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During the Principate, private citizens had the right to present petitions directly to the emperor, who would reply in a document known as a rescriptum personale. 1 Personal rescripts dealt with a multitude of issues of concern to... more
During the Principate, private citizens had the right to present petitions directly to the emperor, who would reply in a document known as a rescriptum personale. 1 Personal rescripts dealt with a multitude of issues of concern to ordinary citizens. They granted special favors, extraordinary personal privileges, or exceptions to standard legal policies. They also could be cited as legal precedents, as in the Codex Justinianus.The issuance of personal rescripts culminated in the 290s, when thousands of them were published in the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes. Subsequently, the issuance of personal rescripts was greatly curtailed. The personal rescript had served the very useful purpose of giving private citizens the opportunity to deliver petitions directly to the emperor, and to receive a reply that gave the emperor's attention to their concerns. One might ask whether the decline of the personal rescript meant that private persons had reduced access to the emperor's personal attention and favor. This question may be answered, in part, by looking at an underappreciated document known as the adnotatio. 2 In the third century, the term "adnotatio" referred to a memo or notification written by a state official. 3 By the later Empire, however, it had a more specific meaning. The Notitia dignitatum records, under the duties of the Magister memoriae, "Adnotationes omnes dictat et emittit, et precibus respondet". 4 By the end of the
In his collections of letters and poems, Sidonius often mentions the circulation of his writings, usually by himself, meaning that his works, like those of his friends, were self-published. Sidonius did not provide each of his friends... more
In his collections of letters and poems, Sidonius often mentions the circulation of his writings, usually by himself, meaning that his works, like those of his friends, were self-published.  Sidonius did not provide each of his friends with a full-blown copy of his volumes of poems or letters. Generally, single copies of one or more books of letters would be passed from one reader to another, and, by a process of ‘chain publication’, recipients were expected to make their own copies if they chose to
The use of quantitative methods – prosopography, statistical analysis, and Social Network Analysis – provides us with tools for understanding the people in Sidonus’ letters and poems not just in an impressionistic way, based on selected... more
The use of quantitative methods – prosopography, statistical analysis, and Social Network Analysis – provides us with tools for understanding the people in Sidonus’ letters and poems not just in an impressionistic way, based on selected passages used to illustrate this or that phenomenon and interpreted in the eye of the beholder, but in a comprehensive manner that reduces the possibility that conclusions will be taken out of context, incorporates all of Sidonius’ people into a single analytical model, and explicitly interprets all the groups that a user wishes to identify in the context of the entire population.
During the Late Roman Empire, concepts of personal identity proliferated, often coalescing around different forms of local identity. For one thing, nearly all the inhabitants of the Roman Empire, including even the barbarians who lived in... more
During the Late Roman Empire, concepts of personal identity proliferated, often coalescing around different forms of local identity. For one thing, nearly all the inhabitants of the Roman Empire, including even the barbarians who lived in the empire, were Roman citizens. At the same time, nearly everyone also was a “citizen” of a city. These forms of personal and legal identification are very well known. But there also were, at the same time, other forms of personal identity, including other forms of citizenship, that provided additional options for expressing local identity. One of these is represented primarily in epigraphic sources and very poorly known or studied. This was the status of “provincialis”, which was based on either birth or habitation in a large region of the empire, such as Gaul, Africa, and so on. Broadly applied, this form of identification also applied to both ancient and contemporary ethnic groups. The status of “provincialis” was represented in the concepts of “natio” (such as, “by nationality, Hermundurus”), “regio” (such as, “by region, from Spain”), and “gens” (such as, “of the people of the Burgundians”). These forms of local identity also could be expressed in terms of citizenship, such as “by citizenship, a Syrian.” This more diffuse concept of “citizenship” even was used to describe persons of barbarian origin, so we have “citizens” of the Goths, Franks, Alamanni, and even Huns. The nature of these alternate forms of citizenship has only rarely been discussed, and this paper will attempt to suggest just what their significance was.
