, 33737 96 Pečatna škatlica / Oicial seal box bron / bronze 2,2 x 1,7 x 0,8 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 4886 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 103 91 Okov pasne garniture / Belt accessory reinforcer bron / bronze 7,3 x 3,8 cm konec 4., začetek 5. stoletja / end of 4th, beginning of 5th century 97 Pečatna škatlica / Oicial seal box bron / bronze 2,1 x 1,9 x 0,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 4893 MGML, 33498 92 Jermenski zaključek / Strap end bron / bronze 5,2 x 2,6 cm 4., 5. stoletje / 4th or 5th century 98 Pečatna škatlica / Oicial seal box bron / bronze 3,2 x 1,7 x 0,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 4896 MGML, 33288 93 Pasna garnitura / Belt accessory bron / bronze 1,9-2,5 x 1,2-5 cm zadnja četrtina 2., sredina 3. stoletja / Last quarter of 2nd, middle 3rd century Potniški center Lj. 2007/ 2008, grob 86 / Potniški center Lj. 2007/2008. grave 86 ZVKDS, CPA 99 Pečatna škatlica / Oicial seal box bron / bronze R 1,8 cm x 0,7 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 4908 Katalog razstavljenih predmetov 100 Pečatna škatlica / Oicial seal box bron / bronze 3 x 1,7 x 0,6 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century 106 Oljenka / Oil lamp keramika / ceramic 23,6 x 13 x 10,2 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 34129 MGML, 30596 101 Pečatna škatlica / Oicial seal box bron / bronze 3,0 x 1,7 x 0,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 33615 107 Oljenka / Oil lamp keramika / ceramic 9 x 6,5 x 2,8 cm 2. stoletje / 2st century Potniški center Lj. 2007/ 2008, grob 176 / Potniški center Lj. 2007/2008, grave 176 ZVKDS, CPA 102 Črnilnik / Inkwell Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 104 Catalogue of exhibited items kost / bone R 4,3 x 7,2 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 35460 103 Črnilnik / Inkwell keramika / ceramic R 4,3 x 7,2 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 34117 108 Kipec Venere / Statuette of Venus bron / bronze 15,8 cm 2. stoletje / 2nd century MGML, 31920 109 Kipec Bellena / Statuette of Bellenus bron / bronze 7,2 cm 1. stoletje pr. n. št. / 1st century BCE MGML, 31913 104 Posodica s pokrovom / Pyxis kost / bone 7,8 x R 3,8 2. stoletje / 2nd century Potniški center Lj. 2007/ 2008, grob 266 / Potniški center Lj. 2007/2008, grave 266 110 Steklenička / Bottle steklo / glass 7,6 x 3,2 cm sredina 1. stoletja / middle of 1st century MGML, 34639 ZVKDS, CPA 105 Glava kipa / Head of statue marmor / marble 30,0 x 20,5 x 12,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 42247 111 Kipec levinje / Statuette of she-lion bron / bronze 4,9 x 3,3 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 11384 112 Pasna spona / Belt buckle bron / bronze 2,6 x 2,8 cm 4., 5. stoletje / 4th or 5th century MGML, 33679 118 Ročaj skalpela / Scalpel handle bron; tavširan okras; srebro / bronze; tarnished decoration: silver 7,5 x 0,8 cm rimski čas / Roman period Tribuna 2008 Arhej d.o.o., št. PN 1583 113 Cedilo / Strainer handle bron, srebro / bronze, silver R 21,6 x 39,1 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century 119 Oljenka / Oil lamp bron / bronze 9,8 x 5,5 x 3,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 14809 MGML, 4829 114 Obesek / Pendant bron / bronze R 2 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 33291 120 Zajemalka / Ladle steklo / glass R 6,9 x 11 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century MGML, 34907 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 105 115 Moški kateter / Male catheter bron / bronze 21,4 x R 0,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period Kongresni trg 2009 121 Zajemalka / Ladle steklo / glass R 5,9 x 9,5 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century MGML, 34906 MGML, 47725 116 Ročaj skalpela / Scalpel handle 122 Krožnik / Plate bron / bronze 9 cm 2., 3. stoletje / 2nd or 3rd century steklo / glass R 15 x 2,7 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century MGML, 33456 MGML, 34914 117 Ročaj skalpela / Scalpel handle bron / bronze 3,6 cm x 0,9 cm rimski čas / Roman period Tribuna 2008 Arhej d.o.o., št. PN 1207 123 Krožnik / Plate steklo / glass R 10,5 x 1,6 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century MGML, 34915 Katalog razstavljenih predmetov 124 Žlica / Spoon srebro / silver 13,9 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 4976 130 Ostenje čaše / Sides of goblet steklo / glass 6,5 x 5,1 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century MGML, 34917 125 Skodela / Dish steklo / glass R 14,1 x 5,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 34896 126 Vrč / Jug Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar steklo / glass 12,1 x 9,8 cm prva polovica 2. stoletja / irst half of 2nd century MGML, 34898 131 Skodelica / Cup keramika / ceramic R 7 x 3,5 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 34633 132 Skodela / Dish keramika / ceramic R 14,4 x 6,7 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 34090 106 Catalogue of exhibited items 127 Čaša / Goblet steklo / glass R 9,2 x 8,5 cm 1., 2. stoletje / 1st or 2nd century 133 Skodelica / Cup keramika / ceramic R 11,6 x 5,4 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 47654 MGML, 34900 128 Čaša / Goblet steklo / glass R 9,1 x 8,9 cm 1., 2. stoletje / 1st or 2nd century 134 Skodelica / Cup keramika / ceramic R 10,1 x 4 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 47651 MGML, 34911 129 Čaša / Goblet steklo / glass R 9,3 x 7,4 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 34642 135 Skodelica / Cup keramika / ceramic R 9,1 x 5,3 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 34634 136 Skodelica / Cup keramika / ceramic R 8,3 x 3,8 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 47659 137 Skodelica / Cup keramika / ceramic R 7,1 x 5,1 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 34638 138 Čaša / Goblet keramika / ceramic R 9 x 9,1 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 47663 142 Skodela / Dish steklo / glass R 12,5 x 4 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 34897 143 Kozarec / Glass steklo / glass R 8,1 x 9,2 cm 3. stoletje / 3rd century MGML, 35046 144 Kozarec / Glass steklo / glass R 6,2 x 6,7 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century MGML, 35193 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 107 139 Skodelica / Cup steklo / glass R 6 x 2,3 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 34839 145 Kozarec / Glass steklo / glass R 7,1 x 10 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 35394 140 Skodelica / Cup steklo / glass R 6,2 x 2,3 cm 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 34840 141 Skodela / Dish steklo / glass R 10,7 x 6,1 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century MGML, 34641 146 Kozarec / Glass steklo / glass R 7,4 x 12 cm 4. stoletje / 4th century MGML, 35396 147 Čaša / Goblet steklo / glass R 11,3 x 8,2 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 35043 Katalog razstavljenih predmetov 148 Čaša / Goblet steklo / glass R 7 x 9,2 cm konec 1., začetek 2. stoletja / end of 1st, beginning of 2nd century 154 Steklenica / Bottle steklo / glass 12 x 5,5 x 5,4 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 34640 MGML, 35055 149 Čaša / Goblet steklo / glass R 7,4 x 7,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 35398 150 Čaša / Goblet Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar steklo / glass R 7,2 x 8 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 35399 155 Steklenica / Bottle steklo / glass 15 x 8,7 x 8,7 cm 1., 2. stoletje / 1st or 2nd century MGML, 34916 156 Steklenica / Bottle steklo / glass 19,7 x 7,5 cm 1., 2. stoletje / 1st or 2nd century