Ralph Mathisen
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, History, Faculty Member
During the Principate, private citizens had the right to present petitions directly to the emperor, who would reply in a document known as a rescriptum personale. 1 Personal rescripts dealt with a multitude of issues of concern to... more
During the Principate, private citizens had the right to present petitions directly to the emperor, who would reply in a document known as a rescriptum personale. 1 Personal rescripts dealt with a multitude of issues of concern to ordinary citizens. They granted special favors, extraordinary personal privileges, or exceptions to standard legal policies. They also could be cited as legal precedents, as in the Codex Justinianus.The issuance of personal rescripts culminated in the 290s, when thousands of them were published in the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes. Subsequently, the issuance of personal rescripts was greatly curtailed. The personal rescript had served the very useful purpose of giving private citizens the opportunity to deliver petitions directly to the emperor, and to receive a reply that gave the emperor's attention to their concerns. One might ask whether the decline of the personal rescript meant that private persons had reduced access to the emperor's personal attention and favor. This question may be answered, in part, by looking at an underappreciated document known as the adnotatio. 2 In the third century, the term "adnotatio" referred to a memo or notification written by a state official. 3 By the later Empire, however, it had a more specific meaning. The Notitia dignitatum records, under the duties of the Magister memoriae, "Adnotationes omnes dictat et emittit, et precibus respondet". 4 By the end of the
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In his collections of letters and poems, Sidonius often mentions the circulation of his writings, usually by himself, meaning that his works, like those of his friends, were self-published. Sidonius did not provide each of his friends... more
In his collections of letters and poems, Sidonius often mentions the circulation of his writings, usually by himself, meaning that his works, like those of his friends, were self-published. Sidonius did not provide each of his friends with a full-blown copy of his volumes of poems or letters. Generally, single copies of one or more books of letters would be passed from one reader to another, and, by a process of ‘chain publication’, recipients were expected to make their own copies if they chose to
Research Interests: Codicology, Late Antiquity, Late Roman Empire, Epistolography, Palaeography, and 10 moreRoman Gaul, Sidonius Apollinaris, Gregory of tours, Senatorial Aristocracy, Ruricius of Limoges, Manuscript Transmission, Late Roman Aristocracies, Literary circulation, Literary circle, and Codex Sangallensis 190
The use of quantitative methods – prosopography, statistical analysis, and Social Network Analysis – provides us with tools for understanding the people in Sidonus’ letters and poems not just in an impressionistic way, based on selected... more
The use of quantitative methods – prosopography, statistical analysis, and Social Network Analysis – provides us with tools for understanding the people in Sidonus’ letters and poems not just in an impressionistic way, based on selected passages used to illustrate this or that phenomenon and interpreted in the eye of the beholder, but in a comprehensive manner that reduces the possibility that conclusions will be taken out of context, incorporates all of Sidonius’ people into a single analytical model, and explicitly interprets all the groups that a user wishes to identify in the context of the entire population.
Research Interests: Religion, Statistical Analysis, Prosopography, Biography, Roman poetry, and 15 moreLate Antiquity, Quantitative Methods, Social Network Analysis (SNA), Social History, Late Roman Empire, Epistolography, Ethnicity, Databases, Social status, Roman Gaul, Sidonius Apollinaris, Roman Prosopography, Barbarians and Romans in Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages, Senatorial Aristocracy, and Late Roman Aristocracies
During the Late Roman Empire, concepts of personal identity proliferated, often coalescing around different forms of local identity. For one thing, nearly all the inhabitants of the Roman Empire, including even the barbarians who lived in... more
During the Late Roman Empire, concepts of personal identity proliferated, often coalescing around different forms of local identity. For one thing, nearly all the inhabitants of the Roman Empire, including even the barbarians who lived in the empire, were Roman citizens. At the same time, nearly everyone also was a “citizen” of a city. These forms of personal and legal identification are very well known. But there also were, at the same time, other forms of personal identity, including other forms of citizenship, that provided additional options for expressing local identity. One of these is represented primarily in epigraphic sources and very poorly known or studied. This was the status of “provincialis”, which was based on either birth or habitation in a large region of the empire, such as Gaul, Africa, and so on. Broadly applied, this form of identification also applied to both ancient and contemporary ethnic groups. The status of “provincialis” was represented in the concepts of “natio” (such as, “by nationality, Hermundurus”), “regio” (such as, “by region, from Spain”), and “gens” (such as, “of the people of the Burgundians”). These forms of local identity also could be expressed in terms of citizenship, such as “by citizenship, a Syrian.” This more diffuse concept of “citizenship” even was used to describe persons of barbarian origin, so we have “citizens” of the Goths, Franks, Alamanni, and even Huns. The nature of these alternate forms of citizenship has only rarely been discussed, and this paper will attempt to suggest just what their significance was.
