“Not ‘the Other’: Barbarians and the End of the Western Roman Empire"

‘Otherness’ in the Middle Ages INTERNATIONAL MEDIEVAL RESEARCH Volume 25 Editorial Board Axel E. W. Müller, University of Leeds — Executive Editor John B. Dillon, University of Wisconsin, Madison Richard K. Emmerson, Manhattan College, New York Christian Krötzl, University of Tampere Chris P. Lewis, University of London Pauline Stafford, University of Leeds / University of Liverpool with the assistance of the IMC Programming Committee Previously published volumes in this series are listed at the back of the book. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. ‘Otherness’ in the Middle Ages Edited by Hans-Werner Goetz and Ian Wood F British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. © 2021, Brepols Publishers n. v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2021/0095/92 ISBN 978-2-503-59402-6 eISBN 978-2-503-59403-3 DOI 10.1484/M.IMR-EB.5.122905 ISSN 2294-8783 eISSN 2294-8791 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Table of Contents Introduction The Many Facets and Methodological Problems of ‘Otherness’ Hans-Werner Goetz and Ian Wood 11 The Mediterranean Other and the Other Mediterranean Perspectives of Alterity in Medieval Studies Nikolas Jaspert 37 Strangers in the House of Israel Confronting the Problems of Inner Diversity in Jewish Communal Ordinances at the End of the Middle Ages Martin Borýsek 75 Between a Rock and a Hard Place? South-Italian Portrayals of Franks and Byzantines in the Ninth Century Clemens Gantner 93 The Construction of Allegiance and Exclusion in Erchempert’s Historia Langobardorum Beneventanorum Sophie Gruber 117 Other Genders, Other Sexualities Crises of Identity in Medieval French Ovidian Narratives Sylvia Huot 139 The Jew as the ‘Other’ in Word and Deed Astrid Kelser 165 Layers of ‘Otherness’ Appearance Defining and Disguising ‘Otherness’ in Byzantine Monasticism Nike Koutrakou 183 The ‘Others’ from Within Herders between Rural Communities and Venetian Governance on Late Medieval Korčula Fabian Kümmeler 215 6 ta bl e o f co n t e n t s Assimilating ‘Otherness’ in Early Islam Eduardo Manzano Moreno 235 The Familiar Stranger Biblical Perception and Depiction of Muslims in Christian Chronicles of the Iberian Peninsula, c. 900 253 Patrick S. Marschner Not ‘the Other’ Barbarians and the End of the Western Roman Empire Ralph W. Mathisen 275 How ‘Other’ Was the Viking Otherworld? Meghan Mattsson McGinnis 289 Otherness as an Ideal The Tradition of the ‘Virtuous’ Indians Yu Onuma 319 Distinctive Signs and Otherness The Depiction of Prophets, in the Late Fourteenth Century in the Cathedral of Toledo (Spain) Maria Portmann 339 ‘It Was the Law Back Then’ The Viking Age as the Other in Medieval Scandinavian Legal Thought Roland Scheel 371 The Other Part of the World for Late Medieval Latin Christendom Felicitas Schmieder 395 The Muslim Archother and the Royal Other Aristocratic Notions of Otherness in Fourteenth-Century Portugal Tiago João Queimada e Silva 415 ‘Otherness’ Within? The Sámi in Medieval Scandinavian Law Miriam Tveit 437 General Index 457 Index of Names and Subjects Related to Otherness 472 © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. List of Illustrations Sylvia Huot Figure 6.1 Narcissus at the fountain. © British Library Board, London, BL, Harley MS 4431, fol. 104r, c. 1410/14. Figure 6.2 Narcissus and Echo. © British Library Board, London, BL, Harley MS 4431, fol. 134r. Figure 6.3 Apollo and ‘Ganymede’. © British Library Board, London. London, BL, Harley MS 4431, 119v. Figure 6.4 Adonis and the boar. © British Library Board, London, BL Harley MS 4431, 124v. Figure 6.5 Cupid and a young knight. © British Library Board, London, BL, Harley MS 4431, 117r. Figure 6.6 Achilles unmasked by Ulysses. © British Library Board, London, BL Harley MS 4431, 127v. Meghan Mattsson McGinnis Figure 13.1 An unwelcome encounter with the dead – Gudrun accosted by the ghost of þorkell in Laxdæla Saga. 1898 illustration by Andreas Bloch from Vore fædres liv, ed. Nordahl Rolfsen (PD). Figure 13.2 An example of the spatial relationship between gravefields and farmsteads, Vallentuna kommun, Sweden. GIS rendering by the author. Figure 13.3 Trollakistan, Skåne, Sweden – Neolithic passage grave with Viking Age deposits of cremated bone. Photo by Ingrid Bergquist, Frosta härads hembygdsförening (PD). Figure 13.4 The islet of Holmen off the southern tip of Helgøya (‘the holy island’) in Lake Mjøsa, Norway – Site of grave mound and hof reachable by foot part of the year. 1885 photo by Jacob Tollesen Hoel, Domkirkeodden Samling (PD). Figure 13.5 Chamber grave Bj 581 – burial of the now famous female warrior. Illustration by Evald Hansen based on the original plans of Hjalmar Stolpe’s excavations at Birka (PD). Figure 13.6 Shoe spikes found by the feet of the skeleton in Birka grave Bj.918. Photo by Yliali Asp, Swedish Historical Museum; license CC-BY 2.5 SE. 147 147 152 154 155 158 290 297 298 299 300 301 8 l is t o f i l lu s t r at i o n s Figure 13.7a Figure 13.7b Figure 13.8 Figure 13.9a Figure 13.9b Figure 13.10 Figure 13.11 Figure 13.12 Figure 13.13 Figure 13.14 Figure 13.15 Figure 13.16 Tjelvar’s Grave, Bronze Age ship setting on Gotland, Sweden. Photo by Mårten Stenberger, Swedish National Heritage Board (PD). Viking Age ship settings at Lindholm Høje, Denmark. Photo by Gunnar Bach Pedersen, Wikimedia Commons (PD). Reconstruction of grave FII from Stengade, Denmark — double burial of noble and sacrificed thrall. Photo by the staff at Viking Museum Ribe, used with kind permission. Detail of the deviant double burial in mound 29 at Bollstanäs, Sweden – two male skeletons found decapitated and placed in a prone position heads to feet. Photo by Ove Hemmendorff, Swedish National Heritage Board; license CC-BY 2.5 SE. Plan of the Gerdrup Grave — Denmark, a woman buried with three large stones placed atop her beside a bound man with a broken neck. Illustration Mette Høj, Museum Organization ROMU, used with kind permission. Part of the Viking Age cemetery at Tuna, Västerljung, Sweden with south-west portals highlighted. Plan after Gräslund, A.