What I would propose, however, is that barbarians were not “the other” but an integral part of the Roman world. Barbarians, one might argue, were just one more group, like women, slaves, rural populations, and non-elite provincials, that... more
What I would propose, however, is that barbarians were not “the other” but an integral part of the Roman world. Barbarians, one might argue, were just one more group, like women, slaves, rural populations, and non-elite provincials, that fell outside the social circles of elite male authors. Of course, when elite writers discussed these other categories of individuals they manifested their own standards, prejudices, and agendas, but there was nothing inherent in barbarians that made them any different in the way they were treated by elite authors. Thus, I would suggest that if we can usefully make corrections in elite perceptions of women, slaves, and provincials, we likewise certainly can do the same regarding perceptions of barbarians. We do not need to worship at the altar of barbarian “otherness” to such an extent as to presume that we cannot learn anything useful about them from classical authors.
Hilary of Arles was one of the most influential ecclesiastics of the fifth-century. A scion of an aristocratic family of central Gaul, he entered the monastery of Lérins in his youth. As bishop of Arles, he led a powerful faction of... more
Hilary of Arles was one of the most influential ecclesiastics of the fifth-century. A scion of an aristocratic family of central Gaul, he entered the monastery of Lérins in his youth. As bishop of Arles, he led a powerful faction of churchmen and secular officials. He placed his supporters into episcopal sees and enforced his authority with church councils. Ultimately, Hilary became engaged in a quarrel with Leo, the powerful bishop of Rome. After the two had excommunicated each other, Hilary and his supporters continued to exercise their collective authority in southern Gaul.
The historical value of the letters and verse of Sidonius always has been readily acknowledged, and his works long have served as kind of “guidebook” for late Roman Gaul. Indeed, without them, our picture of this period would be pitifully... more
The historical value of the letters and verse of Sidonius always has been readily acknowledged, and his works long have served as kind of “guidebook” for late Roman Gaul. Indeed, without them, our picture of this period would be pitifully sketchy. The attention given to Sidonius thus is no surprise. The critical reception of his literature, however, has varied wildly over the centuries. The response to Sidonius’ use of artful composition, extravagant rhetoric, extreme hyperbole, excessive classical allusions (especially to mythology), and various complex and obscure meanings has ranged from adoring appreciation to criticism as representing decadence, lack of originality, and poor literary skills. More recent scholarship, however, has been more insightful, understanding that these were characteristic attributes of contemporary literature that have to be evaluated in the context of their own times, rather than by comparison with classical literature of centuries earlier. For Sidonius and his confrères, literary pursuits were not just a pastime: they were serious business. Not only were they a blatant affirmation of Romanitas (Roman-ness) in the face of barbarian ascendancy, but they also determined whether one was acceptable in aristocratic circles. As Gallic society was increasingly disrupted with the decline of Roman authority, the pursuit of literary studies became a lowest common denominator that united all educated persons, irrespective of their rank or wealth. Sidonius himself opined, “Because the imperial ranks and offices now have been swept away, through which it was possible to distinguish each best man from the worst, from now on to know literature will be the only indication of nobility” (Sid.Apoll. Epist. 8.2.2). Sidonius’ constant protestations of lack of literary skill are intended not to be taken at face value, but rather to elicit praise and admiration from his friends. Sidonius’ complex style and allusions were meant not only to reinforce his own aristocratic status, but also to be intelligible only to members of his own literary circle.