MGML, 35191 108 Catalogue of exhibited items 151 Zajemalka / Ladle steklo / glass R 5,4 x 11,5 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century 157 Steklenica / Bottle steklo / glass 17,0 x 9,4 cm 1., 2. stoletje / 1st or 2nd century MGML, 35192 MGML, 34908 152 Zajemalka / Ladle steklo / glass R 7,2 x 6,3 cm druga polovica 1. stoletja / second half of 1st century MGML, 34909 153 Zajemalka / Ladle steklo / glass R 7,9 x 8,4 cm konec 1., začetek 2. stoletja / end of 1st, beginning of 2nd century MGML, 35059 158 Steklenica / Bottle steklo / glass 19,5 x 7,5 cm konec 1., začetek 2. stoletja / end of 1st, beginning of 2nd century MGML, 35057 159 Steklenica / Bottle steklo / glass 10,5 x 7,8 cm prva polovica 1. stoletja / first half of 1st century MGML, 35402 160 Steklenica / Bottle steklo / glass 14,8 x 8,2 x 8 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 44768 166 Sponka / Clasp bron, steklo / bronze, glass 2,6 x 2 cm 1., 2. stoletje / 1st or 2nd century MGML, 13125 161 Skleda / Bowl steklo / glass R 14 x 5,5 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 47667 167 Uhani / Earrings zlato, steklena pasta / gold, glass 2,3 x 1,4 cm 3. stoletje / 3rd century Potniški center Lj. 2007/ 2008, grob 105 / Potniški center Lj. 2007/2008, grave 105 ZVKDS, CPA 162 Čaša / Goblet steklo / glass R 11 x 6 cm rimski čas / Roman period MGML, 47668 168 Lasnice / Hairpins kost in zlata folija / bone, gilt 6,3 x R 0,18 cm 2. stoletje / 2nd century Potniški center Lj. 2007/ 2008, grob 31 / Potniški center Lj. 2007/2008, grave 31 ZVKDS, CPA 163 Čaša / Goblett steklo / glass 14,1 x 12,9 1. stoletje / 1st century MGML, 31889 169 Utež za statve / Loom weight keramika / ceramic 5 x 3,5 cm prazgodovina / prehistoric MGML, 2873 164 Prstan / Ring zlato / gold R 2 cm 2. stoletje / 2st century MGML, 31360 165 Lasnica / Hair pin kost / bone 11,5 cm konec 1., začetek 2. stoletja / end of 1st, beginning of 2nd century MGML, 33580 170 Skifos / Skyphos keramika / ceramic 7 x 15 cm 5. stoletje pr.n.š. / 5th century BCE Most na Soči Goriški muzej, P4316 / Goriški Museum, P4316 171 Wolfgang Lazius Carinthiae ducatus, et Goritiae, Karstii, Chaczeolae, Carniolae, Histriae, et Windorum marchae descrip. papir / paper 43 x 27 cm 1584 NUK, kartografska in slikovna zbirka, A IV – 27 / National and University Library, cartographic and pictorial collection, A IV – 27 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 109 Katalog razstavljenih predmetov 172 Sebastian Münster Cosmographey, oder Beschreibung aller Länder papir / paper 48 x 63 cm 1550 NUK, kartografska in slikovna zbirka, 2368 / National and University Library, cartographic and pictorial collection, 2368 173 Pečatnik mesta Ljubljane / Seal of the City of Ljubljana kovina / metal 6 cm okoli 1450 / around 1450 MGML, 25306 Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek, Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar 110 Catalogue of exhibited items 174 Ljubljanski grb z zmajem / Ljubljana crest with dragon les / wood 53 x 53 cm druga polovica 18. stoletja / second half of 18th century 178 Jurij Tavčar Strelska tarča / Archery target olje, papir na lesu / oil and paper on wood R 58 cm 1862 MGML, 14026 179 Geme / Gems les, mavec, usnje / wood, plaster, leather 35 x 90 x 4 cm konec 20. stoletja / end of 20th century MGML, 43192 180 Plan der Provinzial Hauptstadt Laibach papir / paper 63 x 76 cm 1853 MGML, 36915 MGML, 28134 175 Janez Vajkard Valvasor/Andrej Trost Veliki prospekt Ljubljane / Grand prospect of Ljubljana papir / paper 30 x 93 cm 1689 181 Atena / Athena keramika / ceramic 18 x 6 x 6 cm 4.