-S. ‘Living with the Dead’, 2001: 227, figure 1, additional markings by the author. The ‘offering mound’ discovered in grave-field Raä 223, Lilla Frescati, Stockholm – round stone setting enclosing small stone cairns and deposits of fire-steel shaped amulet rings. Plan by Erik Sörling, Stockholms Stadsmuseum; license CC-BY 2.5 SE. Some of the over 200 amulet rings from the Vendel period cult place recently discovered in connection with grave-field RAÄ 122:1, Spånga, Sweden. Photo by Ingela Harrysson, Stiftelsen Kulturmiljövård, used with kind permission. Memorial ritual (muistajaiset) at the festival of Semyk, 2002 – Shorunzha, Morki, Mari Republic. Photo by Lehtinen Ildikó, Finnish National Board of Antiquities — Musketti, Finnish-Ugrian picture collection; license CC-BY 4.0. Ög 66 Bjälbo kyrkogård — runestone inscribed ‘Ingevald raised this stone after Styvjald, his brother, an excellent young man, Spjalbude’s son of the dynasty. But I perfected it’. Photo by Bengt A. Lundberg, Swedish National Heritage Board, license CC-BY 2.5 SE. Heirloom (c. 300 ce) pendant found in the Viking Age mound at Aska, Hagebyhöga, Sweden. Photo by Christer Åhlin, Swedish Historical Museum; license CC-BY 2.5 SE. A hole cut in the roof of the burial chamber of the Oseberg ship by grave re-openers. After Shetelig, H., Falk, H. and Brøgger, A. W. Osebergfundet, 1917: 32, fig. 11. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. 303 303 304 306 306 308 309 309 311 312 313 314 li st o f i llu st rat i o ns Maria Portmann Figure 15.1 Scenes from the Genesis (Genesis 1–4): from God’s spirit sw ept over the face of the waters of creation until Cain Killing Abel, after 1288, Valencia, Cathedral, Porch of the Charity. Photo © Maria Portmann. Figure 15.2 Scenes from Jesus’ Childhood, 1388, Toledo, Cathedral, Southern Porch. Photo © Urs Portmann. Figure 15.3 Creation of the Birds; the Sun, Stars, Moon; the Angels; the Fall of the Rebel Angels; the Creation of Adam, 1388, Toledo, Cathedral, Choir Screen. Photo © Urs Portmann. Figure 15.4 Scenes from the Genesis after the Expulsion from the Paradise: God with Adam and Eve Wearing Fig Leaves; God with Adam and Eve (naked); The Expulsion from the Paradise; Eve and Adam Working; Cain Killing Abel; Cain Hiding Abel’s body; God Rebuking Cain, 1388, Toledo, Cathedral, Choir Screen. Photo © Urs Portmann. Figure 15.5 Scenes from the Genesis: Abraham with the Three Angels at Mamre; Sacrifice of Isaac; Sacrifice of the Ram, 1388, Toledo, Cathedral, Choir Screen. Photo © Urs Portmann. Figure 15.6 Scenes from the Exodus: The Meal of the Hebrews, the Plague of the First Born; The Crossing of the Red Sea; The Drowning of Pharaoh and his Soldiers in the Red Sea; The Producing of Water by Striking the Rock, 1388, Toledo, Cathedral, Choir Screen. Photo © Urs Portmann. Figure 15.7 Italian and Spanish painters from Starnina’s Workshop, Detail of The Annunciation c. 1395–1404, Toledo, Cathedral, St Blaise Chapel. Photo © Urs Portmann. Figure 15.8 Scenes from the Exodus: Killing of the Idolaters; Moses holding the Tablets of the Law; Adoration of the Tabernacle in the Wilderness, 1388, Toledo, Cathedral, Choir Screen. Photo © Urs Portmann. Figure 15.9 Ferrer Bassa’s workshop, Detail of the Prophets with Moses holding the Tablets of the Law from the panel of All the Saints Adoring the Trinity, c. 1420, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Fletcher Fund, prov. Monastery of Valldecrist. Photo © Maria Portmann. Figure 15.10 Moses assembles the Hebrew and Moses receives the Torah (Exodus 24 and 34), 1388, Valencia, Cathedral, Porch of the Charity. Photo © Maria Portmann. 346 346 348 349 351 354 354 358 359 360 9 10 l is t o f i l lu s t r at i o n s Roland Scheel Map 16.1 Territorial dominions (‘ríki’, marked in grey) in Iceland around ad 1200 and localities of Family Sagas most likely written before 1262/64; Axel Kristinsson, ‘Lords and Literature’, p. 5. © 2003 The Historical Societies of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, reprinted by permission of Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group, www.tandfonline.com on behalf of The Historical Societies of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden. Felicitas Schmieder Map 17.1 Velletri- or Borgia map, anon. 1402–1453, old print from Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Borgia XV. Map 17.2 Velletri- or Borgia map, anon. 1402–1453, old print from Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Borgia XV. Map 17.3 Velletri- or Borgia map, anon. 1402–1453, old print from Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Borgia XV. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. 387 403 404 406 Ralph W. Mathisen Not ‘the Other’ Barbarians and the End of the Western Roman Empire Past studies of Romans and barbarians presume that in very significant ways barbarians and Roman were different. Indeed, something of a cottage industry has grown up focusing on creating models for understanding barbarian ‘otherness’.1 Particular attention has been given to barbarian ‘ethnogenesis’, the process by which barbarians created this ‘other’ sense of ethnic identity.2 Michael Kulikowski even has created 1 e.g., Iain Ferris, ‘Insignificant Others: Images of Barbarians on Military Art from Roman Britain’, in TRAC 94: Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, ed. by Sally Cottam, David Dungsworth, Sarah Scott, and Jeremy Taylor (Oxford: Oxbow, 1994), pp. 24–31; Jacob Neusner and Ernest S. Frerichs, eds, ‘To See Ourselves as Others See Us’: Christians, Jews and ‘Others’ in Late Antiquity (Chico: Scholars, 1985); Yves A. Dauge, Le barbare. Recherches sur la conception romaine de la barbarie et de la civilisation (Bruxelles: Latomus, 1981), pp. 393–66, 648–53; Henry Kahane and Renée Kahane, ‘On the Meanings of “Barbarus”’, Hellenika, 37 (1986), 129–32; Edmund Lévy, ‘Naissance du concept de barbare’, Ktema, 9 (1984), 5–14; Dennis B. Saddington, ‘Roman Attitudes to the “externae gentes” of the North’, Acta classica 4 (1961), 90–102 (p. 91); Lieven van Acker, ‘“Barbarus” und seine Ableitungen im Mittellatein’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 47 (1965), 125–40; Lorenzo Viscido, ‘Sull’uso del termine barbarus nelle “Variae” di Cassiodore’, Orpheus, 7 (1986), 338–44 (p. 343); Barbara Funck, ‘Studie zu der Bezeichnung bárbaros’, in Soziale Typenbegriffe. Untersuchungen ausgewählter altgriechischer sozialer Typenbegriffe und ihr Fortleben in Antike und Mittelalter = Soziale Typenbegriffe im alten Griechenland und ihr Fortleben in den Sprachen der Welt, ed. by Elisabeth Welskopf, vol. iv (Berlin: Akademie, 1981), pp. 26–51; Greg Woolf, Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West (Chichester: Wiley Blackwell, 2011). 