Słowiński, M, et al. 2024. Human impacts on environment in the preindustrial forest landscapes in Poland—An overview. Elem Sci Anth, 12: 1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.2023.00065 RESEARCH ARTICLE Human impacts on environment in the preindustrial forest landscapes in Poland-An overview Michał Słowiński1,*,y , Tomasz Zwi˛azek2,y , Paweł Swoboda3 , Michał A. Niedzielski4 , Sandra Słowińska5 , Michał Konopski6 , Jerzy Jonczak7 , Bogusława Kruczkowska7 , Aleksandra Chojnacka8 , Dominik Róg9 , Krzysztof Szewczyk1 , and Dariusz Brykała10 Keywords: Human impact, Relict charcoal hearths, Onomastics, Landscape legacy, Spatial analysis, Deforestation, Kingdom of Poland, Early Modern period (prior to 1600 AD) 1. Introduction Forests have been an important component in assembling the landscape of the European lowlands. They also served as a source of shelter, food, and building materials and thus played an important role in human life. Until the early Middle Ages, the main form of economy in Polish forest areas was slash-and-burn agriculture, which involved clearing and burning of forests to harvest and fertilizing new agricultural areas with ash. The soils were cultivated until they became sterile, and settlers moved to other locations (Poklewski-Koziełł, 1975; Fokt, 2012). The Middle Ages also saw a surge in the development of rural and urban settlements, construction, and crafts, all of which required wood as a relevant raw material. Forest and woodland areas were increasingly exploited for grazing livestock, preparing hay, and making bedding for winters (Samojlik, 2016). Furthermore, raw materials from forests were used on a larger scale in the manufacture of household utensils, wheel righting, and artistic sculptures as well as in leather-working by shoemakers, who used oak bark, wood ash, and tar. In the Polish lands, the first era of large-scale forest clearance (colonization) began in the 13th century, with the development of new settlement structures (Ślaski, 1951; Broda, 2000; Buczek, 2005; Kaplan et al., 2009; Brykała and Podgórski, 2020; Ellis et al., 2020). Land grabbing by authorities led to the imposition of various obligations on the peasant population. Trees also provided financial security for landowners. However, as time passed, forests ceased to be an unknown and mysterious space and became a source of raw materials for industrial development (Fossier and Cochrane, 2012; Ellis et al., 2013; Geremek, 2017). During the Early 1 Department of Past Landscape Dynamics, Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warszawa, Poland 7 Department of Soil Science, Warsaw University of Life Sciences, Warsaw, Poland 8 2 Department of Geoecology, Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warszawa, Poland Department of Biochemistry and Microbiology, Warsaw University of Life Sciences, Warsaw, Poland 9 3 Institute of Polish Language, Polish Academy of Sciences, Kraków, Poland Institute of History, The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Lublin, Poland 10 4 Department of Urban and Population Studies, Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warszawa, Poland y 5 Climate Research Department, Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warszawa, Poland 6 Department of Rural Geography and Local Development, Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warszawa, Poland Department of Environmental Resources and Geohazards, Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warszawa, Poland These authors contributed equally. * Corresponding author: Email: michal.slowinski@geopan.torun.pl Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Quantification of human impact on past forest ecosystems becomes more challenging as one goes deeper into the past.This is primarily due to a scarcity of appropriate source materials. It is well-known that the inclusion of the Polish lands in the zone of economic ties with Western Europe at the end of the 15th century enabled the intensive export of cereal and forest products. In this article, we have used place names established before 1600 not only to demonstrate how ancient forests were exploited but also to reflect on the various environmental effects of these past activities. By analyzing the naming material, we distinguished 3 basic types of names related to logging, industrial production, and wild beekeeping. In addition, we have included several theoretical considerations related to environmental consequences of forest exploitation. Art. 12(1) page 2 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products 2021). These mechanisms have occurred alternately in the long postglacial history of vegetation in the European lowlands and are crucial not only because a large portion of forest is lost but also because they have led to new processes, such as increased physical and chemical denudation, that is, intensification of slope processes, changes in meso- and microclimatic conditions, and modification of surface runoff (Dietze et al., 2016; Słowiński et al., 2016; Ott et al., 2017; Słowiński et al., 2021; Wieckowska-Lüth et al., 2021). The cascading nature of environmental processes and their strong connection to human history have resulted in a growing number of scientists representing research fields related to paleoecology being invited to study past landscapes (Izdebski et al., 2016; Zwi˛azek et al., 2023b). The high-resolution analyses that can be performed on biogenic cores (peat and lake sediments) and in dendrochronological studies (Muigg and Tegel, 2021) are very promising sources for information. These natural archives provide information on how ecosystems have responded to changes in land use, deforestation, or drainage in the past (Słowiński et al., 2018; Łuców et al., 2020; Mroczkowska et al., 2021; Bonk et al., 2022). Additionally, they can indicate the duration of these modifications and also explain whether these changes were related to natural phenomena or human activity that transformed (for instance) forest areas into cultivation fields (Czerwiński et al., 2021; Słowiński et al., 2021). Analysis of paleoecological, cartographic, or written historical data separately did not allow us to understand or interpret certain effects, particularly environmental consequences that do not follow the natural pattern of progression (i.e., vegetation succession). In this article, we describe the range of activities related to forest management and production carried out until the 16th century in the areas of the Kingdom of Poland based on toponymy (place names). In analyzing the collected data, our main focus was on the potential environmental effects associated with: industrial production, logging and export of timber, as well as wild beekeeping. We consider these activities as the most important from the perspective of the transformation of forest landscapes in the past. In exploring these matters, we particularly intended to depict the complexity of issues related to the multifaceted use of the environment by humans in the past. Each of these activities required the initiation of different types of settlement processes that affected the local environment to varying degrees. We consider proto-industrial exploitation to be the most influential process, while honey extraction is the least intrusive on the ancient environment. Logging ranks between these 2 activities (Samojlik et al., 2013). Geographic names may constitute an auxiliary source of information on the forest activities and often—due to lack of historical data—they may be the only evidence of activities that were performed in a given area (Groenewoudt et al., 2022). In this study, we focused in particular on forest landscapes, which we believe provide a more comprehensive grasp of the subject presented here. Here, we have focused on the place names used in the area of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland by 1600 AD. Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Modern period, forests in the Polish territory were overexploited by different groups of people (mostly noble owners) who had permits (granted by Polish kings) to cut trees freely. The lack of a forest protection policy contributed to the catastrophic loss of forest areas in Poland in _ the 16th–18th centuries (Zabko-Potopowicz, 1965). During this period, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth became one of the largest exporters of forest products (Rybarski, 1928; North, 2011). The inclusion of both Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the sphere of trade in wood raw materials was possible largely due to the victory in the so-called Thirteen Years’ War (1454– 1466) between the Polish Crown and the Teutonic Order. All the economic and settlement phenomena described here were reflected in place names. Thus, they are an extremely sensitive indicator testifying to the place, scale, and strength of human activity on the past landscapes. Until the end of the 18th century, forests were mainly exploited for export to Western Europe (timber, mast wood, firewood, etc.) and other processes such as beekeeping, ore smelting, and production of charcoal, ash, and potash (Kutrzeba and Duda, 1915; Rybarski, 1928; _ Zabko-Potopowicz, 1965). Development of protoindustries such as glasswork or forges in dense forests led to an increase in settlement, which reflected in the emergence of various types of forest enclaves (Heymanowski, 1969; Róg, 2021). On the other hand, in terms of the economic context, the main form of forest exploitation in the period in question was the self-renewal of forest _ complexes (Zabko-Potopowicz, 1965). This means that the largest and most valuable