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What I would propose, however, is that barbarians were not “the other” but an integral part of the Roman world. Barbarians, one might argue, were just one more group, like women, slaves, rural populations, and non-elite provincials, that... more
What I would propose, however, is that barbarians were not “the other” but an integral part of the Roman world. Barbarians, one might argue, were just one more group, like women, slaves, rural populations, and non-elite provincials, that fell outside the social circles of elite male authors. Of course, when elite writers discussed these other categories of individuals they manifested their own standards, prejudices, and agendas, but there was nothing inherent in barbarians that made them any different in the way they were treated by elite authors. Thus, I would suggest that if we can usefully make corrections in elite perceptions of women, slaves, and provincials, we likewise certainly can do the same regarding perceptions of barbarians. We do not need to worship at the altar of barbarian “otherness” to such an extent as to presume that we cannot learn anything useful about them from classical authors.
Research Interests: Late Antiquity, The Other, Late Roman Empire, Sack of Rome, Social transformation, and 10 moreBarbarians, Otherness, Vandals, Barbarian Invasions, Visigoths, Assimilation, Barbarians and Romans in Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Catastrophe Theory, and Barbarian auxiliaries
Hilary of Arles was one of the most influential ecclesiastics of the fifth-century. A scion of an aristocratic family of central Gaul, he entered the monastery of Lérins in his youth. As bishop of Arles, he led a powerful faction of... more
Hilary of Arles was one of the most influential ecclesiastics of the fifth-century. A scion of an aristocratic family of central Gaul, he entered the monastery of Lérins in his youth. As bishop of Arles, he led a powerful faction of churchmen and secular officials. He placed his supporters into episcopal sees and enforced his authority with church councils. Ultimately, Hilary became engaged in a quarrel with Leo, the powerful bishop of Rome. After the two had excommunicated each other, Hilary and his supporters continued to exercise their collective authority in southern Gaul.
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The historical value of the letters and verse of Sidonius always has been readily acknowledged, and his works long have served as kind of “guidebook” for late Roman Gaul. Indeed, without them, our picture of this period would be pitifully... more
The historical value of the letters and verse of Sidonius always has been readily acknowledged, and his works long have served as kind of “guidebook” for late Roman Gaul. Indeed, without them, our picture of this period would be pitifully sketchy. The attention given to Sidonius thus is no surprise. The critical reception of his literature, however, has varied wildly over the centuries. The response to Sidonius’ use of artful composition, extravagant rhetoric, extreme hyperbole, excessive classical allusions (especially to mythology), and various complex and obscure meanings has ranged from adoring appreciation to criticism as representing decadence, lack of originality, and poor literary skills. More recent scholarship, however, has been more insightful, understanding that these were characteristic attributes of contemporary literature that have to be evaluated in the context of their own times, rather than by comparison with classical literature of centuries earlier. For Sidonius and his confrères, literary pursuits were not just a pastime: they were serious business. Not only were they a blatant affirmation of Romanitas (Roman-ness) in the face of barbarian ascendancy, but they also determined whether one was acceptable in aristocratic circles. As Gallic society was increasingly disrupted with the decline of Roman authority, the pursuit of literary studies became a lowest common denominator that united all educated persons, irrespective of their rank or wealth. Sidonius himself opined, “Because the imperial ranks and offices now have been swept away, through which it was possible to distinguish each best man from the worst, from now on to know literature will be the only indication of nobility” (Sid.Apoll. Epist. 8.2.2). Sidonius’ constant protestations of lack of literary skill are intended not to be taken at face value, but rather to elicit praise and admiration from his friends. Sidonius’ complex style and allusions were meant not only to reinforce his own aristocratic status, but also to be intelligible only to members of his own literary circle.