2 e.g., Walter Pohl, ‘Strategie und Sprache – zu den Ethnogenesen des Mittelalters’, in Entstehung von Sprachen und Völkern, ed. by Sture Ureland (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1985), pp. 93–102; Lotte Hedeager, ‘The Creation of Germanic Identity: A European Origin-Myth’, in Frontières d’empire: Nature et signification des frontières romaines, ed. by Patrice Brun, Sander van der Leeuw, and Charles R. Whittaker (Nemours: Ed. de l’Association pour la promotion de la recherche archéologique en Ile-de-France, 1993), pp, 121–31; David Chappell, ‘Ethnogenesis and Frontiers’, Journal of World History, 4 (1993), 267–75; Walter Pohl, ‘Tradition, Ethnogenese und literarische Gestaltung: eine Zwischenbilanz’, in Ethnogenese und Überlieferung. Angewandte Methoden der Frühmittelalterforschung, ed. by Karl Brunner and Brigitte Merta (München: Oldenbourg, 1994), pp. 9–26; Charles R. Bowlus, ‘Ethnogenesis Models and the Age of Migration: A Critique’, Austrian History Yearbook, 26 (1995), 147–64. Ralph W. Mathisen • is professor of history, classics and medieval studies in the Department of History at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. ‘Otherness’ in the Middle Ages, ed. by Hans-Werner Goetz and Ian Wood, IMR 25 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2021), pp. 275–287 © FHG 10.1484/M.IMR-EB.5.123595 2 76 r a l p h w. m at h i s e n a useful taxonomy of three models of barbarian ethnicity:3 (1) The views of what is termed the ‘Vienna School’, in which barbarians are culturally heterogeneous until elite families bearing a ‘Traditionskern’, a ‘genuine ethnic memory’, acquire larger followings that adopt this same set of traditions,4 (2) What he calls a ‘stable identity […] widely spread through a broad class of warrior freemen’ who identified as Goths, Franks, Vandals, and so on, and (3) An evanescent ‘situational construct’, ‘available for the using as individuals found it worthwhile to do so’.5 These models, and others like them, speak of barbarian ethnicity in hushed and reverent tones and piously presume that barbarians were so different that Greek and Roman authors did not even have a sufficient vocabulary or sense of ethnic sensitivity to be able to discuss barbarian ethnicity usefully. From this perspective, we are led to believe, one cannot possibly bridge the gap between Greco-Roman social values and the infinitely different barbarian world of otherness. What one might propose, however, is that barbarians were not ‘the other’ but an integral part of the Roman world. Barbarians, one might argue, were just one more group, like women, slaves, rural populations, and non-elite provincials, that fell outside the social circles of elite male authors. Of course, when such writers discussed these other categories of individuals they manifested their own standards, prejudices, and agendas, but there was nothing inherent in barbarians that made them any different in the way they were treated by elite authors. Thus, one might suggest that if we can usefully make corrections in our interpretations of elite perceptions of women, slaves, and provincials, we likewise certainly can do the same regarding ancient perceptions of barbarians. We do not need to worship at the altar of barbarian ‘otherness’ to such an extent as to presume that we cannot learn anything useful about them from classical authors. Thus, Kulikowski perhaps overstates the case when he characterizes Hans Hummer’s suggestion that Ammianus’ accounts can give insights into the barbarian world as a ‘bizarre assertion’.6 In the past, the Roman government had settled hundreds of thousands of barbarians on Roman territory. In the early third century the historian Cassius Dio, speaking of the first century ce, had commented, ‘The barbarians […] were adapting themselves to the Roman world. They were setting up markets and peaceful meetings. They did not find it difficult to change their life, and they were becoming different without 3 Michael Kulikowski, ‘Nation vs. Army: A Necessary Contrast?’, in On Barbarian Identity: Critical Approaches to Ethnicity in the Early Middle Ages, ed. by Andrew Gillett (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), pp. 69–84. 4 As Reinhard Wenskus, Stammesbildung und Verfassung. Das Werden der frühmittelalterlichen Gentes (Köln: Böhlau, 1961), and Walter Pohl, ‘Conceptions of Ethnicity in Early Medieval Studies’, in Debating the Middle Ages: Issues and Readings, ed. by Lester K. Little and Barbara H. Rosenwein (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), pp. 13–24 (p. 16). 5 As Patrick Geary, ‘Ethnic Identity as a Situational Construct in the Early Middle Ages’, Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, 13 (1988), 15–26. 6 Kulikowski, ‘Nation’, p. 71: ‘Apart from Jordanes, I know of only one claim for a barbarian voice from antiquity, viz. the bizarre assertion of Hans. J. Hummer’, citing Hans J. Hummer, ‘The Fluidity of Barbarian Identity, the Ethnogenesis of Alemanni and Suebi, ad 200–500’, Early Medieval Europe, 7 (1998), 1–27. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. not ‘ t he ot he r’ realizing it’.7 These barbarians were not ferocious invaders but migrants from one part of the wider Roman world to another. In 212 ce, the Antonine Constitution made nearly all provincials, including resident barbarians, into Roman citizens. Barbarian immigrants gained the opportunity to make full use of Roman civil law. They were property owners, paid taxes, and served in the Roman military. Subsequent barbarian immigrants likewise had the benefits of Roman citizenship8 and assimilated the Roman cultural heritage.9 The frontier served more as a highway than a barrier to cultural interaction, and barbarians and Romans passed freely back and forth. In 361, for example, a king of the Alamanni crossed the Rhine, chatted with the Roman military commander, and was invited to dinner.10 Barbarians would have looked and behaved little differently from frontier Romans. They were not ‘outsiders’. Deconstruction of Segregating Factors Recent scholarship has seen several revisions in conceptualizations of cultural factors that supposedly separated barbarians and Romans during Late Antiquity. (1) For example, it often was suggested that settlements of invading barbarians could be localized by their use of ‘Reihengräberfelder’ (row grave cemeteries) in which male graves contained arms and weapons. But it now is clear that such graves developed on the Roman side of the frontier, and that that this burial style was adopted later by barbarian newcomers.11 7 Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 56.18.2: Gulielmus Xylandrus, ed., Dionis Cassii Nicaei Romanae historiae libri (tot enim hodie extant) XXV nimirum a. XXXVI ad LXI (Lyon: Gulielmus Rovillius, 1559). 