Lérins is the most important western example of early Christian monasteries established independently of the authority of bishops, and manifests the tension between bishops and monks that continued into the Middle Ages. Lérins also is a... more
Lérins is the most important western example of early Christian monasteries established independently of the authority of bishops, and manifests the tension between bishops and monks that continued into the Middle Ages. Lérins also is a significant early example of monks becoming involved in politics and of the role western monasteries played in intellectual life and in the production of literary works
Les Romains n'étaient pas vaincus par les barbares dans beaucoup des batailles ; au contraire, les Romains ont remporté presque toutes les batailles. Non. L'empire romain d'Occident avait pris fin - non pas « déchu », mais terminé -- en... more
Les Romains n'étaient pas vaincus par les barbares dans beaucoup des batailles ; au contraire, les Romains ont remporté presque toutes les batailles. Non. L'empire romain d'Occident avait pris fin - non pas « déchu », mais terminé -- en conséquence de la montée des chefs d'armées privées de mercenaires qui d'abord étaient embauchés par le gouvernement romain, et ensuite, parce que le gouvernement ne pouvait plus les payer, ils créèrent leur propres enclaves indépendantes. Et c'est important, car cela signifie qu'il n'y avait pas une véritable rupture avec le monde de l'Empire romain. Ces nouveaux dirigeants, ces nouveaux rois barbares, étaient les successeurs directs des empereurs romains : ils continèrent à utiliser les lois romaines, l'administration romaine, les fonctionnaires romains, le latin, la langue romaine, et le christianisme, la religion romaine, bien que les Wisigoths étaient des chrétiens homéens (pas ariens comme on souvent dit) alors que les Romains étaient des chrétiens de Nicée. Les habitants romains auraient vu peu de différence entre l'administration romaine et l'administration barbare. Ainsi les invasions barbares n'ont pas existé. L'âge des ténèbres n'existait pas. Et on pourrait vraiment dire que plutôt que de détruire la civilisation, les barbares, y compris des wisigoths, sauvèrent la civilisation.
This discussion has suggested not only that there was a long tradition of assigning land to barbarian settlers, but also that there continued to be enough land for doing so in the fifth century. This creates a model much less complex,... more
This discussion has suggested not only that there was a long tradition of assigning land to barbarian settlers, but also that there continued to be enough land for doing so in the fifth century. This creates a model much less complex, much more consistent with Roman administrative traditions, and much more intuitively attractive than the tax-shares thesis. Indeed, if the primary issue truly was about payment of taxes, then this model for settling barbarians on imperial land and agri deserti would have been much more workable than the distribution of tax-shares. It was suggested in the tax-shares model that the only loser was the government.  But in the “distribution of agri deserti and imperial land model,” no one had to be a loser. If agri deserti had been distributed to barbarian settlers, the government would have lost no revenue.  This clearly would have been a better idea than confiscating land from senators, which would have created hard feelings and the loss of productive taxable land for the fisc, or granting tax revenues, which likewise would have created hard feelings plus a loss for the fisc, not to mention continuing administrative headaches.  But the distribution of agri deserti and land controlled by the res privata meant that there were no losers. No unhappy dispossesed or overtaxed Romans. No barbarians confronted by angry dispossessed landowners or grumpy taxpayers. No need for maintaining an administrative superstructure to deal with tax-shares. And minimal loss to the fisc.
In past scholarship dealing with Late Antiquity and the early medieval world there often has been a tendency to focus on a small number of well documented individuals. For Gaul, the scholarship on such as Sidonius Apollinaris and Gregory... more
In past scholarship dealing with Late Antiquity and the early medieval world there often has been a tendency to focus on a small number of well documented individuals. For Gaul, the scholarship on such as Sidonius Apollinaris and Gregory of Tours is vast, but that on lesser lights is rather more sparse. 1 Only relatively recently, partly due to the Translated Texts for Historians series from Liverpool University Press, have the works and deeds of other significant players from the period received increasing attention, with studies of writers such as Caesarius of Arles, Venantius Fortunatus, Ruricius of Limoges, and Avitus of Vienne. 2 But even they loom larger than a multitude of minor players who make only cameo appearances on the historical stage and then disappear, to reappear as jejune entries in a prosopography. 3 Rarely are we able to reconstruct even an outline of the lives, careers, and significance of these lesser dramatis personae. 4 Yet, it is these bit players who are more representative of the age than the star attractions. It is they who filled out the populations of the drawing rooms, the church councils, and the villas. So it is with some curiosity that one encounters a person operating on the fringes of the historical spotlight whose personality and career, by the vagaries of chance and good fortune, can be to some degree reconstructed. This is bishop Cyprianus of Toulon, a partisan of Caesarius of Arles in the first half of the sixth century, whose place in history can be fleshed out with a surprising amount of detail. But first, some background.