Research Interests: Roman poetry, Late Antiquity, Late Roman Empire, Epistolography, Decline and Fall of the Western Empire, and 11 moreRoman Gaul, Late roman villas, Barbarian Invasions, Sidonius Apollinaris, Visigoths, Panegyric, Barbarians and Romans in Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages, Late Roman Aristocracies, Eparchius Avitus, Clermont, and Burgundians
Lérins is the most important western example of early Christian monasteries established independently of the authority of bishops, and manifests the tension between bishops and monks that continued into the Middle Ages. Lérins also is a... more
Lérins is the most important western example of early Christian monasteries established independently of the authority of bishops, and manifests the tension between bishops and monks that continued into the Middle Ages. Lérins also is a significant early example of monks becoming involved in politics and of the role western monasteries played in intellectual life and in the production of literary works
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Les Romains n'étaient pas vaincus par les barbares dans beaucoup des batailles ; au contraire, les Romains ont remporté presque toutes les batailles. Non. L'empire romain d'Occident avait pris fin - non pas « déchu », mais terminé -- en... more
Les Romains n'étaient pas vaincus par les barbares dans beaucoup des batailles ; au contraire, les Romains ont remporté presque toutes les batailles. Non. L'empire romain d'Occident avait pris fin - non pas « déchu », mais terminé -- en conséquence de la montée des chefs d'armées privées de mercenaires qui d'abord étaient embauchés par le gouvernement romain, et ensuite, parce que le gouvernement ne pouvait plus les payer, ils créèrent leur propres enclaves indépendantes. Et c'est important, car cela signifie qu'il n'y avait pas une véritable rupture avec le monde de l'Empire romain. Ces nouveaux dirigeants, ces nouveaux rois barbares, étaient les successeurs directs des empereurs romains : ils continèrent à utiliser les lois romaines, l'administration romaine, les fonctionnaires romains, le latin, la langue romaine, et le christianisme, la religion romaine, bien que les Wisigoths étaient des chrétiens homéens (pas ariens comme on souvent dit) alors que les Romains étaient des chrétiens de Nicée. Les habitants romains auraient vu peu de différence entre l'administration romaine et l'administration barbare. Ainsi les invasions barbares n'ont pas existé. L'âge des ténèbres n'existait pas. Et on pourrait vraiment dire que plutôt que de détruire la civilisation, les barbares, y compris des wisigoths, sauvèrent la civilisation.
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This discussion has suggested not only that there was a long tradition of assigning land to barbarian settlers, but also that there continued to be enough land for doing so in the fifth century. This creates a model much less complex,... more
This discussion has suggested not only that there was a long tradition of assigning land to barbarian settlers, but also that there continued to be enough land for doing so in the fifth century. This creates a model much less complex, much more consistent with Roman administrative traditions, and much more intuitively attractive than the tax-shares thesis. Indeed, if the primary issue truly was about payment of taxes, then this model for settling barbarians on imperial land and agri deserti would have been much more workable than the distribution of tax-shares. It was suggested in the tax-shares model that the only loser was the government. But in the “distribution of agri deserti and imperial land model,” no one had to be a loser. If agri deserti had been distributed to barbarian settlers, the government would have lost no revenue. This clearly would have been a better idea than confiscating land from senators, which would have created hard feelings and the loss of productive taxable land for the fisc, or granting tax revenues, which likewise would have created hard feelings plus a loss for the fisc, not to mention continuing administrative headaches. But the distribution of agri deserti and land controlled by the res privata meant that there were no losers. No unhappy dispossesed or overtaxed Romans. No barbarians confronted by angry dispossessed landowners or grumpy taxpayers. No need for maintaining an administrative superstructure to deal with tax-shares. And minimal loss to the fisc.
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In past scholarship dealing with Late Antiquity and the early medieval world there often has been a tendency to focus on a small number of well documented individuals. For Gaul, the scholarship on such as Sidonius Apollinaris and Gregory... more
In past scholarship dealing with Late Antiquity and the early medieval world there often has been a tendency to focus on a small number of well documented individuals. For Gaul, the scholarship on such as Sidonius Apollinaris and Gregory of Tours is vast, but that on lesser lights is rather more sparse. 1 Only relatively recently, partly due to the Translated Texts for Historians series from Liverpool University Press, have the works and deeds of other significant players from the period received increasing attention, with studies of writers such as Caesarius of Arles, Venantius Fortunatus, Ruricius of Limoges, and Avitus of Vienne. 2 But even they loom larger than a multitude of minor players who make only cameo appearances on the historical stage and then disappear, to reappear as jejune entries in a prosopography. 3 Rarely are we able to reconstruct even an outline of the lives, careers, and significance of these lesser dramatis personae. 4 Yet, it is these bit players who are more representative of the age than the star attractions. It is they who filled out the populations of the drawing rooms, the church councils, and the villas. So it is with some curiosity that one encounters a person operating on the fringes of the historical spotlight whose personality and career, by the vagaries of chance and good fortune, can be to some degree reconstructed. This is bishop Cyprianus of Toulon, a partisan of Caesarius of Arles in the first half of the sixth century, whose place in history can be fleshed out with a surprising amount of detail. But first, some background.