8 Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘“Peregrini”, “Barbari”, and “Cives Romani”: Concepts of Citizenship and the Legal Identity of Barbarians in the Later Roman Empire’, American Historical Review, 111 (2006), 1011–40; Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘Barbarian Immigration and Integration in the Late Roman Empire: The Case of Barbarian Citizenship’, in Minderheiten und Migration in der Antike: Rechtliche, religiöse, kulturelle und politische Aspekte, ed. by Patrick Sänger (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2016), pp. 153–67; Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘Becoming Roman, Becoming Barbarian: Roman Citizenship and the Assimilation of Barbarians into the Late Roman World’, in Migration and Membership Regimes in Global and Historical Perspective, ed. by Ulbe Bosma, Gijs Kessler, and Leo Lucassen (Leiden: Brill, 2013), pp. 191–217; Ralph Mathisen, ‘Concepts of Citizenship in the Late Roman Empire’, in Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity, ed. by Scott Johnson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), pp. 744–63. 9 Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘“Provinciales”, “Gentiles”, and Marriages between Romans and Barbarians in the Late Roman Empire’, Journal of Roman Studies, 99 (2009), 140–55; Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘Les mariages entre Romains et Barbares comme stratégie familiale pendant l’Antiquité tardive’, in Les stratégies familiales dans l’Antiquité tardive, ed. by Christophe Badel and Mireille Corbier (Paris: De Boccard, 2012), 153–66. 10 Ammianus 21.4.3 (p. 361): ‘Transgressus Vadomarius flumen […] viso praeposito militum ibi degentium, pauca locutus ex more […] ad convivium eius venire promisit’ (Vadomarius, having crossed the river […], visited the commander of the soldiers stationed there and having conversed a bit, as was customary […], he promised to come to have dinner with him). 11 Guy Halsall, ‘The Origins of the Reihengräberzivilisation: Forty Years On’, in Fifth-Century Gaul: A Crisis of Identity?, ed. by John Drinkwater and Hugh Elton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 196–207; also Dieter Quast, ‘Vom Einzelgrab zum Friedhof. Beginn der 27 7 278 r a l p h w. m at h i s e n (2) Secondly, whereas it once was thought that the use of elaborate ‘fibulae’ betrayed barbarian artistry and was a sign of barbarian origin, it now is clear that such ‘fibulae’ had a long history in the Roman world and that many stylish ‘fibulae’ found in ‘barbarian’ contexts were presented to barbarian chieftains by the Roman government.12 (3) In addition, one of the most persistent stereotypes about barbarians, that they were unable or unwilling to engage in literary activities, the characteristic pastime of the Roman elite, now is seen as a canard. Barbarian ‘litterati’ such as the mid fifth-century Master of Soldiers Merobaudes, the author of poetry and panegyrics, participated enthusiastically in late Roman literary culture.13 (4) Moreover, it long was assumed that a law of 373 placed a ban on marriages between Romans and barbarians. But this law in fact applied only to barbarian auxiliary soldiers on the North African frontier. Otherwise, barbarians and Romans were free to marry, up to and including the imperial family.14 (5) In addition, the most cited case of Roman-barbarian segregation, Roman Nicene Christianity versus barbarian Arian Christianity, was, on the ground, not much of an issue at all, for so-called barbarian Arianism was not Arianism at all but rather homoian Christianity, which had been legitimated in a law of 386.15 Homoian 12 13 14 15 Reihengräbersitte im 5. Jahrhundert’, in Die Alamannen, ed. by Karlheinz Fuchs, Martin Kempa, Rainer Redies, Barbara Theune-Grosskopf, and André Wais (Stuttgart: Theiss, 1997), pp. 171–90; Frauke Stein, Alamannische Siedlung und Kultur: Das Reihengraberfeld in Gammertingen (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1991); and Patrick Périn and Michel Kazanski, ‘Identity and Ethnicity during the Era of Migrations and Barbarian Kingdoms in the Light of Archaeology in Gaul’, in Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of The Roman World: Cultural Interaction and the Creation of Identity in Late Antiquity, ed. by Ralph Mathisen and Danuta Shanzer (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), pp. 299–330: ‘The so-called Reihengräberfelder (row grave fields) in which they are found represent a new, unique frontier culture uncharacteristic of either the barbarian or Roman homelands’. Michael Frassetto, The Early Medieval World: From the Fall of Rome to the Time of Charlemagne (Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 2013), p. 339: ‘The Visigoths and Lombards especially were influenced by imperial models of jewelry’; Peter Wells, The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), p. 158: By the first century ce, ‘fibulae no longer served as bearers of information about the wearer’s identity’. For Merobaudes as a Frank, probably a descendant of Fl. Merobaudes, the Frankish western Master of Soldiers between 365 and 388, see The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire: Volume 2, AD 395– 527, ed. by J. R. Martindale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), pp. 756–58, ‘His name suggests that he was descended from the Fl. Merobaudes who was “mag.mil.” under Gratian […] if so, he was presumably of Germanic descent’; also Frank M. Clover, Flavius Merobaudes. A Translation and Historical Commentary (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1971), p. 7: ‘The rhetorician was a Romanized Frank of high birth, perhaps originally from Gaul’. Another fifth-century barbarian ‘litteratus’ was the Master of Soldiers Flavius Valila qui et Theodobius: see Helmut Castritius, ‘Zur Sozialgeschichte der Heermeister des Westreichs nach der Mitte des 5. Jh.: Flavius Valila qui et Theodovius’, Ancient Society, 3 (1972), 233–43; and Helmut Castritius, ‘Zur Sozialgeschichte der Heermeister des Westreiches: Einheitliches Rekrutierungsmuster und Rivalitäten im spätrömischen Militäradel’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 92 (1984), 1–34. Mathisen ‘Provinciales’; Mathisen, ‘Les mariages’. Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘Ricimer’s Church in Rome: How an Arian Barbarian Prospered in a Nicene World’, in The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity, ed. by Noel Lenski and Andrew Cain (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 307–26; Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘Barbarian “Arian” Clergy, Church Organization, and © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. not ‘ t he ot he r’ barbarians participated in mainstream Christian life. Thus, in the 460s the homoian barbarian Master of Soldiers Ricimer endowed the apse decoration of what later became the church of Sant’Agata in Rome.16 (6) All of this raises the matter of barbarian ‘identity’, and the widespread supposition that concepts of barbarian and Roman self-identity were very different from each other. But this idea is difficult to sustain given that the designation ‘Roman’ itself no longer was an indicator of ethnic identity. Romans and barbarians now self-identified on the basis of their geographical, national, or citizenship origin.17 Thus, one could be, ‘by nationality’, a Greek, a Thracian, a Spaniard, or a Hermundurus; or a citizen of Greece, Pannonia, the Alamanni, or the Franks. In late antique contexts, the term ‘barbarian’ became a generic means of describing persons whose family had originated outside the imperial frontiers but who also were part of the Roman world. Just as the Roman Empire initially had been populated by ‘citizens’ and ‘provincials’, during Late Antiquity it was inhabited by ‘Romans’ and ‘barbarians’, all of whom were part of the ‘Roman’ population. None of these considerations are what one would expect from two fundamentally incompatible populations whose interactions were primarily manifestations of their otherness. Nor were they. By the onset of Late Antiquity (c. 250–750 ce), barbarians had lived in close contact with the Roman world for centuries and had become an integral part of it. Barbarians and the End of the Roman Empire So, if there was no great cultural divide separating Romans and barbarians, if, in practice, barbarians were not really ‘the other’, what does that say about traditional ideas regarding the role of barbarians in the end of the western Roman Empire? Ever since antiquity, barbarians have been perceived as skin-clad savages who defeated Roman armies and beat down the gates of Rome, who not only brought down the western empire but also created a period of cultural barrenness still known as the Church Practices’, in Arianism: Roman Heresy and Barbarian Creed, ed. by Guido Berndt and Roland Steinacher (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), pp. 145–92. 16 Mathisen, ‘Ricimer’s Church’. 17 Charlotte Roueché, ‘Asia Minor and Cyprus’, in The Cambridge Ancient History, ed. by Averil Cameron, Bryan Ward-Perkins, and Michael Whitby, vol. 14 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 570–87 (p. 572), ‘by the sixth century many people chose to describe themselves as inhabitants of their province — as “the Lydian” or “the Cappadocian” — rather than as citizens of particular towns’; Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘“Natio”, “Gens”, “Provincialis”, and “Civis”: Geographical Terminology and Personal Identity in Late Antiquity’, in Shifting Genres in Late Antiquity, ed. by Geoffrey Greatrex (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), pp. 277–89; Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘Le statut personnel et juridique de provincialis pendant le Bas-Empire’, in Confinia: Confins et périphéries dans l’Occident romain, ed. by Robert Bedon (Limoges: Presses Universitaires de Limoges, 2014), pp. 35–46. 27 9 280 r a l p h w. m at h i s e n ‘Dark Ages’. And ever since the fifth century scholars and theologians have tried to explain how this could have happened. Salvian of Marseille reasoned, Si […] deus […] curat […] cur nos […] vinci a barbaris patitur? […] brevissime […] nos perferre haec mala patitur quia meremur ut ista patiamur. (If God […] cares for us […] Why does he suffer us to be conquered by the barbarians? […] To answer very briefly […], he suffers us to endure these trials because we deserve to endure them).18 In this model, Romans were just getting what they deserved for their sinfulness. In the modern day, the end of the western empire still is seen as resulting from a underlying animosity between ‘barbarians’ and ‘Romans’. The so-called ‘Catastrophe’ Model can be traced back to Edward Gibbon, who in the late eighteenth century spoke of ‘the triumph of barbarism and religion’. In modern models, barbarians still get the blame, with barbarian hordes engaging in ‘waves of invasion’ that caused the decline and fall of a feeble western Roman Empire. In a book ominously entitled, The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization, a distinguished Oxford scholar recently proposed, ‘The civilization of Greece and Rome was destroyed in the West by hostile invasions’.19 Recent decades, moreover, have seen the development of a different model, the ‘Transformation Model’, which sees largely peaceful integration and assimilation of barbarian peoples in the Roman world.20 Both models, however, presume that there was a fundamental adversarialness, a condition of otherness, between barbarians and Romans.21 But if, as just suggested, that underlying otherness was not there, if there was in fact a great degree of common ground between Romans and barbarians, how are we to explain the end of the western Roman Empire without hostile antagonistic culturally differentiated barbarians as one of the primary causative factors? What does this say about the barbarian ‘conquest’ of the western Roman Empire? 18 Salvian, De gubernatione dei 4.12. 19 Bryan Ward-Perkins, The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 1. 20 See, e.g., Donald Kagan, The End of the Roman Empire: Decline or Transformation? (Lexington: Heath, 1978); Samuel Barnish, ‘Transformation and Survival in the Western Senatorial Aristocracy, c. A.D. 400–700’, Papers of the British School at Rome, 56 (1988), 120–55; Leslie Webster and Michelle Brown, eds, The Transformation of the Roman World ad 400–900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997); Mathisen and Shanzer, eds, Romans, Barbarians, pp. 43–53; Rob Collins, ‘Decline, Collapse, or Transformation? The Case for the Northern Frontier of Britannia’, in Social Dynamics in the Northwest Frontiers of the Late Roman Empire: Beyond Decline or Transformation, ed. by Nico Roymans, Stijn Heeren, and Wim De Clercq (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2017), pp. 203–20. 