This paper will investigate the thorny question of the conflicting perceptions of the scale of the Roman Empire. How did the Roman philosophy of world rule and ideology of constant expansion harmonize with the realities of Roman defeats... more
This paper will investigate the thorny question of the conflicting perceptions of the scale of the Roman Empire. How did the Roman philosophy of world rule and ideology of constant expansion harmonize with the realities of Roman defeats and losses of territory? How did emperors attempt to reconcile the macro concepts of Roman ideology with the micro realities on the ground?
This study, however, will focus on how Romans and Goths worked together. After all, the Goths, too, were part of the Roman network of clientship, and had a long history as useful client peoples. Sometimes they provided settlers, sometimes... more
This study, however, will focus on how Romans and Goths worked together. After all, the Goths, too, were part of the Roman network of clientship, and had a long history as useful client peoples. Sometimes they provided settlers, sometimes auxiliary troops.
Late Roman imperial attempts to regulate civil and criminal activities created a whole taxonomy of punishments for criminal acts, some of which involved confiscating the material wealth of malefactors. There were multationes or multae, or... more
Late Roman imperial attempts to regulate civil and criminal activities created a whole taxonomy of punishments for criminal acts, some of which involved confiscating the material wealth of malefactors. There were multationes or multae, or fines that consisted either of a fixed amount of money, a piece of property, or so many times the value of a piece of property under adjudication. Or exilium, of which there were two forms, deportatio, which also included loss of civil rights and confiscation of property, and relegatio, which did not. Or 'proscription,' that is, proscriptio or publicatio bonorum, the confiscation of property. And finally, damnatio capitis, execution, which in some cases was accompanied by confiscation and could not be imposed by governors but only by the emperor. A dizzying number of late Roman laws imposed fines of so many pounds of gold or silver upon high-ranking officials and their office staffs for a multitude of infractions.1 Most are preserved in the Theodosian Code and the Code of Justinian, although a few survive elsewhere, such as an edict of Anastasius (491-518) inscribed in a Byzantine fort at Qasr al-Hallabat (Jordan) fining praesides 20 pounds of gold and their office staffs 30 pounds for failure to deal with legal cases in a timely manner.2 But there is not much evidence that these exorbitant fines, ranging from 20 to 100 pounds of gold, ever were enforced: a rare example of such a penalty supposedly being implemented was a joke, when Ammianus related that after
Addenda aux deux volumes de la " Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire ", 1971 et 1980. Plus de cent personnages divers, de la Gaule, extraits des sources hagiographiques, surtout des " Acta Sanctorum " des... more
Addenda aux deux volumes de la " Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire ", 1971 et 1980. Plus de cent personnages divers, de la Gaule, extraits des sources hagiographiques, surtout des " Acta Sanctorum " des Bollandistes, quelques-uns des " Monumenta Germaniae Historica " et d'autres sources. Personnages laics ou clercs
in A. Hwang, B. Matz, M. Casiday, eds. Grace for Grace. The Debates after Augustine and Pelagius (Catholic Univ. Press, 2014), 208-234
“Catalogues of Barbarians in Late Antiquity,” in Mathisen-Shanzer, Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of The Roman World (Ashgate, 2011), 17-32.