trees in an area were felled first, while the rest was left untouched for a certain period of time. This type of forest management, which was not guided by any principles, contributed to a gradual shortage of wood material in the long term (Warde, 2006; Zwi˛azek, 2017). Regular forest management (in today’s understanding), which aimed at reacting to critical events, was introduced in Polish lands as late as the 18th–19th century due to the impact of Prussian and Austrian stan_ dards (Mager, 1960; Zabko-Potopowicz, 1967; Blackbourn, 2007; Hölzl, 2010). Despite limited timber resources in particular geographical regions in the modern era, until the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, natural forest reserves in Poland, Ruthenia, and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were quite large and diverse, allowing for the export of forest products to Western Europe via the most important waterways—Vistula, Warta, Oder, Niemen, and Dvina rivers (Ślaski, 1951; Buczek, 1960; Chojnacka, 2007). Needless to say, the size of these forests shrank with each passing century and as the so-called “industrial revolution” gained momentum, the natural forest gradually receded into the commercial forest with all its attendant consequences. When studying settlement or economic issues related to the functioning of past societies, it is often very difficult to focus on the profound and complex environmental consequences of past human activities. For instance, fires, floods, or strong winds may cause important forest transformations (Seidl and Rammer, 2017; Dietze et al., 2018; Dietze et al., 2019; Słowiński et al., 2019; Łuców et al., Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Therefore, we analyzed only the names used in this period in part of today’s Polish territory and excluded the names of today’s western (Silesia, Western Pomerania, Pol. Śl˛ask, Pomorze Zachodnie) and northeastern (Warmia and Masuria, Pol. Warmia i Mazury) territories of Poland, which belonged to other countries in the 16th century. Moreover, as our research concerns only the toponymy of the Polish lands of the Kingdom, the eastern areas of contemporary Poland, which belonged to other districts of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (Duchy of Lithuania, Red Ruthenia) in the 16th century, were also excluded. A reason for limiting the scope of the study to the 16thcentury toponymy of the Polish lands of the Crown is the availability of complete research material (Section 2.1). 2.1. Onomastics-Key to understand the past People have named the near and distant surroundings for centuries. The naming is an important proof of human “taming” of the landscape. The establishment of a basic linguistic framework not only familiarized people with the natural (primeval) landscape but also was necessary to form further economic, social, and consequently, legal structures. Onomastics is the science concerned with the study of geographical names—their history, origin, and function. It is also a field of knowledge on the borderline between linguistics (of which it is considered a subdiscipline), historical, and social sciences—as it deals with various aspects of the formation and functioning of proper names. Onomastic research allows one to delve into the past. Geographic names (and proper nouns in general) serve primarily in marking and distinguishing the objects in space. On the other hand, toponyms are not merely empty label as they inform about the topographic, cultural, economic, and various other features of a given region in the near and distant past. Several works have aimed at reconstructing the past cultural or natural landscape through linguistic data contained in toponyms (Barabach, 2018; Seidl, 2019). In this article, we searched for traces related to the management and use of forests employing the 16th-century toponymy of the Polish lands. This type of onomastic research falls under the category of cultural onomastics (Rzetelska-Feleszko, 2007), aiming at analyzing proper names in the context of historical stratification, where a name acts as a transmitter of cultural forms and a link between past and present. Although the term cultural onomastics has only been coined recently (Mrózek, 2004), toponomastic works, which mainly focus on the linguistic analysis of proper names, traditionally refer to extralinguistic phenomena that have affected the process of toponym formation while also being more or less explicitly reflected in them. This is evidenced by the fact that most authors of Polish (and Slavic in general) regional toponomastic monographs have used the semantic-etymological classification proposed by Taszycki (1946), with later modifications by Borek (1988), according to which names are classified as follows: topographic, cultural, ethnic, possessive, patronymic, servile, and professional, as well as ancestral, familial, and relational (particular types refer to a fragment of reality related to natural properties or human activity). This classification resulted from historians’ belief that certain types of place names are associated with the stages of Slavic settlement (Rzetelska-Feleszko, 1998). Thus, (top)onomastics, by definition, may depict the broadly defined cultural (as well as natural) landscape reflected in geographical names. The abovementioned toponomastic monographs have mostly focused on the scope of the classification referring to the functioning of names of a given type, which indicate specific natural, settlement, or cultural features of a given area. However, in a number of Polish and international works, toponymic material has been used to determine the borders of areas and the chronology of specific human economic activities or the occurrence of particular natural qualities (Atik and Swaffield, 2017; Barabach, 2018; Seidl, 2019). Studies aiming at reconstructing ethno-settlement boundaries based on the linguistic features of toponyms include the work of Górnowicz (1978), who investigated the extent of Slavic and Baltic settlements in Lower Vistula Valley (Pol. Powiśle Gdańskie) region in the Middle Ages. In his article, Górnowicz (1978) reported on the possibility of reconstructing plant and animal cover based on nomenclatural data. Furthermore, Qian et al. (2016) attempted reconstructing the extent of migration of various ethnic groups in China. The practical applications of onomastics have been mentioned in the works concerning the plant diversity of ecotones of Spain (López-Leiva and Tort-Donada, 2018) or the spatial distribution of tree species in Romania (Simon et al., 2018). Wójcik (2013) used local nomenclature to determine the extent of economic organization associated with the Piast monarchy in modern Poland. Examples of research that directly address the issue discussed in this article are those focusing on the nomenclatural traces of the slash-and-burn agriculture in Switzerland (Conedera et al., 2007), Poland (Zierhoffer and Zierhofferowa, 2008–2009), and Northern Scandinavia (Cogos et al., 2019), as well as publications on the chronology of the emergence of local names such as Rumunek and Rumunki (derived from German Räumung “emptying, clearing, removing” [here: forest, thickets]) associated with the Dutch-type settlements in forest areas in central and northern Poland (Szewczyk, 1981). 2.2. Spatial dataset The research material was obtained from the spatial database of settlements in the areas of the Kingdom of Poland in the 16th century (Figure 1).1 This database provides information about the type of settlement, as well as its localization, function, and ownership, referring to both modern and 16th-century names (place names, oikonyms). Due to the availability of a comprehensive and representative historical database, the study examined toponyms only from this area in the 16th century instead of entire 1. Map of the Polish lands of the Crown in the 16th century. Source: Atlas Fontinum spatial database, https://atlasfontium. pl/?page_id¼848&lang¼en. Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 2. Materials and methods Art. 12(1) page 3 of 26 Art. 12(1) page 4 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products contemporary Poland. Although several historical and toponomastic works have described the toponymy of other territories mentioned earlier, there is no spatial database comparable to the one used here covering the Crown of Poland. There are of course complete databases of contemporary toponymy, such as the PRNG (National Register of Geographical Names), which contains information on the names of over 124,500 settlements and 141,500 physiographical objects and could serve as a source of research material. However, the current Polish place name system is very complex. In the case of western and northern territories (Silesia, Western Pomerania, Warmia, and Masuria), a number of artificial names were introduced after the Second World War, which may resemble the names that were searched for, but do not actually reflect the Medieval or Early Modern reality. The analysis of the research material involved semiautomatic (supervised) extraction of toponyms derived from Old Polish or Proto-Slavic lexis related to the use of the forest and its resources (specific examples of words and toponymic derivatives are provided in Table 1). Information on vocabulary was collected from the dictionaries of Old Polish and Proto-Slavic languages, as well as from etymological and toponomastic studies, in which the meanings of words forming toponyms were reconstructed if there was no attestation for a common word. At the end of the analysis, a total of 507 settlements with names related to forest economic activities were obtained from about 24,000 objects. We distinguished 3 basic semantic categories being associated with: 1. forest clearings and timber harvesting, 2. extraction and processing of raw materials, and 3. honey harvesting (beekeeping). Place names used in the analysis date back to the second half of the 16th century, but their origins stem from the colonization processes of the Late Medieval times. To a large extent, these are settlements established between the 13th and 15th century and the terms identifying them refer rather to the time of their founding. Numerous settlements may have changed their ontological status (Garbacz et al., 2018; Myrda et al., 2020) in the late 16th century and their inhabitants may have been engaged in agriculture instead of logging. Unfortunately for several hundred villages, it was not possible to trace the exact history of their settlement development. However, it was assumed that when researching such a vast material, the sheer number of place names should compensate for the lack of detailed studies. In addition, in the Medieval and Early Modern times, the level of anthropogenic pressure increased relatively slowly. A greater dynamics of change in the forest landscapes (and settlements) can be observed in the Polish territories only since the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries (Wyrobisz, 1968a; Róg, 2021; Zwi˛azek, 2022). Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 1. Study area. Poland in the 16th century in the context of various historical onomastic layers. Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Art. 12(1) page 5 of 26 Table 1. List of names related to forest exploitation in the Polish lands in the Early Modern period Lexical Bases Meanings Settlement Names (Examples) Names associated with clearing of forest areas for timber harvesting and/or land cultivation (development of settlement structures) settlement of forest workers Buda, Budnie, Budziska, Budy, Kolbudy, Strysza Buda, and Kosobudy drwal lumberjack Drwale, Drwały, and Drwalewo drwa, drzewo, drewno tree; wood; timber Drzewca, Drzewce, Drzewica, and Drwienia gorzeć, perf. pogorzeć, zgorzeć to burn Zgorzelec, Zegrze, Z_ egrze, Zgierz, Pogorzele, Zgorzelica, Gorzeń, and Pogorzałki kopanina also called nowina in Polish clearing taken under cultivation Kopanina and Kopaniny łaz arable land in place of cleared forest Łazy, Łaziec, Łaziska, Łaźniki, and Łaz˛eki palić perf. opalić to burn Opalenica, Opalenka, and Opalenie Piła saw mill; saw Piła, Pieła, and Pilna Wólka R˛ebać, por˛eba, zar˛ab, zar˛eba, zar˛ebie “ts.” to cut or chop the trees, a place where the forest was cut down Por˛abka, Por˛eba, R˛abienie, Rembowo, R˛ebowo, Zar˛eba, Zar˛ebki, and Zar˛eby sałasz, szałas primitive forest cottage, hut Szałas trzebić, trzebinia, trzebina to clear, clearing taken under cultivation Trzebinia, Trzebiele, Trzebień, Trzebieniec, Treblina, and Trebień z_ ar, zdziar, z_ dz_ ar area of burned-out forest taken under cultivation Z_ ary, Z_ arki, Z_ aryniec, Z_ dz_ ar, Z_ dz_ arka, Z_ dz_ arówka, Z_ dz_ arzec, and Z_ ardki z_ ec (<Proto-Slavic *žegti), poz_ ega, poz_ oga to burn, to destroy with fire, fire; burned-out forest Z_ agań, Z_ eglce, Z_ egielnice, Z_ egrowo, Poz_ egowo, and Poz_ ogi Names related to the extraction and processing of raw materials dziegieć tar, pitch Dziegietnia, Dziekciniec, Dziekczyno, Dziektarnia, Dziektarzewo, and Dziechtarzewo hamer ironworks (<German Hammer) Hamer, Hamer Oleski, Hamrzysko, Hamerski Młyn, Chomrzyska, and Chamrzyska huta ironworks (<German Hütte) Huta, Chuta, Uta, Hucisko, and Ucisko koper copper (<Middle German kopper) Kopernia and Kopermil kuźnica ironworks Kuźnica, Kuźnice, Kuźniczki, Kuźnica Herbułtowska, and Zawadzka Kuźnica miedź copper Miedzianka and Miedziane Góry młot hammer Młoty piec blast furnace Piec, Piecki, Pieczyska, and Pieczyski Ruda, adj. rudny ore; ironworks (usually with ore mine) Ruda, Rudy, Rudnik, Rudniki, Rudzica, Rudny Młyn, Rudnica, and Rudniczysko Smoła, adj. smolny tar, pitch Smoleń, Smolina, Smolnica, Smolsko, Smoluhy, Zgliczyno Smolne, Smołdzino, Smolany, and Smołki st˛epor type of hammer St˛epor szkło glass Tymianka-Szklarze, Szklana Huta, Szklanów, and Szklary Z_ elazo, adj. z_ elazny iron; a thing made of iron Hamer Z_ elazny, Z_ eleźnica, Z_ elazy, Z_ elazna, Z_ elazko, Z_ elazówka, Wola Z_ elezna, and Z_ eleźnikowa z_ up ironworks Z_ upawa (continued) Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Buda, adj. budny Art. 12(1) page 6 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Table 1. (continued) Lexical Bases Meanings Settlement Names (Examples) Names associated with honey harvesting barć bartnik, bartodziej hive, beehive, beekeeper Bartnia, Bartniki, Bartodzieje, and Wola Bartodziejska miód honey (<Proto-Slavic *měd8) Miedary (16c. Niedary), Miedzwno, Miednik, and Miedzna obelnik beekeeper Obelniki otoka an area of forest with hives Otoka pasieka apiary, bee-garden (<forest clearing) Pasieka and Pasieki 2.3. Statistical approaches We used spatial and inferential statistics to determine the similarities and differences in the spatial distribution of the 3 types of toponyms in relation to all other villages. First, the local point patterns were examined using a distance-based analysis. The mean distance to the nearest neighbor was considered to verify if the distribution of the locations of each toponym type was random, clustered, or dispersed. Subsequently, an analysis was carried out to test whether the 3 toponym types and other villages were equidistant from rivers and towns. Since the Shapiro–Wilk W normality test revealed that the distributions of both distances by each toponym type were not normally distributed, a nonparametric Kruskal–Wallis test was used to identify if at least one of the distances differed from others. Dunn’s pairwise comparison post hoc test with Bonferroni adjustment was performed to determine which specific distances were different compared to others. Then, spatial autocorrelation was tested to determine the relationships between village locations within each toponym group (except for beekeeping-related villages due to small sample size), in order to identify statistically significant clusters and outliers. We used the Optimized Outlier Analysis tool in ArcGIS to aggregate the village locations into raster cells. The cell size and analysis scale were optimized based on the characteristics of each village group. Then, using the 8 nearest neighbors within the optimized distance threshold for each cell, local Moran’s I statistic was run, after correcting for multiple testing and spatial dependence using the false discovery rate method. Statistical significance was obtained by repeating the analysis 999 times while varying the values around each zone using a randomization process. Finally, as described above, we investigated the variations in distances to a river and a town by each local Moran’s I cluster/outlier group. We spatially joined the cluster/outlier label to the village locations and then averaged the distances by each cluster/ outlier group. 3. Results and discussion 3.1. Place names dataset Place names dating from the 16th century were classified into 3 main types (see Table 1 and Tables A1, A2, and A3). The first group includes oikonyms related to forest clearing and exploitation of agro-pastoral character. The second group includes names that are directly related to industry (forges, ironworks, etc.). The last and least numerous groups include the names of settlements that are relics of beekeeping activities. It should be noted that this list does not include all the names that could be associated with the activities that are the subject of this article. We have selected only those names for which their primary semantics can be clearly identified, while we had to omit names with ambiguous motivation. Examples of such toponyms are names like W˛eglewo, W˛eglno, or D˛ebniki. Their bases may have included lexemes related to forestry activities (w˛egiel “coal”, d˛ebnik “a man tanning leather with oak bark”), but in many cases, it is possible that they are based on words with a different semantics, for example, W˛egiel (personal name), w˛egieł “corner, angle,” and d˛ebnik “young oak forest.” 3.2. Spatial analysis Spatial and inferential statistics were employed to determine the similarities and differences in the distribution of the 3 types of toponyms and other villages. First, we apply point pattern analysis 4 times to examine the spatial distribution of each village type and other villages based on distances between the villages of each type only. The Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Some of the place names were excluded from the analysis, as they resulted from the consequences of colonization processes and settlement development in the study area. The parish of Zar˛eby located in the vicinity of Andrzejewo, a town (nowadays a village) on the eastern edge of the White Forest (Pol. Puszcza Biała), may be considered as an example. Theoretically, this name should be interpreted as referring to tree felling. However, this oikonym is related to a noble coat of arms that was popular in Greater Poland (Pol. Wielkopolska) and eastern Mazovia (Mazowsze) during the Middle Ages. Therefore, the village of Zar˛eby Kościelne, at that time, served as a center of local gentry using the aforementioned coat of arms. This has an impact on the local toponymy, as various settlement names contain the root word “Zar˛eba” (e.g., Zar˛eby Leśne, Ciemne Zar˛eby, Zar˛ebyBiendugi, Zar˛eby-Bolendy) (Słoń and Słomska-Przech, 2021). Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products group was disaggregated. The results revealed that isolated timber villages were closer to rivers and towns, while high-density clusters were farthest away. Furthermore, high-density clusters of raw material villages were closer to rivers while isolated places were most distant. Regarding distance to towns, this spatial pattern seemed different, as isolated raw material villages were closer and highdensity places were farthest. For other villages, the variation in distance to rivers by local Moran’s Ii group was insignificant, but when considering the distance to towns, isolated other villages were closer to towns while other high-density villages were farthest from them. Statistical analysis of distance from towns and rivers showed some significant correlations between the type of settlement (its name) and its location. As Table 2 shows, settlements with names related to honey harvesting are the closest to towns. This is probably related to the fact that among these names, the so-called servicerelated names (Pol. nazwy słuz_ ebne) have the largest share (Miedary, Bartniki, Bartodzieje, and Obelniki). This is a specific type of names closely related to the economic organization of the Polish state of the Piast era (cf. Wójcik, 2013). Such settlements were originally inhabited by a specialized population referred to in historiography as ministeriales (Pol. słuz_ ebnicy), who were obliged to perform duties toward the seat of the monarchical authorities; hence, they were usually located in its vicinity. Names originally referring to servants are also recorded in case of settlements associated with the extraction and processing of raw materials (Rudniki and Szklary), but their share of the total corpus is much smaller than in the case of names associated with honey harvesting. On the other hand, settlements with names related to the extraction and processing of raw materials are statistically closest to the rivers. This can be explained by the fact that many of these sites are original mill settlements, forges, smelters (e.g., Hamer, Huta, Kopermil). Their functioning required a constant supply of energy, of which the most effective and stable source was water flowing in rivers or streams; hence, they were located close to them. This was, so to speak, the sine qua non of their existence. It may of course be asked why villages with names associated with timber harvesting were located further away from rivers—after all, this was the best way to transport harvested timber at the time. However, this seems to have to do with the rather large typological diversity of these settlements and their names. Only some of them indicate settlements whose primary function was logging and timber processing (e.g., Buda, Drwale, Piła), while in most cases, they simply inform about how the land for the establishment of settlements was harvested (burning and clearing), but these names were not necessarily related to the primary activity of their inhabitants. Furthermore, spatial data used make it theoretically possible to identify forests that were most exploited in the Middle Ages and especially in the 16th century. These were complexes along the main rivers—the Vistula, Narew, Bug, and Warta. For this purpose, the reconstruction of forest cover from the late 18th and early 19th centuries Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 analysis showed that the sites related to timber (n ¼ 198) and raw material (n ¼ 281) were significantly clustered because the real mean distance is statistically significantly less than the random expectation (timber: mean/expected distance ¼ 14.53 km/17.58 km, P ¼ 0.000; raw materials: mean/expected distance ¼ 10.83 km/14.57 km, P ¼ 0.000). The places related to honey (n ¼ 28) were dispersed because the real mean distance is greater than the expected distance but it is not statistically significantly different from a random distribution (mean/expected distance ¼ 46.77 km/39.48 km, P ¼ 0.062). Comparatively, other villages (n ¼ 18,681) were significantly clustered (mean/expected distance ¼ 1.67 km/2 km, P ¼ 0.000). Second, we compared distances from each of the 4 villages types to the closest river and closest town. The nonparametric Kruskal–Wallis test showed a statistically significant difference between all 4 groups (w2 ¼ 123.203, 3 df, P ¼ 0.000) in terms of distance to a river. Dunn’s pairwise comparison post hoc test with Bonferroni adjustment indicated that the locations related to raw material were significantly closer to a river compared to other villages (z ¼ 11.1, P ¼ 0.000), timber sites (z ¼ 7.16, P ¼ 0.000), and honey sites (z ¼ 3.23, P ¼ 0.004). The sites of timber (z ¼ 0.037, P ¼ 1.000) and honey (z ¼ 0.138, P ¼ 1.000) were found to be equidistant to a river compared to other villages, whereas the sites of honey (z ¼ 0.116, P ¼ 1.000) were equidistant compared to those related to timber. In terms of distance to a town, a statistically significant difference was observed between all 4 groups (w2 ¼ 10.082, P ¼ 0.018). Dunn’s post hoc test with Bonferroni adjustment showed that honey locations were significantly closer to a town compared with other villages (z ¼ 2.862, P ¼ 0.013) and sites of raw materials (z ¼ 3.019, P ¼ 0.008). Timber (z ¼ 0.98, P ¼ 0.981) and raw material (z ¼ –0.951, P ¼ 1.000) sites were equidistant to a town compared to other villages; raw material (z ¼ 1.37, P ¼ 0.512) and honey (z ¼ 2.334, P ¼ 0 .059) sites and other villages were equidistant compared to timber locations and other villages and timber sites were equidistant compared to raw material places. Spatial autocorrelation tests show (Figure 2) that villages related to timber and raw materials present 2 highdensity clusters. One high-density timber village cluster is concentrated in the area around the 2 main Mazovian towns of Warsaw (Warszawa) and Płock, congruent with the north-central high-density cluster of other villages. The timber cluster also extends north-east of Warsaw, which has an average density of other villages. The high-density raw material village cluster is located between Warsaw and Cracow (Kraków), which is an area with an average density of other villages. In the next stage of research, we investigated variations in distances to a river and a town by each cluster/outlier group. The cluster/outlier label was spatially linked to the village location and subsequently distances were averaged for each cluster/outlier group, as shown in Table 2. Essentially, the difference in mean distance by local Moran’s Ii Art. 12(1) page 7 of 26 Art. 12(1) page 8 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products was used.2 The juxtaposition of these data with place names directly related to logging shows 2 essential things. First, it can be seen that the forests at the confluence of the Vistula, Bug, and Narew Rivers (area A in Figure 3) were most intensively logged for export in the Early Modern times. In this context, it is not surprising that Poland’s king Stefan Batory issued a document in 1579 prohibiting the exploitation of royal forests (Batory, 1579). Secondly, the juxtaposition of place names with the reconstructed forest area indicates that forests in the south of the country (area B on Figure 3) must have been cut down before 1600—perhaps even as early as the 15th or 14th century. Therefore, the combination of place names, 2. Source: https://data.atlasfontium.pl/layers/datafontium_ data:geonode:lasy (accessed 08.07.2023). forest cover, and major rivers on a single map makes it possible to delineate some potential zones for forest use in the past. These are underpinned by written sources, as evidenced in written sources. Forests that belonged to the king and were close to navigable rivers were exploited to a greater extent than complexes that were further away from the watercourses (Zwi˛azek et al., 2023a). 3.3. Forest-connected settlements with their environmental context and consequences Permanent forest colonization is one of the factors of settlement landscape that usually appears relatively late. In Central Europe, the first forest settlements were associated with the development of the so-called German law system (Bartlett, 1993). However, so far, some observations show that the biggest quantum leap came much later—in Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 2. Local Moran’s Ii results by toponym group. High–high cluster is a statistically significant high-density grouping (a lot of neighbors), low–low cluster is a statistically significant low-density grouping (few neighbors, isolated villages), high–low outlier is a high-density pocket of many proximate villages surrounded by a few isolated villages, low–high outlier is a low-density pocket of few villages surrounded by a high-density pocket of many villages. Not significant is an area of distances not statistically different from the mean distance. Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Art. 12(1) page 9 of 26 Table 2. Average (Avg) and standard (SD) deviation values for local Moran’s Ii clusters based on Figure 2 and all village locations by toponym group (LL ¼ low–low, LH ¼ low–high, HL ¼ high–low, HH ¼ high–high, and NS ¼ not significant) Village Group Timber Raw materials Honey Avg Distance to River (km) SD Distance to River (km) Avg Distance to Town (km) SD Distance to Town (km) 15 HL 0.918 1.532 4.398 4.552 71 HH 1.760 1.429 6.795 4.017 112 NS 1.439 1.199 6.523 3.405 198 All locations 1.515 1.325 6.459 3.755 12 HL 1.390 1.395 5.182 5.396 75 HH 0.580 0.935 8.315 3.900 194 NS 0.990 1.489 6.620 3.954 281 All locations 0.898 1.371 7.011 4.080 1,641 LL 1.662 1.838 5.737 4.508 628 LH 1.704 1.501 6.470 3.193 911 HL 1.615 1.626 5.447 4.205 10,293 HH 1.527 1.379 7.041 3.410 5,208 NS 1.571 1.495 6.372 3.335 28 All locations 1.540 1.507 4.964 3.658 18,681 All locations 1.561 1.475 6.643 3.570 the 17th and 18th centuries (Śl˛aski, 1954; Heymanowski, 1969). In fact, permanent forest colonization must be treated as a long-term effect of progressive colonization and landscape opening by human societies, as well as a consequence of the rapid development of industrial techniques and societal changes (Kizwalter, 2020; Czerwiński et al., 2021; Słowiński et al., 2021; Izdebski et al., 2022). With each passing century, the forest cover shrank, due to progressive felling of trees for agriculture and livestock grazing, and also disproportionately slower regener_ ation of natural tree stands (Zabko-Potopowicz, 1965). The export of forest products to Western Europe in the 15th and 16th centuries was caused by the intensive development of this part of the continent, resulting in drastic shrinkage of forest cover in countries such as England, France, and the Netherlands (Warde, 2006; Kaplan et al., 2009; Jedwab et al., 2020). As the demand for wood grew, people began to search for new markets that could supply this valuable raw material. Furthermore, rapid economic development necessitated not only consistent food supply but also materials for construction and crafting for the manufacture of everyday products—both ordinary and lux_ urious (Zabko-Potopowicz, 1965). The social development in Western Europe paved the way for the exploitation of primeval forests in Central and Eastern Europe. A large number of forests in the Vistula river basin were cut down during the 15th and 16th centuries, which triggered discussions on their protection. For instance, Queen Constance of Austria (1588–1631), wife of Polish King Sigismund III Vasa, issued a decree stipulating the protection of Tuchola Pine Forest (Pol. Bory Tucholskie) located in Northern Poland (Słowiński et al., 2021). The lack or inadequate control of tenants who took over individual estates (royal, noble, and ecclesiastical) for a specific period, paying an annual fee to the owners, and exploited the forest stands beyond their means, did not make matters any easier (Zwi˛azek et al., 2023a). The so-called forest entry rights granted to the nobility by Polish monarchs were also detrimental. Using these privileges, the nobles harvested timber without interference from forestry officials. Jan Kochanowski, a Renaissance poet, described the intensive forest clearing in the Kingdom of Poland in his poem emphasizing the construction of ironworks, forge burning of charcoal, and production of tar and tar pitch (Kochanowski, 1930). Due to the scarcity of statistical records describing the scale of deforestation in Polish lands in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times, we relied on indirect data. Sources indicating an increase in cultivated acreage with a simultaneous shrinkage of forest cover are relevant in this scenario (Gidaszewski et al., 2013). According to tax documents from the 16th century, between 1533 and 1569, there was a 150%–250% increase in cultivated area in the eastern part of the then Crown of Poland and an 80%–100% increase in taxed cultivated area in the central part (in Greater Poland, Pol. Wielkopolska and Cuyavia, Pol. Kujawy; Boroda, 2016). This has been interpreted primarily through the changes associated with the development of settlement structures in the successive stages of internal colonization of Early Modern Poland (Kowalczyk-Heyman and Gochna, 2018) or economic issues conceived through Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Other villages Local Moran’s Ii Cluster n Art. 12(1) page 10 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products readaptation of agricultural wastelands (the so-called empty fields, Lat. mansi deserti) as well as the development of the nobleman’s manor (Boroda, 2016). However, it should be highlighted that researchers who have explored Poland’s economic history have focused only on assessing cereal commodity export, usually overlooking the importance of forest commodities in their macroanalyses (Małowist, 2006). Nevertheless, the geographic features of the studied areas and their proximity to the Vistula river basin point to an intensive exploitation of local primeval forests at first and only in the next stage the encroachment of regular settlement structures into _ the forests (Zywirska, 1973). In general, 2 basic types of forest settlements can be distinguished in various historical sources. The first group includes seasonal settlements, which were not permanently inhabited. Most often, these were the shacks of coal burners or peasants gathering hay from the fields located in the middle of the forests. These settlements are difficult to track in written sources, but at times, they can be located on old maps. Researchers frequently presume their existence based on the macro- or microtoponymic layer. The second group includes rural or industrial settlements located on the settlement peripheries. Nevertheless, in this case, we did not analyze cities and towns, which have a considerably varied impact on the surrounding environment. In the Polish literature, the practice of forest exploitation is referred to as “predatory” until the introduction of modern forest management in the 18th and 19th centuries (Broda, 2000). However, this term is misleading and creates unnecessary antagonism, while implying the superiority of conventional forest management in the context of timber harvesting. The term “selective management” would be more appropriate as in those times forests were used mainly for harvesting the finest (i.e., largest, straightest, and most valued species) of trees. Moreover, it is not true that the past societies had no concerns about the environmental consequences of overexploitation of biomass (Zwi˛azek, 2017). However, in many cases, the logging was fully intentional due to the desire for obtaining the highest possible income from estates leased for a certain period. Forest exploitation in the preindustrial era, at the scale of the 3 important groups of economic activity, not only led to the emergence of midforest clearings or breaking (and thus extension) of forest borders but also caused changes in the species composition of individual tree stands. 3.4. Clearing of forest areas for timber harvesting Oikonyms related to forest clearing can be divided into 2 subcategories. The first category includes names (i.e., buda, kopanina, łaz, and z_ ar) indicating management resulting in the formation of midforest clearings (Figures 4 and 5). They were known to be established as Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 3. Distribution of most intensively exploited forests at the end of the 16th century, alongside the network of major rivers and local names associated with timber exploitation. Source data based on: spatial datasets from https://data.atlasfontium.pl/layers/?limit¼5&offset¼0 (accessed 08.07.2023). Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Art. 12(1) page 11 of 26 a result of tree felling for charcoal burning, or for tar or ash production, or due to natural factors such as windstorms, fires, or insect outbreaks. In modern times, these were frequently used as a natural source of hay for locals and animals also grazed on them (Wawrzyńczyk, 1962). Initially, simple huts were built in these locations, but with time permanent settlements were established and inhabited by people—dwellers and builders—living on the margins of the contemporary society. Both dwellers and hutters earned their living by felling trees, burning tar, and making ashes. The activity of the hutters in modern times led to the clearing of vast areas of old tree stands throughout the Early Modern times (Heymanowski, 1969; Róg, 2021). Interestingly, these people, who were living away from the rest of society, were not well received (Figure 6). At the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, they were often referred to as idlers, scoundrels, and criminals leading an adventurous life in the forests. Between the late 15th and the end of the 16th century, timber trade on the territory of the Polish Crown reached _ its peak (Zabko-Potopowicz, 1965). The areas of Mazovia and Central and Lesser Poland (Pol. Małopolska places around Cracow, contemporary capital city) were heavily exploited (Figure 4). According to researchers dealing with the subject of trade in forest products, the exported goods can be divided into 2 basic groups. The first group was referred to as productive resource (used to build ships, masts, buildings, barrels, chests, and other products) and the second as firewood _ (Zabko-Potopowicz, 1965). Nonetheless, in the recent, dendrochronological research showed that wood obtained from the areas of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was used in arts and crafts in Western Europe (Waz_ ny, 2002; Haneca et al., 2005; Daly and Tyers, 2022). Based on the evidence collected so far, it can be concluded that at the turn of the Middle Ages and Early Modern times, the Polish and Lithuanian lands supplied Western Europe with basic forestry goods, thereby promoting its rapid development. However, this state of affairs did not last long, as later (especially in the 17th century), Sweden became a monopolist in this market, entering the most dynamic phase in the development of its statehood in the Early Modern era (von Sundberg et al., 1995). The second category consists of all names associated with tree felling for raw materials, such as timber logs, firewood, or other forestry semifinished products. These include all oikonyms with word roots, such as drew, piła, r˛ab/r˛eb, and trzeb. Wood was not only harvested by people for their own use, but, above all, it was floated down the waterways—most often in the form of raw (Pol. kłodzina) or pretreated logs (Pol. dyle). Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 4. Spatial distribution of the place names connected with timber harvesting. The red color indicates a spatially significant accumulation of place names of a certain type within the borders of the Polish Crown (excluding Red Ruthenia) at the end of the 16th century. Art. 12(1) page 12 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products 3.4.1. Environmental consequences In written sources, we find information that deforestation contributed to a significant decline in animal biomass. Forests in the central part of Mazovia may serve as an example of this phenomenon. Royal officials who visited these forests in the mid-16th century pointed out that “the [wild] animals no longer have the peace and quiet they used to have” (Zwi˛azek et al., 2023a). In addition, pressure from the opening up of the forest landscape and the grazing of the midforest pastures contributed to the extinction of the aurochs (Bos primigenius), which is mentioned in the manuscripts of the time (Dymek, 2007). These documents also mention that the deforestation process itself may have been very violent. The forests known from the king’s estates inspection in 1564–1565 may have been completely cut down in the perspective of the following year. Apart from regular logging in connection with floating of timber products, another problem was, firstly, the deliberate starting of fires in the forest in order to quickly gain land for cultivation and to remove the deadwood from forest ecosystem (Poniatowski, 1781). Anthropogenic deforestation, which was usually associated with timber harvesting or opening of the landscape in the direct catchment of wetlands or lakes for agriculture, had a significant impact on these ecosystems (Lamentowicz et al., 2019b; Feurdean et al., 2020; Kittel et al., 2020; Kruczkowska et al., 2021; Łuców et al., 2021; Słowiński et al., 2021). Firstly, most of them are located in depressions in the landscape, which forces slope processes (e.g., Butz et al., 2017; Ott et al., 2017; Zawisza et al., 2019; Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 5. Gradual encroachment of settlements into the forest. (A) Establishment of a settlement at the forest wall. (B) Beginning of people’s migration into the forest. Establishment of seasonal huts. (C) Transformation of temporary settlements into more permanent units. (D) Stabilization of forest settlements resulting in intense human impact. Illustrations by Tomasz Ryger. Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Art. 12(1) page 13 of 26 _ Zarczyński et al., 2019). As a result, opening of the landscape by felling, burning, or wind throwing can cause erosion and denudation on the slope, as well as chemical denudation (its intensity is dependent on the species structure). Due to landscape opening and consequently erosion downslope, dust and nutrients are delivered to basins, causing eutrophication (Kołaczek et al., 2013; Dietze et al., 2016; Mroczkowska et al., 2021; Słowiński et al., 2021). Depending on their magnitude and the resilience of the ecosystem, these disturbances (e.g., deforestation caused by logging or fire) can trigger a cascade of events (Fialkiewicz-Koziel et al., 2016; Kinder et al., 2019; Graham et al., 2021; Łuców et al., 2021). These, in turn, may potentially affect the transformation of vegetation cover, change trophic status, and ultimately affect the functioning of ecosystems, shifting their ecological state (Lamentowicz et al., 2019a; Zawisza et al., 2019). 3.5. Extraction and processing of raw materials Civilization of the Middle Ages and Early Modern period required increased volumes of processed iron raw material of high quality (Sigaut, 1998). This in turn escalated tree felling for timber, the basic raw material providing energy for steel production (Kander et al., 2014). Steel was commonly traded in the Polish lands in the form of iron bars or rails (Figure 7; Rybarski, 1928). Raw material production was carried out in forges. These were settlement units that interfered with the forest landscape, as these formed highly developed hinterlands of a more permanent nature around them (Crossley, 1972). Forges were widespread in the Polish lands already in the late Middle Ages and increasing in number in each succeeding century (Zientara, 1954; Kuraś, 1959; Guldon, 1974; Laberschek, 1996). In addition to the essential fuel (charcoal), forges required access to iron raw material, which could be (especially in Pomerania) imported from countries such as Sweden (Kiarszys, 2015) or (more commonly) obtained from the local deposits of the so-called iron bog ore. Thus, the construction of a forge in a given area was determined mainly by the access to meadow iron (Ratajczak and Skoczylas, 1999), flowing water for building a water mill, and finally, deciduous trees for firing energetically caloric charcoal (Smil, 2017; Brykała and Podgórski, 2020). Documents and privileges issued by landowners to forges often allowed unrestricted exploitation of the surrounding natural environment (Kowalczyk-Heyman, 2017). Water-powered forges usually had 3 water wheels, one for driving the hammer that crushed the ore, one for the bellows, and the third one, hammer, for forging iron bars (Zientara, 1954). The complexity of these sites is apparent in the economic inventories describing the personnel working at such sites. Coal burners, smokers, blacksmiths, and washers were among the tax sources identified from the 16th-century records (Zwi˛azek, 2017). Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 6. Effects of anthropopressure on the shortening of the forest wall line in the past. (A) Extraction of arable fields and pastures. (B) Establishment of fields and clearings in the middle of the forest. (C) Establishment of midforest settlements. Archival maps from late 18th century from Central Archive of Old Records in Warsaw, Stare Archive in Lublin and Department of the Historical Atlas (Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw). Art. 12(1) page 14 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Forge works were mostly constructed remote from rural settlements. This forced the landowners to provide bog iron-processing workers in order to establish an adequate economic base in the form of a workforce engaged in crop cultivation or animal husbandry (Muszyńska, 2012). The expense of maintaining such an industrial plant was high enough to abandon it once the raw material was exhausted. Hence, forge settlements were transformed over time into regular agricultural villages, while the workshop used for crushing and processing bog ore was converted either into simple water mills producing flour, malt, or specialized cloth-producing facilities. In the Early Modern period (i.e., 16th–17th centuries), glassmaking started to flourish in the Polish lands, supplying local markets with poor-quality raw material in the form of glass and simple vessels (Wyrobisz, 1968b; Mucha, 1991; Mucha, 2000; Bis, 2020). While forges tended to remain in their location, glassworks migrated from site to site, due to the exploitation of the nearby wood resources (Černá and Tomková, 2017). The first mention of glassworks in the Polish lands appeared in written sources at the end of the 14th century (Wyrobisz, 1968b). Glassworks were located in environments that had favorable conditions for production. The most important determinants of these conditions were the occurrence of quartz sand deposits (outwash plains, also called sandurs) in the immediate vicinity and proximity of large forest complexes and water reservoirs or rivers. Similar to forges, glassworks were located in areas rich in high-energy wood, especially deciduous species. The most desired wood material was beechwood needed (in the form of ash) for glass production (Mucha, 1984). Water, on the other hand, was used to rinse sand for eliminating components that can reduce the quality of the raw material produced. Sand was a major source of silica, while ash contained potassium, calcium, and magnesium compounds (Rubnikowicz, 1995; Markiewicz, 2009; Markiewicz, 2014). Initially, forest smelters operated for a relatively short time. In the Middle Ages, contracts for glass producing and timber harvesting sites were signed up for a term of 15 years. When the forest in proximity was cut down, the habitats were abandoned and glassworkers moved to a new, not particularly remote location. In some cases, they continued to operate in the same place for several decades (Markiewicz, 2014). Tar production was another branch of forestry that used wood as a raw material (Broda, 1959). Tar was obtained by burning wood (mainly pine) in the presence of a small amount of air. The obtained product was used mainly as an impregnating agent for wood and to seal ship hulls. Birch tar was also used as a disinfectant. 3.5.1. Environmental consequences The presence of production facilities in the forests led to significant pollution of the local environment with, Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 7. Distribution of local names indicating the industrial exploitation of former forests. The red color indicates a spatially significant accumulation of place names of a certain type within the borders of the Polish Crown (excluding Red Ruthenia) at the end of the 16th century. Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Art. 12(1) page 15 of 26 among others, heavy metals (Cembrzyński, 2014). Moreover, the satisfaction of industrial needs has contributed to dynamic deforestation, which can lead either to a lowering of the water table or to deforestation of the dunes. In either case, the cascade of changes had the effect of worsening the living conditions of the surrounding rural communities (cf. with Heymanowski [1970]). The presence of industrial facilities in the forests also forced the development of settlement structures and provision of adequate living conditions for the people working there—this, too, was associated with a steady increasing human impact (Zwi˛azek, 2022). Sometimes, natural disasters provided an impetus for the establishment of villages and forest production. For example, as a result of a massive storm that hit the Solska Forest in 1791, many hectares of forest were destroyed. Zamoyski Ordinate, the owners of this land, decided to establish a potash factory there and soon afterward a village called Aleksandrów, where hutters from the surrounding area and willing residents from other villages settled (Archiwum Państwowe w Lublinie, 1650). Potential environmental effects associated with industrial production in forests are quite easily observable. Initially, clay-lined earth pits were used for tar distillation. The size of the pits varied, with small ones holding from 1–1.2 m3 up to 60–70 m3 of wood (Figure 8). The pits had a diameter of a dozen or so meters and a depth of about 1.5 m in the central part. In technologically advanced tar furnaces, about 365–402 kg of tar was obtained from a single fathom of wood, while the amounts were much lower in the most primitive forms (obtaining tar in pits; Broda, 1959). At the beginning of the 15th century, ash was floated by merchants from Mazovia (Zakroczym, W˛asosz, Łomz_ a, Ostroł˛eka, Róz_ an, Maków, and Świedziebnia). There are no records of transport of thermal wood processing products down the Vistula River from other parts of Poland (Hirsch, 1858; Sattler, 1887; Kutrzeba, 1922). Prior to the intensive exploitation of coal and lignite deposits in Central Europe in the 19th century, the predominant high-energy fuel was charcoal extracted by dry distillation (Smil, 2017). Charcoal hearths were used for firing charcoal. These were round piles of wood sifted with a layer of soil and forest litter, in which the energy raw material was combusted (Figure 8). The diameter of charcoal hearths ranged from a few meters to tens of meters. The distribution of relict sites of charcoal production (relict charcoal hearths, RCH) was irregular (Groenewoudt, 2005; Schmidt et al., 2016). Some of the factors determining the location of charcoal production sites were the availability of wood substrate, local market demands, and the possibility of long-distance transport. The works of Schwedes (1983) and Schmidt et al. (2016) revealed several RCH locations in former oak, hornbeam, alder, and birch forests. The estimated density of RCH was 1 per 4.3–7.7 ha (Schmidt et al., 2016). Frommhold (2010) stated that each charcoal production site used wood from around 2 ha. These findings demonstrate that charcoal production is a potential factor modifying soil cover. Deforestation played an important role in initiating the remobilization of surface deposits and soil erosion (Rösler et al., 2012; Jonczak et al., 2013). One may presume that these were indirect effects of charcoal production. Removal of natural forest vegetation (sometimes multiple Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 8. Progression of stages and environmental consequences of establishing and operating charcoal hearths. (A) Locating charcoal hearths site and forest logging. (B) Developing and operating of charcoal hearths. (C) Site abandoning after charcoal production. (D) Spontaneous regeneration and introduction of pioneer vegetation. Illustrations of the 3 phases were drawn by Tomasz Ryger. Art. 12(1) page 16 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products first phase, at the time of site selection for charcoal hearth, the trees in a small area were completely cleared. The formation of a midforest clearing resulted in sudden changes in microclimatic conditions at that place, as well as in the surrounding edge of the forest, making them more sensitive to macroclimatic conditions (De Frenne et al., 2021). Compared to the forest interior, forest “clearings” are exposed to higher amounts of solar radiation and precipitation (due to lower interception) reaching the ground. These effects increase with the size of “clearings” but vary within the midforest clearing. The differences are especially large in dense coniferous and mixed forests (Chen et al., 1995). Deciduous forests experience greater seasonal fluctuations. Microclimate differences are determined by the diameter of the “clearings” and its position relative to the sun, the height and structure of the surrounding forest, as well as the climate, season, and weather patterns (Geiger et al., 1995; Abd Latif and Blackburn, 2010; Chojnacka-Oz_ ga et al., 2020; Słowińska et al., 2022). The study on global buffering of temperatures under forest canopy by De Frenne et al. (2019) showed that the mean and maximum understory temperatures were, on average, lower than the macroclimate mean temperatures by 1.7 C ± 0.3 C and 4.1 C ± 0.5 C, respectively. On the other hand, the minimum temperatures of the forest understory were 1.1 C ± 0.2 C warmer compared to mean temperatures outside the forest. These values may differ based on the forest “clearings” and stands, but the direction of these averaged differences should be the same. However, at the time of charcoal hearths functioning, the “clearings” could be characterized by much higher air and soil temperatures and therefore reduced soil moisture and air humidity. After the charcoal kilns stop functioning, microclimatic differences with the surrounding forest gradually reduce as a result of plant succession. However, the high proportion of carbonaceous material remaining in the soil after burnout reduces the heat capacity of soil, causing greater thermal fluctuations compared to ambient soil plots (Schneider et al., 2019). 3.6. Names associated with honey harvesting Foreigners visiting Poland in modern times were enthralled by the state of the native environment, pointing to the quality and abundance of honey obtained from the forests of Prussia, Mazovia, Podlasie, Ruthenia, and the _ Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Zukowski, 1965). These claims were supported by the geographical distribution of the names associated with honey production from beehives (Figure 9). According to the available literature, beekeepers (especially during the Middle Ages and Early Modern period, that is, before the 17th century) were primarily engaged in agriculture, while beekeeping was a secondary activity. They formed unified communities that were subordinated to the so-called honey harvesting law (BorkiewiczCelińska, 1974). The accounting unit was the honey forest, covering approximately 60 pine (less frequently spruce) trunks, forming a strongly distinctive landscape layer (Samojlik et al., 2020). Historical research data show that trunk distribution within individual forests was Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 times in the same site) led to the succession and development of secondary, seminatural, or unnatural plant communities. Carrari et al. (2017) reported that the environmental conditions at charcoal production sites favor plant succession due to the availability of light and nutrients. However, in long term, the conditions become unfavorable due to changes in soil and rapid leaching of labile forms of nutrients. Augusto et al. (2002) showed that any modification in the composition of forest species can potentially alter the properties of associated soils. Soil cover of the sites affected by historical charcoal production forms a mosaic system dominated by seminatural soils with patches of strongly modified soils of RCHs. The RCH soils are characterized by specific features, of which the most typical ones are the presence of a single layer or layers of charcoal particles, ash, tar, and other products resulting from burning and pyrolysis (Knicker, 2011; Aldeias et al., 2016; Raab et al., 2019). These products are highly resistant to decomposition and can persist in soils over millennia (Valese et al., 2014). The RCH soils also exhibit other properties: (a) lower bulk density as compared to reference soils (Borchard et al., 2014; Criscuoli et al., 2014; Schneider et al., 2018); (b) ability to strongly modify water regime, infiltration, and retention (Doerr et al., 2000); (c) presence of charcoals causing changes in the thermal regime, including daily, seasonal, and annual temperatures; (d) varying soil hydrophobicity (Schneider et al., 2018) and high proportion of soil organic matter due to charring and site preparation (Knicker, 2011; Mataix-Solera et al., 2011; Hirsch et al., 2018); (e) ability to influence soil pH (Hardy et al., 2016); (f) higher sorption capacity as compared to the reference soils (Mastrolonardo et al., 2018); (g) ability of thermal processing causing changes in the biogeochemical cycles of chemical elements, including their content, forms, mobility, and bioavailability (Hirsch et al., 2017; Mastrolonardo et al., 2018); and (h) enrichment with other nutrients, such as K, Ca, Mg, Na, Mn, and Zn (Mastrolonardo et al., 2018). The impact of “charcoal hearths” on forest ecosystems ought to be considered in 2 aspects. The first facet of deforestation is related to the clearing of forest stands and their direct effect on the processes