Research Interests: Patristics, Late Antiquity, Manuscripts (Medieval Studies), Manuscripts, Hegesippus, and 15 moreNestorianism, Geneva, Caesarius of Arles, Pelagianism, Cyprianus, Avitus of Vienne, Arles, Burgundians, Cyprianus Gallus, Theopascitism, Vienne, Pope Symmachus, Pseudo-Hegesippus, toulon, and theopaschites
This paper will investigate the thorny question of the conflicting perceptions of the scale of the Roman Empire. How did the Roman philosophy of world rule and ideology of constant expansion harmonize with the realities of Roman defeats... more
This paper will investigate the thorny question of the conflicting perceptions of the scale of the Roman Empire. How did the Roman philosophy of world rule and ideology of constant expansion harmonize with the realities of Roman defeats and losses of territory? How did emperors attempt to reconcile the macro concepts of Roman ideology with the micro realities on the ground?
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This study, however, will focus on how Romans and Goths worked together. After all, the Goths, too, were part of the Roman network of clientship, and had a long history as useful client peoples. Sometimes they provided settlers, sometimes... more
This study, however, will focus on how Romans and Goths worked together. After all, the Goths, too, were part of the Roman network of clientship, and had a long history as useful client peoples. Sometimes they provided settlers, sometimes auxiliary troops.
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Late Roman imperial attempts to regulate civil and criminal activities created a whole taxonomy of punishments for criminal acts, some of which involved confiscating the material wealth of malefactors. There were multationes or multae, or... more
Late Roman imperial attempts to regulate civil and criminal activities created a whole taxonomy of punishments for criminal acts, some of which involved confiscating the material wealth of malefactors. There were multationes or multae, or fines that consisted either of a fixed amount of money, a piece of property, or so many times the value of a piece of property under adjudication. Or exilium, of which there were two forms, deportatio, which also included loss of civil rights and confiscation of property, and relegatio, which did not. Or 'proscription,' that is, proscriptio or publicatio bonorum, the confiscation of property. And finally, damnatio capitis, execution, which in some cases was accompanied by confiscation and could not be imposed by governors but only by the emperor. A dizzying number of late Roman laws imposed fines of so many pounds of gold or silver upon high-ranking officials and their office staffs for a multitude of infractions.1 Most are preserved in the Theodosian Code and the Code of Justinian, although a few survive elsewhere, such as an edict of Anastasius (491-518) inscribed in a Byzantine fort at Qasr al-Hallabat (Jordan) fining praesides 20 pounds of gold and their office staffs 30 pounds for failure to deal with legal cases in a timely manner.2 But there is not much evidence that these exorbitant fines, ranging from 20 to 100 pounds of gold, ever were enforced: a rare example of such a penalty supposedly being implemented was a joke, when Ammianus related that after
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Addenda aux deux volumes de la " Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire ", 1971 et 1980. Plus de cent personnages divers, de la Gaule, extraits des sources hagiographiques, surtout des " Acta Sanctorum " des... more
Addenda aux deux volumes de la " Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire ", 1971 et 1980. Plus de cent personnages divers, de la Gaule, extraits des sources hagiographiques, surtout des " Acta Sanctorum " des Bollandistes, quelques-uns des " Monumenta Germaniae Historica " et d'autres sources. Personnages laics ou clercs
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in A. Hwang, B. Matz, M. Casiday, eds. Grace for Grace. The Debates after Augustine and Pelagius (Catholic Univ. Press, 2014), 208-234
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“Catalogues of Barbarians in Late Antiquity,” in Mathisen-Shanzer, Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of The Roman World (Ashgate, 2011), 17-32.
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“'Qui genus, unde patres': The Case of Arcadius Placidus Magnus Felix,” Medieval Prosopography 24 (2004), 55-71
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in. G. Berndt, R. Steinacher, eds., Arianism: Roman Heresy and Barbarian Creed (Ashgate, 2014), 145-192
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“The Letters of Ruricius of Limoges and the Passage from Roman to Frankish Gaul”, in Mathisen-Shanzer, Society and Culture (Ashgate, 2001), 101-115.