“'Qui genus, unde patres': The Case of Arcadius Placidus Magnus Felix,” Medieval Prosopography 24 (2004), 55-71
in. G. Berndt, R. Steinacher, eds., Arianism: Roman Heresy and Barbarian Creed (Ashgate, 2014), 145-192
“The Letters of Ruricius of Limoges and the Passage from Roman to Frankish Gaul”, in Mathisen-Shanzer, Society and Culture (Ashgate, 2001), 101-115.
Reports on the continuing spread of the Covid-19 disease pervade the news media, but these reports are very impressionistic. Statistical material is rudimentary at best, consisting primarily of dramatic reports on rising numbers of cases... more
Reports on the continuing spread of the Covid-19 disease pervade the news media, but these reports are very impressionistic. Statistical material is rudimentary at best, consisting primarily of dramatic reports on rising numbers of cases and deaths. Even though daily statistics on numbers of cases of deaths, recovery rates, and mild vs serious cases are readily available, virtually no comprehensive statistical study has been done of these numbers to see what they can tell us about the nature of the spread of the disease in general, and the impact of the disease on the US in particular. This study is one of the first comprehensive statistical analyses of the daily spread of the disease. Although it uncovers several significant disparities between the statistics in the world and US, more significantly it demonstrates how the US has become integrated into a Global Virus Community, in which there now is a general synchronicity between the statistics in the world and the US. That means that if there is a trend worldwide, it also will be replicated in the US. This study predicts that the overall mortality rate will fall below 1.0%, and that by the end of December the total number of deaths worldwide will be between 1,350,000 and 1,500,000, and in the US will be between 317,000 and 450,000.
in G. Greatrex, ed., Shifting Genres in Late Antiquity (Ashgate, 2014), 277-289
“Seething Adolescence, Suspect Relations, and Extraneous Women: Extra-Marital Sex in Late and Post-Roman Gaul,” in S. Heilen, et al., eds., In Pursuit of Wissenschaft Festschrift für William M. Calder III (Olms, 2008), 303-314
in L. Lipps, P. von Rummell, C. Machado, eds., 410 - The Sack of Rome (Rome, 2013), 83-98.
“Ricimer's Church in Rome: How an Arian Barbarian Prospered in a Nicene World,” in N. Lenski, A. Cain, eds., The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity (Ashgate, 2009), 307-326
The letters of Ruricius survive only in the Codex Sangallensis 190, written in the late eighth or early ninth century. They cover the period from ca.470 until ca. 507, the crucial transitional phase between imperial and barbarian Gaul,... more
The letters of Ruricius survive only in the Codex Sangallensis 190, written in the late eighth or early ninth century. They cover the period from ca.470 until ca. 507, the crucial transitional phase between imperial and barbarian Gaul, and are divided into two books, the first with eighteen letters and the second with sixty-five. The collection also contains 13 letters written to Ruricius. The collection therefore provides a rare opportunity to see sequences of letters in an exchange. These letters present a picture of life in late Roman Gaul that significantly complements that provided by Ruricius’ better-known confrères, such as Sidonius, Avitus, and Ennodius. The Ruricius collection has a very local flavor and, in an intimate and domestic way, describes everyday life in Visigothic Aquitania. The first book of letters was carefully organized as a unit in its own right. The second book is more difficult to assess.  Even though there are no indications of divisions in the manuscript...
The collection and compilation of the canons of church councils during Late Antiquity was but one manifestation of a general spirit of codification of knowledge, learning, and official acts that pervaded the period. The creation of Libri... more
The collection and compilation of the canons of church councils during Late Antiquity was but one manifestation of a general spirit of codification of knowledge, learning, and official acts that pervaded the period. The creation of Libri canonum, "books of canons," in late antique Gaul exemplifies this phenomenon. Gallic collections of canons were intended not only to preserve and propagate the knowledge of the decrees of past church councils, but also in many cases to reinforce the local authority of the places where they were created. In this sense, the compilation of libri canonum manifests another or the trends that characterizes Late Antiquity: a movement toward local as opposed to centralized authority.