of landscape opening, followed by vegetation succession and its consequences (Słowiński et al., 2022). The second aspect is directly linked to the products that were targeted. For instance, in case when charcoal was the intended product, wood could come from different tree species, while if the desired outcome was potash, the wood that could go into the miller had to be species, such as Fagus, Carpinus, or Pinus. Therefore, one can assume that the production of potash or, for example, tar or charcoal selectively influences and shapes the structure of vegetation in forest ecosystems (Słowiński et al., 2022). To a certain extent, the formation of new forest ecosystems can be viewed as a process affecting the species structure of the forest, which is dictated by the demand for products (Słowiński et al., 2022). These behaviors can be called the protoplast of forest management. It should be remembered that deforestation can modify the forest microclimate. The microclimatic effect of charcoal hearths was multiphase and changed with time. In the Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Art. 12(1) page 17 of 26 determined by the availability of suitable trees on which a beehive and local site conditions were established _ (Zukowski, 1965; Niklasson et al., 2010). Often, trees located on riverside meadows, midforest clearings, or in ravines were chosen for beehives (Kielak, 2004). A single hive yielded about 10 kg of honey per season. Individual apiary could be located between 8 and even 12 km from the beekeepers’ residence. Additionally, it is known that beekeepers earned their living from other activities, such as hunting, fishing, trading, and timber floating (Połujański, 1859). Because of their work, beekeepers enjoyed considerable freedom—they were permitted to hunt birds and small forest animals and occasionally to chop wood from the forest for their own needs. The activity of beekeepers, which involved frequent use of fire inside larger forest complexes, left clear traces. They regularly burned the lower layers of the forest to improve the honey yield of the plants around the beehives (Niklasson et al., 2010). Certainly, the activities of the beekeepers had an impact on the environment and the forest stand. In the second half of the 18th century, in connection with the process of organizing a professional forestry service to counteract devastation of the forest stand in the Zamoyski Family Entail forests, a gradual process of decline in beekeeping began. This was continued from the beginning of the 19th century. In 1817, Stanisław Zamoyski decided to liquidate beekeeping in his estate. At the same time with the decline of beekeeping, there were numerous instances of bees being removed from the forests and placed in homemade apiaries (Jez_ -Jarecki, 1962). 4. Conclusions Historical onomastic data have not been analyzed so far in terms of possible environmental consequences on past forests landscapes. The indirect information provided by these data fills the information gap regarding not only the time of a location but also the rationale behind its name, which in terms of economic development and environmental consequences is very important. Unfortunately, during settlement development, most of the villages changed their original functions, and agricultural activities (e.g., ploughing) erased their traces. Competent tracking of onomastic information allows us to draw the following conclusions: – Onomastic research provides a spatial and quantitative description of the processes involved in various means of forest exploitation in the past. – Exploitation of forest for logs, staves, and other raw materials was closely linked to the network of major navigable rivers. Wood was exported in huge quantities to Western Europe, which resulted in significant deforestation of the Polish lands in the Early Modern period. The main regions that were heavily exploited during the 16th century were Lesser Poland (Pol. Małopolska) and Mazovia. – Spatial accumulation of names related to industrial exploitation indicates that this form of exploitation occurred throughout the entire Polish territory at that time. – The sites of industrial exploitation were in close proximity to small streams that could set in motion Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 Figure 9. Spatial distribution of the place names associated with honey harvesting. Art. 12(1) page 18 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products As medieval societies developed, one may observe an increasing demand for both land (agriculture) and forest products (e.g., as building blocks) but most importantly for energy (wood and with time more caloric charcoal). Increasingly intensive encroachment into forest space created new ecological niches and thus obviously opening up the landscape. However, deforestation contributed to forming new types of landscape, with meadows, farmland, clearings, or orchards. In these aspects, we may, by no means unequivocally state whether the role of people was exclusively negative (as today many types of cultural landscape are protected), but certainly in establishing the new sorts of human-created forms of land use, there was one feature in common. Namely, when creating a new entity, people had to supply a considerable amount of energy to the system, but it also costs a lot of energy to maintain that landscape, so that it could sustain its functionality whether it was a farmland, a meadow, or an orchard. Apart from dimensions of time and space in this process, there is no escaping from the political, historical, and cultural context that had accelerated or slowed down setting events on a different course. Therefore, comprehensive spatial analysis of onomastic data and possible consequences of past exploitation of forest landscapes has given us a new potential research field for long-term means of understanding the processes and geography of past natural resource exploitation. With the observations made here, it will be possible to better understand the importance of waterways in the exploitation of the past forests and to reflect on the deeper economic and—above all— political significance of past deforestation. The forests were not only part of the political spectacle of the monarchs but also represented a real value that translated into economic benefits. The phenomena described here took place during the “golden age” of the development of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, but the entire 17th and much of the 18th centuries were marked by the decline of this state. In this context, it is worth examining in the future whether the complex phenomena of the crisis had also influenced the state and structure of Polish and Lithuanian forests. A wide capture of the issues addressed that we highlight only about the cascade of certain events and consequences caused by the consumption of forests in the broadest sense (whether it is simply deforestation or the complex environmental relations associated with production of charcoal) is only a contribution and even a suggestion to undertake research in an interdisciplinary team that, through co-operation, will be able to raise and provide answers to new cutting-edge questions. Data accessibility statement All the data that were the basis for onomastic analysis are collected and placed in the Supplemental Appendix_1. Supplemental files The supplemental files for this article can be found as follows: Appendix_1. Docx Acknowledgments The authors thank an anonymous reviewer, Professor Dr. Bert Groenewoudt, and Editor Professor Dr. Steven Allison for their critical and helpful comments. Funding The research was funded by the National Science Centre project, “Impact of charcoal production on environmental changes in Northern Poland—a novel ‘multi-proxy’ approach” no. 2018/31/B/ST10/02498. The work of Tomasz Zwi˛azek was funded by a grant from the Polish National Science Centre, grant no. 2021/43/B/HS3/ 02636 (“Bishops’ Trees: The Environmental History of the White Forest”). Studies conducted by Dominik Róg were funded by a grant from the Polish National Science Centre, grant no. 2021/43/O/HS3/01373 (Hutters in the Zamoyski Family Entail—History of an environmentally conditioned social group). Competing interests The authors have no competing interests to declare. Author contributions Conceived and designed the study: MS and TZ. Conducted the onomastic analysis: PS. 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Art. 12(1) page 25 of 26 Art. 12(1) page 26 of 26 Słowiński et al: Multidimensional tracking and consequences of the usage of forest products Domain Editor-in-Chief: Steven Allison, University of California Irvine, Irvine, CA, USA Associate Editor: Anna Harper, University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA Knowledge Domain: Ecology and Earth Systems Published: January 18, 2024 Accepted: October 22, 2023 Submitted: May 1, 2023 Copyright: © 2024 The Author(s). This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. Elem Sci Anth is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by University of California Press. Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/elementa/article-pdf/12/1/00065/807128/elementa.2023.00065.pdf by guest on 19 February 2024 How to cite this article: Słowiński, M, Zwi˛azek, T, Swoboda, P, Niedzielski, MA, Słowińska, S, Konopski, M, Jonczak, J, Kruczkowska, B, Chojnacka, A, Róg, D, Szewczyk, K, Brykała, D. 2024. Human impacts on environment in the preindustrial forest landscapes in Poland—An overview. Elementa: Science of the Anthropocene 12(1). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/ elementa.2023.00065