21 Thus, even authors such as Goffart who downplay the extent of adversarialness, ‘antagonism cannot be the last word’, still implicitly subscribe to the theme of the barbarian invasions, ‘Costly barbarian invasions undeniably took place’: Walter Goffart, ‘Rome’s Final Conquest: The Barbarians’, History Compass, 6.3 (2008), 855–83 (pp. 858, 870). © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. not ‘ t he ot he r’ Problems with the ‘Barbarian Conquest’ Model One thus next might like to take a quick look at what traditionally have been called the ‘barbarian invasions’ and the ‘barbarian conquest’ of the western Roman Empire. Popular models of a weak Roman Empire overcome by invading barbarians have some significant issues: (1) Even Peter Heather, a powerful advocate for the role of barbarians in the ‘fall’ of the western empire, identifies only two periods of barbarian invasions, the settlement of the Visigoths in 376, and the invasions of Radagaisus [in 405] and the Vandals, Burgundians, Alans, and Suevi [in 406] during 405–406.22 But the Visigoths entered the eastern not the western empire, and the invasion by Radagaisus in 405, not to mention that of the Huns in 451–452, failed and left little lasting legacy. And given that Heather characterizes the ‘decade of glory’ of Attila the Huns as a ‘sideshow in the drama of western imperial collapse’, we are left with only a single successful invasion of the western empire, the crossing of the Rhine in 406.23 It thus is difficult to find evidence for waves of barbarian invasions that brought down the western empire. (2) Another problem with the ‘barbarian invasion’ model is that the end of the western empire came seventy-five years after the only successful western invasion. Although Heather suggests that ‘the two phenomena are causally connected’,24 this still is a very long time to argue for cause and effect. (3) It also is hard to find examples of barbarians conquering anything. Most of the marquee battles, such as Pollentia (402), Faesulae (406), Vicus Helena (440s), and the Mauriac Plain (451),25 were won by the Romans. Indeed, one can point to only a few significant western battles, such as the defeat of Litorius in 439 and Cap Bon in 468, both of which were defensive rather than offensive battles, won by barbarians. One does note, moreover, that as of the 440s, Roman victories often were won with the aid of barbarian auxiliaries, such as the Visigoths and Franks. (4) Nor were barbarians particularly destructive. The genteel ‘Sack’ of Rome in 410, for example, and the Vandal sack of Rome in 455 were old-fashioned lootings, akin 22 Peter Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire. A New History of Rome and the Barbarians (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 435, 445–46. 23 Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire, p. 435. 24 Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire, p. 434. 25 For general histories of the period, note, e.g., John Moorhead, The Roman Empire Divided, 400–700 (London: Longman, 2001); Averil Cameron, The Later Roman Empire. ad 284–430 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993); John R. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (London: Macmillan, 1923); Ernst Stein, Geschichte des spätrömischen Reiches vom römischen zum byzantinischen Staate (284–476 n. Chr.) (Wien: Seidel, 1928) = Histoire du Bas-Empire. Tome premier. De l’état romaine à l’état byzantine (284–476), trans. by Jean-Rémy Palanque (Paris: Brouwer, 1959; repr. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1968). 2 81 2 82 r a l p h w. m at h i s e n to the lootings that occurred during Roman civil wars, as in 69 and 238.26 Neither caused much actual destruction.27 There is very little evidence for barbarians destroying much of anything. In general, barbarians like the Vandals, Visigoths, and Franks prevailed more by persistence, by infiltration, and by taking advantage of Roman lack of preparedness then by military conquest. (5) Nor does a model based on barbarian invasions explain why for 750 years the Romans had been able to deal with any barbarian threats quite effectively. Why was it only in the fifth century that the west collapsed in the face of supposed barbarian onslaughts? All of these considerations suggest that there was something else going on in the end of the western empire. The lack of evidence for a military conquest and the evidence that barbarians were not just ‘the other’, and that there was a great deal of common ground between persons and peoples traditionally described as ‘Romans’ and ‘barbarians’, now seems too overwhelming to be consistent with a model for the end of the western empire based so heavily on adversarialnesss. For an alternate model, one might consider the primary venue in which barbarians and Romans encountered each other and created a composite culture: the Roman military, which was increasingly dependent on the recruitment of barbarian soldiers, especially after the Battle of Adrianople in 378. In this context, we encounter Hariulfus, ‘a prince of the Burgundian people’, who served as a ‘Protector domesticus’, that is, as a member of the imperial guard, in the late fourth century.28 At about the same time, an unnamed Frank described himself as ‘a citizen of the Franks, but a Roman soldier in arms’.29 One might suggest that what in the past have been called ‘barbarian invasions’ in fact were either civil wars or consolidations of authority by what one could call ‘Independent Military Contractors’, leaders of bands of mostly barbarian auxiliary troops — including individuals ranging from Alaric, Odovacar, and Theoderic the Great to Count Boniface, Aegidius, and Ecdicius — who them26 Sack of 455: e.g., Malchus, Chronicon 366: The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire: Eunapius, Olympiodorus, Priscus, and Malchus, ed. by R. C. Blockley, 2 vols (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1981–1983); sack of 69 ce: Aur. Vict. Caes. 8.5: Sexti Aurelii Victoris de caesaribus liber, ed. by Franz Pichlmayer (Leipzig: Teubner, 1892); Tac. Hist. 3.71–83; 4.1: Cornelii Taciti Historiarum liber, ed. by Charles D. Fisher (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922); sack of 238 ce: HA Maximini duo 10.4–8; also HA Severi 7.3: Scriptores historiae augustae, ed. by Hermann Peter (Leipzig: Teubner, 1894). 27 e.g., Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘Roma a Gothis Alarico duce capta est’: The Sack of Rome in 410 ce’, in 410 – The Sack of Rome, ed. by Johannes Lipps, Philipp von Rummell, and Carlos Machado (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2013), pp. 87–102. 28 Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum 13: Inscriptiones trium Galliarum et Germaniarum Latinae, ed. by O. Hirschfield, C. Zangenmeister, A. von Domaszewski, O. Bohn, and E. Stein (Berlin, 1899–1943, repr. Faenza, 1979), 3682: ‘Hariulfus protector / domesticus filius Han/havaldi regalis genti/s Burgundionum qui / vicxit annos XX et men/sis nove(m) et dies nove(m) / Reutilo avunculu/s ipsius fecit’. 