... Since war between the Creeks and Carthaginians in Sicily con-tinued at intervals throughout the fourth century, we may assume that all the Siculo-Punic coinages which were designed for circulation in Sicily had a military purpose,... more
... Since war between the Creeks and Carthaginians in Sicily con-tinued at intervals throughout the fourth century, we may assume that all the Siculo-Punic coinages which were designed for circulation in Sicily had a military purpose, primarily the payment of mercen-aries. ...
This study attempts to put into its correct historical context the single surviving page of a tract entitled De fide. The work was written by a certain "Agrestius" and dedicated to a certain "Avitus." In this study,... more
This study attempts to put into its correct historical context the single surviving page of a tract entitled De fide. The work was written by a certain "Agrestius" and dedicated to a certain "Avitus." In this study, Agrestius is identified as the bishop Agrestius of Lugo (in the Spanish province of Galicia) who attended the Gallic Council of Orange in the year 441. Avitus is identified as Eparchius Avitus, known to have been praetorian prefect of Gaul in 439, then emperor in 455-56.It is suggested that Agrestius of Lugo sought assistance in Gaul because of factional quarreling in Galicia. Because this quarreling involved accusations of heresy (Priscillianism), Agrestius had to attest to his orthodoxy when he visited Gaul—the De fide was part of this process. But the quarreling also resulted from questions of authority in Galicia—it seems that bishops such as Syagrius and Pastor, two of Agrestius' rivals, were being ordained in out-of-the-way places by various factions. Some of these quarrels also seem to have been the result of questions of jurisdiction involving the continued use in Spain of the old conventus, or judicial district.In Gaul, the episcopal establishment welcomed Agrestius' visit because it allowed Hilary of Aries and his partisans to have the appearance of extending their authority into Spain. The secular establishment, meanwhile, represented by Avitus, was happy to cooperate by placing its imprimatur upon Agrestius' orthodoxy. Eventually, however, the bishop of Rome, Leo, undertook to extend his authority into both Gaul and Spain. In 445, Leo issued rulings contrary to Hilary in Gaul, and in 447 he seems to have sided with Agrestius' rivals in Spain. The opportunity for a measure of unity among the western European churches represented by Agrestius' initiative in Gaul, therefore, eventually came to nought.
... Note also that he seems to have held his rank of inlustris as early as 465, so it would have resulted from this military office. Anonymi Anonymous senator, ex-consul (?suffect) (Rome) c.392/394 Published in CSEL 23 (R. Peiper ed., pp.... more
... Note also that he seems to have held his rank of inlustris as early as 465, so it would have resulted from this military office. Anonymi Anonymous senator, ex-consul (?suffect) (Rome) c.392/394 Published in CSEL 23 (R. Peiper ed., pp. ...
Mathisen, Ralph (2007). "Where are all the PDBs?: The Creation of Prosopographical Databases for the Ancient and Medieval Worlds," in Keats-Rohan, K., ed., <em>Prosopography Approaches and Applications: A... more
Mathisen, Ralph (2007). "Where are all the PDBs?: The Creation of Prosopographical Databases for the Ancient and Medieval Worlds," in Keats-Rohan, K., ed., <em>Prosopography Approaches and Applications: A Handbook</em>, Oxford.
Page 1. PLRE II: SUGGESTED ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA In an undertaking with the size and scope of the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, it is inevitable that inconsistencies should occur in the choice of whom to include and whom to... more
Page 1. PLRE II: SUGGESTED ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA In an undertaking with the size and scope of the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, it is inevitable that inconsistencies should occur in the choice of whom to include and whom to omit. ...