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Reports on the continuing spread of the Covid-19 disease pervade the news media, but these reports are very impressionistic. Statistical material is rudimentary at best, consisting primarily of dramatic reports on rising numbers of cases... more
Reports on the continuing spread of the Covid-19 disease pervade the news media, but these reports are very impressionistic. Statistical material is rudimentary at best, consisting primarily of dramatic reports on rising numbers of cases and deaths. Even though daily statistics on numbers of cases of deaths, recovery rates, and mild vs serious cases are readily available, virtually no comprehensive statistical study has been done of these numbers to see what they can tell us about the nature of the spread of the disease in general, and the impact of the disease on the US in particular. This study is one of the first comprehensive statistical analyses of the daily spread of the disease. Although it uncovers several significant disparities between the statistics in the world and US, more significantly it demonstrates how the US has become integrated into a Global Virus Community, in which there now is a general synchronicity between the statistics in the world and the US. That means that if there is a trend worldwide, it also will be replicated in the US. This study predicts that the overall mortality rate will fall below 1.0%, and that by the end of December the total number of deaths worldwide will be between 1,350,000 and 1,500,000, and in the US will be between 317,000 and 450,000.
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in G. Greatrex, ed., Shifting Genres in Late Antiquity (Ashgate, 2014), 277-289
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“Seething Adolescence, Suspect Relations, and Extraneous Women: Extra-Marital Sex in Late and Post-Roman Gaul,” in S. Heilen, et al., eds., In Pursuit of Wissenschaft Festschrift für William M. Calder III (Olms, 2008), 303-314
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in L. Lipps, P. von Rummell, C. Machado, eds., 410 - The Sack of Rome (Rome, 2013), 83-98.
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“Ricimer's Church in Rome: How an Arian Barbarian Prospered in a Nicene World,” in N. Lenski, A. Cain, eds., The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity (Ashgate, 2009), 307-326
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The letters of Ruricius survive only in the Codex Sangallensis 190, written in the late eighth or early ninth century. They cover the period from ca.470 until ca. 507, the crucial transitional phase between imperial and barbarian Gaul,... more
The letters of Ruricius survive only in the Codex Sangallensis 190, written in the late eighth or early ninth century. They cover the period from ca.470 until ca. 507, the crucial transitional phase between imperial and barbarian Gaul, and are divided into two books, the first with eighteen letters and the second with sixty-five. The collection also contains 13 letters written to Ruricius. The collection therefore provides a rare opportunity to see sequences of letters in an exchange. These letters present a picture of life in late Roman Gaul that significantly complements that provided by Ruricius’ better-known confrères, such as Sidonius, Avitus, and Ennodius. The Ruricius collection has a very local flavor and, in an intimate and domestic way, describes everyday life in Visigothic Aquitania. The first book of letters was carefully organized as a unit in its own right. The second book is more difficult to assess. Even though there are no indications of divisions in the manuscript...
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The collection and compilation of the canons of church councils during Late Antiquity was but one manifestation of a general spirit of codification of knowledge, learning, and official acts that pervaded the period. The creation of Libri... more
The collection and compilation of the canons of church councils during Late Antiquity was but one manifestation of a general spirit of codification of knowledge, learning, and official acts that pervaded the period. The creation of Libri canonum, "books of canons," in late antique Gaul exemplifies this phenomenon. Gallic collections of canons were intended not only to preserve and propagate the knowledge of the decrees of past church councils, but also in many cases to reinforce the local authority of the places where they were created. In this sense, the compilation of libri canonum manifests another or the trends that characterizes Late Antiquity: a movement toward local as opposed to centralized authority.
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... Since war between the Creeks and Carthaginians in Sicily con-tinued at intervals throughout the fourth century, we may assume that all the Siculo-Punic coinages which were designed for circulation in Sicily had a military purpose,... more
... Since war between the Creeks and Carthaginians in Sicily con-tinued at intervals throughout the fourth century, we may assume that all the Siculo-Punic coinages which were designed for circulation in Sicily had a military purpose, primarily the payment of mercen-aries. ...