-3. stoletje pr. n. š. / 4th – 3rd century BC Pokrajinski muzej Celje / Celje Regional Museum MGML, 30367 176 C. Wagenführer Studie über einen Schifarhrts-Canal von der Donau zur Adria (Wien–Trst) papir / paper 35 x 61 cm 1900 MGML, 25146 182 Neznani avtor / Unknown artist Cesar Franc I. / Emperor Franz I. olje, platno / oil on canvas 94 x 79 cm prva četrtina 19. stoletja / irst quarter of 19th century MGML, 17408 177 Italo Mancini Prospetto frontale papir / paper 80 x 109 cm 1943 ZAL, Reg I 2396, II A/6 183 Odlikovanje zlato runo / Golden Fleece decoration kovina, emajl, dragi kamni / metal, enamel, precious stones 13 x 16 cm 1860 zasebna last / Privately owned EMONA: MIT IN RESNIČNOST EMONA: MYTH AND REALITY Razstava / Exhibition Katalog/Catalogue Muzej in galerije mesta Ljubljane, Mestni muzej Ljubljana/ Museum and Galleries of Ljubljana, City Museum of Ljubljana Izdal in založil/Published by: Muzej in galerije mesta Ljubljane, Mestni muzej Ljubljana/Museum and Galleries of Ljubljana, City Museum of Ljubljana Zanj/Represented by: Blaž Peršin Avtorica razstave/Author of the exhibition: Bernarda Županek Soavtorica razstave/Co-author of the exhibition: Irena Žmuc Koordinatorka razstave/Coordinator of the exhibition: Irena Veselko Zanj/Represented by: Blaž Peršin Uredila/Edited by: Bernarda Županek Avtorji besedil/Texts by: Bernarda Županek, Irena Žmuc, Janez Polajnar Sodelavci razstave/Collaborators: Janez Polajnar, Andreja Knapič, Irena Sivec, Božena Dirjec, Metka Simončič Stvarni katalog/Catalogue of items on display: Andreja Knapič, Irena Žmuc, Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek (Arhej d.o.o.), Jožica Hrustel, Tadeja Mulh, Janez Polajnar Zunanji sodelavci/External exhibition workers: Arhej d.o.o., Jožica Hrustel, Zavod za varstvo dediščine OE Ljubljana, Center za preventivno arheologijo Oblikovanje in prelom/Graphic design and print layout: Dolores Gerbec Avtorica oblikovanja razstave in koncepta razstavne grafike/ Author of exhibition design and exhibition graphics design concept: Sanja Jurca Avci Oblikovanje celostne grafične podobe razstave in razstavne grafike/Exhibition identity graphic design and exhibition graphics design: Dolores Gerbec Sodelavka pri oblikovanju razstave in konceptu razstavne grafike/Collaborator of exhibition design and exhibition graphics design concept: Nika Grabar Jezikovni pregled/Language editing (Slovenian): Katja Paladin Prevod v angleščino/English translation: Amidas d.o.o. Jezikovni pregled angleškega besedila/Language editing (English): Murray Bales Konservatorsko-restavratorska priprava gradiva/Conservation and restoration of the exhibit: Konservatorska služba MGML, Matjaž Bizjak (Arhej d.o.o.) Dokumentacija/Documentation: Dokumentacijska služba MGML Fotografiranje/Photographs by: Matevž Paternoster, Tomaž Lauko (fototeka Narodnega muzeja Slovenije), David Badovinac (Arhej d.o.o.), Zdravko Primožič (dokumentacija Dela), Miha Mlinar (fototeka Tolminskega muzeja), Janez Rupnik (Magelan d.o.o.), Stanislav Južnič, Srečo Habič, arhiv AML, arhiv ZTL Rekonstrukcije/Reconstructions: Katarina Toman, Veljko Toman, Benjamin Štular, Petra Vojaković, Mate Božinović, Zoran Arizanović, Virtualni muzej na Ljubljanskem gradu (Renderspace d.o.o.) Risba/Drawing: Dragica Knific Lunder Tehnična postavitev/Contractor: RPS d.o.o. Promocija/Promotion: Urša Karer Trženje/Marketing: Tamara Bregar Andragoški programi/Teaching programmes for adults: Janja Rebolj Jezikovni pregled/Language editing (Slovenian): Katja Paladin Prevod v angleščino/English translation: Amidas d.o.o. Jezikovni pregled angleškega besedila/Language editing (English): Murray Bales Fotografije/Photographs by: Matevž Paternoster, Maja Lavrič, Tomaž Lauko (fototeka Narodnega muzeja Slovenije), David Badovinac (Arhej d.o.o.), Zdravko Primožič (dokumentacija Dela), Miha Mlinar (fototeka Tolminskega muzeja), Janez Rupnik (Magelan d.o.o.), Stanislav Južnič, Srečo Habič, Igor Lapajne Dokumentacija in digitalizacija/Documentation and digitalisation: Dokumentacijska služba MGML, Milan Štupar (NUK), Tina Arh (ZAL) Tisk/Printed by: Tiskarna Hren Naklada/No. of copies printed: 300 izvodov/copies