29 Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Vol.11: Inscriptiones Aemiliae, Etruriae, Umbriae Latinae, ed. by E. Bormann (Berlin, 1888–1926; repr. Faenza, 1979), 3576 = H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae (Berlin, 1892–1916), 2814: ‘Francus ego cives, Romanus miles in armis’. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. not ‘ t he ot he r’ selves could be either barbarians or Romans.30 Perhaps it was only an accident of history that the western empire fragmented into barbarian kingdoms as opposed to breakaway Roman enclaves. Which brings one back to the prevalent concept of ‘otherness’ that often has been used to define and explain relations between barbarians and Romans during Late Antiquity. It was suggested above that a model for the interactions between Romans and barbarians, and for the end of the Roman Empire in the west, that is based on adversarialness and difference just does not work. Not when all the evidence suggests that barbarians were not ‘the other’ in the late Roman world but rather were included under a wide umbrella that incorporated all the peoples living within and on the fringes of the imperial frontiers. A model that incorporates the lack of barbarian ‘otherness’ might be better equipped to explain not only the tenor of Roman-barbarian interactions during the last century of the western empire but also the nature of the transformation of the Roman world to the medieval world than a model based on hostility, difference, and otherness. Works Cited Primary Sources Cornelii Taciti Historiarum liber, ed. by Charles D. Fisher (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922) Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Vol.11: Inscriptiones Aemiliae, Etruriae, Umbriae Latinae, ed. by E. Bormann (Berlin, 1888–1926; repr. Faenza, 1979) Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum 13: Inscriptiones trium Galliarum et Germaniarum Latinae, ed. by O. Hirschfield, C. Zangenmeister,. A. von Domaszewski, O. Bohn, and E. Stein (Berlin, 1899–1943, repr. Faenza, 1979) Dessau, H., Inscriptiones Latinae selectae (Berlin, 1892–1916) The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire: Eunapius, Olympiodorus, Priscus, and Malchus, ed. by R. C. Blockley, 2 vols (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1981–1983) Gulielmus Xylandrus, ed., Dionis Cassii Nicaei Romanae historiae libri (tot enim hodie extant) XXV nimirum a. XXXVI ad LXI (Lyon: Gulielmus Rovillius, 1559) The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire: Volume 2, AD 395–527, ed. by J. R. Martindale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971) Scriptores historiae augustae, ed. by Hermann Peter (Leipzig: Teubner, 1894) Sexti Aurelii Victoris de caesaribus liber, ed. by Franz Pichlmayer (Leipzig: Teubner, 1892) 30 See Ralph W. Mathisen, ‘The End of the Western Roman Empire in the Fifth Century ce: Barbarian Auxiliaries, Independent Military Contractors, and Civil Wars’, in The Fifth Century: Age of Transformation, ed. by Noel Lenski and Jan-Willem Drijvers (Bari: Edipuglia, 2019), pp. 137–56. 2 83 2 84 r a l p h w. m at h i s e n Secondary Works Barnish, Samuel, ‘Transformation and Survival in the Western Senatorial Aristocracy, c. A.D. 400–700’, Papers of the British School at Rome, 56 (1988), 120–55 Bowlus, Charles R., ‘Ethnogenesis Models and the Age of Migration: A Critique’, Austrian History Yearbook, 26 (1995), 147–64 Bury, John R., History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (London: Macmillan, 1923) Cameron, Averil, The Later Roman Empire. ad 284–430 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993) Castritius, Helmut, ‘Zur Sozialgeschichte der Heermeister des Westreichs nach der Mitte des 5. Jh.: Flavius Valila qui et Theodovius’, Ancient Society, 3 (1972), 233–43 ———, ‘Zur Sozialgeschichte der Heermeister des Westreiches: Einheitliches Rekrutierungsmuster und Rivalitäten im spätrömischen Militäradel’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 92 (1984), 1–34 Chappell, David, ‘Ethnogenesis and Frontiers’, Journal of World History, 4 (1993), 267–75 Clover, Frank M., Flavius Merobaudes: A Translation and Historical Commentary (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1971) Collins, Rob, ‘Decline, Collapse, or Transformation? The Case for the Northern Frontier of Britannia’, in Social Dynamics in the Northwest Frontiers of the Late Roman Empire: Beyond Decline or Transformation, ed. by Nico Roymans, Stijn Heeren, and Wim De Clercq (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2017), pp. 203–20 Dauge, Yves A., Le barbare. Recherches sur la conception romaine de la barbarie et de la civilisation (Bruxelles: Latomus, 1981) Ferris, Iain, ‘Insignificant Others: Images of Barbarians on Military Art from Roman Britain’, in TRAC 94: Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, ed. by Sally Cottam, David Dungsworth, Sarah Scott, and Jeremy Taylor (Oxford: Oxbow, 1994), pp. 24–31 Frassetto, Michael, The Early Medieval World: From the Fall of Rome to the Time of Charlemagne (Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 2013) Funck, Barbara, ‘Studie zu der Bezeichnung bárbaros’, in Soziale Typenbegriffe. Untersuchungen ausgewählter altgriechischer sozialer Typenbegriffe und ihr Fortleben in Antike und Mittelalter = Soziale Typenbegriffe im alten Griechenlandund ihr Fortleben in den Sprachen der Welt, ed. by Elisabeth Welskopf, vol. iv (Berlin: Akademie, 1981), pp. 26–51 Geary, Patrick, ‘Ethnic Identity as a Situational Construct in the Early Middle Ages’, Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, 13 (1988), 15–26 Goffart, Walter, ‘Rome’s Final Conquest: The Barbarians’, History Compass, 6.3 (2008), 855–83 Halsall, Guy, ‘The Origins of the Reihengräberzivilisation: Forty Years On’, in Fifth-Century Gaul: A Crisis of Identity?, ed. by John Drinkwater and Hugh Elton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 196–207 Heather, Peter, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005) © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. not ‘ t he ot he r’ Hedeager, Lotte, ‘The Creation of Germanic Identity: A European Origin-Myth’, in Frontières d’empire: Nature et signification des frontières romaines, ed. by Patrice Brun, Sander van der Leeuw, and Charles R. Whittaker (Nemours: Ed. de l’Association pour la promotion de la recherche archéologique en Ile-de-France, 1993), pp, 121–31 Hummer, Hans J., ‘The Fluidity of Barbarian