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Research Interests: History, Late Antique and Byzantine History, Late Antique and Byzantine Studies, Roman Law, Late Antiquity, and 9 moreHistory of Church Councils, Roman provincial administration, Roman legal and administrative history, Roman Gaul, Roman provinces, Patristics and Late Antiquity, Cisalpine Gaul, Turin, and Historical Studies
This study attempts to put into its correct historical context the single surviving page of a tract entitled De fide. The work was written by a certain "Agrestius" and dedicated to a certain "Avitus." In this study,... more
This study attempts to put into its correct historical context the single surviving page of a tract entitled De fide. The work was written by a certain "Agrestius" and dedicated to a certain "Avitus." In this study, Agrestius is identified as the bishop Agrestius of Lugo (in the Spanish province of Galicia) who attended the Gallic Council of Orange in the year 441. Avitus is identified as Eparchius Avitus, known to have been praetorian prefect of Gaul in 439, then emperor in 455-56.It is suggested that Agrestius of Lugo sought assistance in Gaul because of factional quarreling in Galicia. Because this quarreling involved accusations of heresy (Priscillianism), Agrestius had to attest to his orthodoxy when he visited Gaul—the De fide was part of this process. But the quarreling also resulted from questions of authority in Galicia—it seems that bishops such as Syagrius and Pastor, two of Agrestius' rivals, were being ordained in out-of-the-way places by various factions. Some of these quarrels also seem to have been the result of questions of jurisdiction involving the continued use in Spain of the old conventus, or judicial district.In Gaul, the episcopal establishment welcomed Agrestius' visit because it allowed Hilary of Aries and his partisans to have the appearance of extending their authority into Spain. The secular establishment, meanwhile, represented by Avitus, was happy to cooperate by placing its imprimatur upon Agrestius' orthodoxy. Eventually, however, the bishop of Rome, Leo, undertook to extend his authority into both Gaul and Spain. In 445, Leo issued rulings contrary to Hilary in Gaul, and in 447 he seems to have sided with Agrestius' rivals in Spain. The opportunity for a measure of unity among the western European churches represented by Agrestius' initiative in Gaul, therefore, eventually came to nought.
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... Note also that he seems to have held his rank of inlustris as early as 465, so it would have resulted from this military office. Anonymi Anonymous senator, ex-consul (?suffect) (Rome) c.392/394 Published in CSEL 23 (R. Peiper ed., pp.... more
... Note also that he seems to have held his rank of inlustris as early as 465, so it would have resulted from this military office. Anonymi Anonymous senator, ex-consul (?suffect) (Rome) c.392/394 Published in CSEL 23 (R. Peiper ed., pp. ...
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Mathisen, Ralph (2007). "Where are all the PDBs?: The Creation of Prosopographical Databases for the Ancient and Medieval Worlds," in Keats-Rohan, K., ed., <em>Prosopography Approaches and Applications: A... more
Mathisen, Ralph (2007). "Where are all the PDBs?: The Creation of Prosopographical Databases for the Ancient and Medieval Worlds," in Keats-Rohan, K., ed., <em>Prosopography Approaches and Applications: A Handbook</em>, Oxford.
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Page 1. PLRE II: SUGGESTED ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA In an undertaking with the size and scope of the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, it is inevitable that inconsistencies should occur in the choice of whom to include and whom to... more
Page 1. PLRE II: SUGGESTED ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA In an undertaking with the size and scope of the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, it is inevitable that inconsistencies should occur in the choice of whom to include and whom to omit. ...
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in R.W. Mathisen, ed., Law, Society, and Authority in Late Antiquity (Oxford University Press, 2001), 179-207
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Research Interests: Law and Late Antiquity
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Review of Mischa Meier, Der Völker ins Auge blicken. Individuelle Handlungsspielräume im 5. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (Heidelberg: Verlag Antique, 2016): Sehepunkte (2016) (http://www.sehepunkte.de/2016/12/ 28885 html)
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Reports on the continuing spread of the Covid-19 disease pervade the news media, but these reports are very impressionistic. Statistical material is rudimentary at best, consisting primarily of dramatic reports on rising numbers of cases... more
Reports on the continuing spread of the Covid-19 disease pervade the news media, but these reports are very impressionistic. Statistical material is rudimentary at best, consisting primarily of dramatic reports on rising numbers of cases and deaths. Even though daily statistics on numbers of cases of deaths, recovery rates, and mild vs serious cases are readily available, virtually no comprehensive statistical study has been done of these numbers to see what they can tell us about the nature of the spread of the disease in general, and the impact of the disease on the US in particular. This study is one of the first comprehensive statistical analyses of the daily spread of the disease. Although it uncovers several significant disparities between the statistics in the world and US, more significantly it demonstrates how the US has become integrated into a Global Virus Community, in which there now is a general synchronicity between the statistics in the world and the US. That means that if there is a trend worldwide, it also will be replicated in the US. This study predicts that the overall mortality rate will fall below 1.0%, and that by the end of December the total number of deaths worldwide will be between 1,350,000 and 1,500,000, and in the US will be between 317,000 and 450,000.