in R.W. Mathisen, ed., Law, Society, and Authority in Late Antiquity (Oxford University Press, 2001), 179-207

And 112 more

Review of Mischa Meier, Der Völker ins Auge blicken. Individuelle Handlungsspielräume im 5. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (Heidelberg: Verlag Antique, 2016): Sehepunkte (2016) (http://www.sehepunkte.de/2016/12/ 28885 html)
Research Interests:
Reports on the continuing spread of the Covid-19 disease pervade the news media, but these reports are very impressionistic. Statistical material is rudimentary at best, consisting primarily of dramatic reports on rising numbers of cases... more
Reports on the continuing spread of the Covid-19 disease pervade the news media, but these reports are very impressionistic. Statistical material is rudimentary at best, consisting primarily of dramatic reports on rising numbers of cases and deaths. Even though daily statistics on numbers of cases of deaths, recovery rates, and mild vs serious cases are readily available, virtually no comprehensive statistical study has been done of these numbers to see what they can tell us about the nature of the spread of the disease in general, and the impact of the disease on the US in particular. This study is one of the first comprehensive statistical analyses of the daily spread of the disease. Although it uncovers several significant disparities between the statistics in the world and US, more significantly it demonstrates how the US has become integrated into a Global Virus Community, in which there now is a general synchronicity between the statistics in the world and the US. That means that if there is a trend worldwide, it also will be replicated in the US. This study predicts that the overall mortality rate will fall below 1.0%, and that by the end of December the total number of deaths worldwide will be between 1,350,000 and 1,500,000, and in the US will be between 317,000 and 450,000.
This video conference took place on May 12-13, 2022 in Izmir, Turkey. All the lectures and discussions in our e-conference were in English, and were recorded for later viewing on YouTube for participants who were unable to attend the live... more
This video conference took place on May 12-13, 2022 in Izmir, Turkey. All the lectures and discussions in our e-conference were in English, and were recorded for later viewing on YouTube for participants who were unable to attend the live performance.
Thematically papers were divided into 11 sessions, dealing with different aspects of Greek, Roman and Byzantine fibulae (cf. the program in the abstract booklet). Revised papers will be published in a peer-reviewed proceedings volume.
A fibula is a brooch or pin for fastening garments, typically at the right shoulder. The fibulae developed in a variety of shapes and are usually divided into families that are based upon historical periods, geography, and/or cultures. They are also divided into classes that are based upon their general forms. Fibulae were found in relatively large quantities in the Mediterranean and Black Sea area, where they were in use and produced frequently between the Bronze Age and Medieval periods. So far the study of these multifunctional objects has been overlooked in the Mediterranean whereas there is still a huge amount of unpublished material from excavations and museums in an area from Portugal down to Egypt.
Fibulae can be categorized based on different criteria, including genres of material, production, use and distribution. The purpose of this video conference was to create an analytical framework for understanding the fibulae in their social and material contexts. This conference considered in depth the role played by fibulas – whose uses ranged from clothes pins to status symbols to military badges of rank – in ancient Greek, Roman and Byzantine societies. In recent decades, major excavation projects have produced vast quantities of material data that have reshaped our understanding of the fibulae, while also raising new questions about their use and production over the long term. We focused on a study of brooches in general and fibulas in particular. Along the way we looked at the intersection between material culture and ethnicity, dealing with the contentious issue of how much that a people’s material culture can tell us about their ethnicity – or not! In this online conference we only focused on Greek, Roman and Byzantine fibulae from the Mediterranean and Black Sea area between c. early sixth century B.C. and early seventh century A.D., and attempted to set out a comprehensive model for the study of fibulae, including their definition, typology, chronology, contexts, function, regional characteristics and distribution patterns in the whole Mediterranean and Black Sea geographies.
This conference on ancient material culture and instrumenta is dedicated to the 75th birthday of Dr Maurizio Buora, the former director of the Civici Musei Castello di Udine in Italy and an international authority on fibulae.