Identity, the Ethnogenesis of Alemanni and Suebi, ad 200–500’, Early Medieval Europe, 7 (1998), 1–27 Kagan, Donald, The End of the Roman Empire: Decline or Transformation? (Lexington: Heath, 1978) Kahane, Henry, and Renée Kahane, ‘On the Meanings of “Barbarus”’, Hellenika, 37 (1986), 129–32 Kulikowski, Michael, ‘Nation vs. Army: A Necessary Contrast?’, in On Barbarian Identity: Critical Approaches to Ethnicity in the Early Middle Ages, ed. by Andrew Gillett (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), pp. 69–84 Lévy, Edmund, ‘Naissance du concept de barbare’, Ktema, 9 (1984), 5–14 Mathisen, Ralph W., ‘Barbarian “Arian” Clergy, Church Organization, and Church Practices’, in Arianism: Roman Heresy and Barbarian Creed, ed. by Guido Berndt and Roland Steinacher (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), pp. 145–92 ———, ‘Barbarian Immigration and Integration in the Late Roman Empire: The Case of Barbarian Citizenship’, in Minderheiten und Migration in der Antike: Rechtliche, religiöse, kulturelle und politische Aspekte, ed. by Patrick Sänger (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2016), pp. 153–67 ———, ‘Becoming Roman, Becoming Barbarian: Roman Citizenship and the Assimilation of Barbarians into the Late Roman World’, in Migration and Membership Regimes in Global and Historical Perspective, ed. by Ulbe Bosma, Gijs Kessler, and Leo Lucassen (Leiden: Brill, 2013), pp. 191–217 ———, ‘Concepts of Citizenship in the Late Roman Empire’, in Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity, ed. by Scott Johnson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), pp. 744–63 ———, ‘The End of the Western Roman Empire in the Fifth Century ce: Barbarian Auxiliaries, Independent Military Contractors, and Civil Wars’, in The Fifth Century: Age of Transformation, ed. by Noel Lenski and Jan-Willem Drijvers (Bari: Edipuglia, 2019), pp. 137–56 ———, ‘Les mariages entre Romains et Barbares comme stratégie familiale pendant l’Antiquité tardive’, in Les stratégies familiales dans l’Antiquité tardive, ed. by Christophe Badel and Mireille Corbier (Paris: De Boccard, 2012), 153–66 ———, ‘“Natio”, “Gens”, “Provincialis”, and “Civis”: Geographical Terminology and Personal Identity in Late Antiquity’, in Shifting Genres in Late Antiquity, ed. by Geoffrey Greatrex (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), pp. 277–89 ———, ‘“Peregrini”, “Barbari”, and “Cives Romani”: Concepts of Citizenship and the Legal Identity of Barbarians in the Later Roman Empire’, American Historical Review, 111 (2006), 1011–40 ———, ‘“Provinciales”, “Gentiles”, and Marriages between Romans and Barbarians in the Late Roman Empire’, Journal of Roman Studies, 99 (2009), 140–55 ———, ‘Ricimer’s Church in Rome: How an Arian Barbarian Prospered in a Nicene World’, in The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity, ed. by Noel Lenski and Andrew Cain (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 307–26 285 286 r a l p h w. m at h i s e n ———, ‘Roma a Gothis Alarico duce capta est’: The Sack of Rome in 410 ce’, in 410 – The Sack of Rome, ed. by Johannes Lipps, Philipp von Rummell, and Carlos Machado (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2013), pp. 87–102 ———, ‘Le statut personnel et juridique de provincialis pendant le Bas-Empire’, in Confinia: Confins et périphéries dans l’Occident romain, ed. by Robert Bedon (Limoges: Presses Universitaires de Limoges, 2014), pp. 35–46 Moorhead, John, The Roman Empire Divided, 400–700 (London: Longman, 2001) Neusner, Jacob, and Ernest S. Frerichs, eds, ‘To See Ourselves as Others See Us’: Christians, Jews and ‘Others’ in Late Antiquity (Chico: Scholars, 1985) Périn, Patrick, and Michel Kazanski, ‘Identity and Ethnicity during the Era of Migrations and Barbarian Kingdoms in the Light of Archaeology in Gaul’, in Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of The Roman World: Cultural Interaction and the Creation of Identity in Late Antiquity, ed. by Ralph Mathisen and Danuta Shanzer (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), pp. 299–330 Pohl, Walter, ‘Conceptions of Ethnicity in Early Medieval Studies’, in Debating the Middle Ages: Issues and Readings, ed. by Lester K. Little and Barbara H. Rosenwein (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), pp. 13–24 ———, ‘Strategie und Sprache – zu den Ethnogenesen des Mittelalters’, in Entstehung von Sprachen und Völkern, ed. by Sture Ureland (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1985), pp. 93–102 ———, ‘Tradition, Ethnogenese und literarische Gestaltung: eine Zwischenbilanz’, in Ethnogenese und Überlieferung. Angewandte Methoden der Frühmittelalterforschung, ed. by Karl Brunner and Brigitte Merta (München: Oldenbourg, 1994), pp. 9–26 Quast, Dieter, ‘Vom Einzelgrab zum Friedhof. Beginn der Reihengräbersitte im 5. Jahrhundert’, in Die Alamannen, ed. by Karlheinz Fuchs, Martin Kempa, Rainer Redies, Barbara Theune-Grosskopf, and André Wais (Stuttgart: Theiss, 1997), pp. 171–90 Roueché, Charlotte, ‘Asia Minor and Cyprus’, in The Cambridge Ancient History, ed. by Averil Cameron, Bryan Ward-Perkins, and Michael Whitby, vol. 14 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 570–87 Saddington, Dennis B., ‘Roman Attitudes to the “externae gentes” of the North’, Acta classica 4 (1961), 90–102 Stein, Ernst, Geschichte des spätrömischen Reiches vom römischen zum byzantinischen Staate (284–476 n. Chr.) (Wien: Seidel, 1928) = Histoire du Bas-Empire. Tome premier. De l’état romaine à l’état byzantine (284–476), trans. by Jean-Rémy Palanque (Paris: Brouwer, 1959; repr. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1968) Stein, Frauke, Alamannische Siedlung und Kultur: Das Reihengraberfeld in Gammertingen (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1991) van Acker, Lieven, ‘“Barbarus” und seine Ableitungen im Mittellatein’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 47 (1965), 125–40 Viscido, Lorenzo, ‘Sull’uso del termine barbarus nelle “Variae” di Cassiodore’, Orpheus, 7 (1986), 338–44 Ward-Perkins, Bryan, The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005) Webster, Leslie, and Michelle Brown, eds, The Transformation of the Roman World ad 400–900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997) © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. not ‘ t he ot he r’ Wells, Peter, The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999) Wenskus, Reinhard, Stammesbildung und Verfassung. Das Werden der frühmittelalterlichen Gentes (Köln: Böhlau, 1961) Woolf, Greg, Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011) 287