Such papers that engage the following themes and topics are invited:

- Fibulae from archaeological field projects (especially well-dated finds), museums and private collections,
- Identification of different kinds of fibulas,
- Ancient Greek and Latin textual sources on fibulae,
- Evolution of fibulae in the Mediterranean and Black Sea area during the Etruscan, Lydian, Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods,
- The construction of fibula taxonomies,
- Similar instrumenta in the ancient Near East and their relations to ancient Graeco-Roman fibulae, - The nature of different types of surviving material culture,
- What ancient Greeks and Romans thought about afterlife? Fibulae in funerary and votive contexts,
- Comparative studies and issues related to the adoption of Greek and/or Roman fibula models in indigenous contexts: fibulae as major indicators of the relationship between these two communities (indigenous and Greek or Roman),
- Fibula as an indicator of rank and prestige in the ancient world,
- Domestic and commercial use of fibulae,
- Early Christian fibulae,
- Byzantine fibulae,
- Post-Byzantine or modern replicas of Classical fibulae,
- Eastern fibulae in the ancient western world,
- Major production centres of fibulae in the eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea area,
- Related instrumenta to fibulae in the regards of their function,
- Documentation and analysis of fibulae,
- The creation of a fully annotated and organized corpus,
- Publication of fibulae in the Mediterranean in possible corpara,
- Miscellanea.
We are glad to inform you that an international virtual conference on fibulae in the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Mediterranean and Black Sea area will take place on May 12-13, 2022 on Zoom.us, with each day... more
We are glad to inform you that an international virtual conference on fibulae in the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Mediterranean and Black Sea area will take place on May 12-13, 2022 on Zoom.us, with each day dedicated to several thematic sesssions using the Zoom webinar platform. A fibula is a brooch or pin for fastening garments, typically at the right shoulder. The fibulae developed in a variety of shapes and are usually divided into families that are based upon historical periods, geography, and/or cultures. They are also divided into classes that are based upon their general forms. Fibulae were found in relatively large quantities in the Mediterranean and Black Sea area, where they were in use and produced frequently between the Bronze Age and Medieval periods. So far the study of these multifunctional objects has been overlooked in the Mediterranean whereas there is still a huge amount of unpublished material from excavations and museums in an area from Portugal down to Egypt. This conference is dedicated to the 75th birthday of Dr Maurizio Buora, the former director of the Civici Musei Castello di Udine in Italy and an international authority on fibulae.
We would be delighted, if you could consider contributing to our e-conference and contact us with the required information below before March 1, 2022. Our e-mail addresses are: terracottas@deu.edu.tr or alevcetingoz@gmail.com
We would be thankful, if you send us your abstract and required information only in word doc. For all your queries concerning the e-conference our phone number is: +90.539.577 07 33.
We would also be grateful if the lecturers can submit their presentations as a video until April 15, 2022 so that we can make sure to have their lectures prior to the virtual conference on May 12-13.
After the conference participants will be required to submit their revised papers by October 1. Revised papers will be published in a peer-reviewed proceedings volume.
The organizers seek to widen participation at this e-conference, and would like to encourage colleagues from all parts of the world to attend. The conference committee kindly requests that you alert any interested researches, colleagues and students within your research community who would be interested in participating at this e-conference, either by forwarding our e-mail through Academia, Researchgate, Facebook, Twitter, Instagram or other similar social media, or by printing this circular or our poster and displaying it in your institution. Please share it also on your ListServs. We hope that you will be able to join us on Zoom, and look forward to seeing you in May!
Required information for the participation to the e-conference

Type of Participation:
Lecturer:
Observer:
Name:
Academic title:
Institution:
Complete professional address:
Cell phone:
E-mail:
Alternating e-mail address:
Your Academia and/or Researchgate account’s address:
Any special requests:
Title of your lecture:
Would you agree that your lecture will be recorded during the e-conference which will be displayed in Youtube later?:
Your abstract:
N.B.: An illustration can be included; it should be sent by e-mail to terracottas@deu.edu.tr or alevcetingoz@gmail.com