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Lovers Rock: Class and Romance Inna Di Dance In a new century that’s seen Jamaican music receive worldwide popular acceptance, Lovers Rock -- music that legendarily caused it’s slow dancing participants to “scrub off the wallpaper” at packed house dances --deserves better understanding. British Lovers Rock and Jamaican Romantic Reggae have historically acted in contradiction to both prevailing popular themes as well as gender and class identities within the reggae diaspora. Where reggae and dancehall emphasize traditional and historical cultural modes and hyper-masculine or feminine ideals, Lovers Rock explores a vulnerable personal sphere. These subgenres have also carved out new space for emotional and carnal expressions by both men and women, as well as provided a safe space for gay artists to participate in the otherwise rigidly homophobic reggae milieu. While Jamaican Romantic Reggae has had few breakout artists, its U.K. counterpart Lovers Rock has minted platinum hits. Thanks to pop artists like Simply Red and Sade, British Lovers Rock reggae music has achieved mainstream acceptance while conversely seeing it’s grassroots adherents remain critically and commercially underappreciated. But over its 30-year span British Lovers Rock has deeply impacted UK music culture and delineated new modes of Afro-Caribbean social and artistic identity. Our paper will discus the similarities and differences between British Lovers Rock and Jamaican Romantic Reggae as well as probe the class and gender consequences of both models. Additionally, we’ll discus and scrutinize thematic and artistic representations within the songs, fashion, clubs and music industry attached to both forms.
INTRODUCTION First Wave Of Bass Culture: This chapter is very much introspective and autobiographical as it explores my pursuit of a career in the music industry. I’m a first-generation British born Jamaican, who grew up in the vibrant, ethnically diverse community of Handsworth in Birmingham. In 1975 I joined the nucleus what became Steel Pulse, Birmingham’s premier reggae band. In 1978 we signed to Island records and later that year to critical acclaim, we released our first album "Handsworth Revolution,” followed by a European tour with Bob Marley. My upbringing to this point was both British and Jamaican. Which translated into large periods of my teens and early twenties spent, feeling disconnected from the birthplace of my parents and disowned in the place of my birth; like many of my generation I had an identity crisis. My Britishness was dwarfed by my desire to be Jamaican in ways I would learn, are just not possible unless you’re brought up there. To elders and visiting relatives, my best jamaican accent was considered fake, my dress sense oddly English, and my handwriting inferior to that accepted in Jamaican schools: the way I walked, didn't have 'that' bounce, and neither did the music I was making. At the time we - the band, referred to it as reggae. It has since been retitled as British Roots Reggae.
World Music: Global sounds in Australia, 2010
2010
This article tracks the history of ska in Britain in terms of its relationship with the mainstream white population. The article tracks a brief history from The Equals, through the impact of reggae during the punk era, to the use of ska by the Two Tone, and similar, groups. One of the article’s most important concerns is with the relationship between the reception of ska and the ways that issues related to race were played out in Britain. The article argues that, while Jerry Dammers, the instigator of The Specials and founder of the Two Tone ska/punk sound, claimed that the reworking of ska by punk-influenced groups comprised of both black and white members was an assertion of racial equality, in reality the resurrection of ska marked a retrograde step full of nostalgia for an earlier time when black migrants were clearly positioned as subordinate to the white, British population.
The present study investigates the sociolinguistics of globalisation and performance, focusing on the linguistic appropriation of Jamaican Creole (JC) by white reggae artists in reggae performances and interviews.1 By adopting a multi-faceted approach including a phonetic, morpho-syntactic, and lexical analysis of the singing and speaking style of seven reggae artists and bands from the USA, Bermuda, and Europe, this study explores the similarities and differences between on- and offstage uses of Jamaican Creole, and whether the singers’ access and exposure to this variety as well as the topic of the song has an effect on their language behaviour. The findings provide evidence for the claim that Jamaican Creole has developed into a prestigious linguistic resource in non-Jamaican artists’ performances of a global reggae persona, both on- and offstage.
Barbados: Caribbean Export Development Agency, 2001
In developing countries, the music industry has long been valued for its contribution to cultural identity (Nettl, 1997; Robinson et. al., 1991). However, there have been few studies of the music industry from an economic standpoint, despite the fact that a large number of developing countries have been involved in the production and export of music. In the Caribbean the music industry, however, remains largely undocumented, with a few notable exceptions (Bourne, C and S.M. Allgrove, 1997; Watson, P. 1995; Wallis and Malm, 1984).
SYNOPSIS This paper is based on the prologue for a new version of my Highlife Time that was originally a 51 chapter book on West African African highlife and related forms of music, published by Anansesem Press in Accra in 1994 and then 1996. [the 1996 version of Highlife Time is available on www.academia.edu]. A few years ago the publisher asked me to update and expand Highlife Time into a 65 chapter book which I completed in late 2013. Plans are now being made to publish the new edition book this year, 2017. However, already the new book is slightly out-of-date and there have been many new developments in the Ghanaian music scene. These include some developments touched on in the main text of the newest edition of Highlife Time, such as jama hiplife that, instead of using imported hiphop beats, utilises 'jama' rhythms, which is what the youth now call highlife and other local beats. Then there is the azonto club dance that is also based on jama beats, the rise of the 'Sahelian' or 'Savannah' sounds of northern Ghanaian music stars, electronic 'contemporary highlife' and R&B influenced Afropop. Even newer with the Ghanaian youth is Jamaican dancehall and its Afro-dancehall spinoff, and a Pan African club dance known as 'afrobeats' (nb. not Fela Kuti's Afrobeat) of which the Ghanaian azonto was an early example. I also talk of the way the century old 'Highlife Imagination' has crossed over to the new millennial generation and is influencing various forms of current Ghanaian music. In the text of this article I sometimes refer to chapter headings-which are the ones found in the yet unpublished 2017 version of Highlife Time. Nevertheless, readers may find this article of interest as it is based on the latest work I have done on the Ghanaian music scene. This paper is divided into three Sections SECTION ONE: Examines briefly some general recent trends in the Ghanaian musical scene and industry. SECTION TWO: Looks at 17 broad musical genres-both old and new-that I have identified as comprising the Ghanaian musical repertoire; and that I compare to 17 'musical pots' simmering on a large artistic stove. SECTION THREE: Discusses how the 'Highlife Imagination' has crossed into the new millennium, despite all the changing technologies, youth fashions and outside influences. Indeed, highlife music and its 'jama' beats now dominate most of Ghana's major popular music genres, such as hiplife, local gospel dance-music, azonto/afrobeats, Afro-dancehall and 'contemporary highlife'.
in «Social Identities. Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture», special issue on Postcolonial Europe: Transcultural and Multidisciplinary Perspectives, edited by Sandra Ponzanesi and Bolette Blaagaard, vol. 17, n. 1, 2011, pp. 137-152. , 2011
This was my PhD thesis, completed in 1996 under the supervision of Georgina Born, in the Department of Media and Communication at what was then called Goldsmiths College, at the University of London (now rebranded as Goldsmiths University of London). The original abstract now follows: The thesis is an investigation of the following question: to what extent have the independent record companies associated with the two most important 'movements' in British popular music culture during the last twenty years (punldpost-punk and dance music culture) succeeded in democratising the British music business? Part One introduces the key terms in the question. It provides a definition of democratisation with regard to media production, and outlines some of the factors which might constrain producers who wish to bring about such democratisation in the contemporary cultural industries. It examines the particular, but recently diminished, importance attached to independent cultural production as a means of democratisation in studies of 'post-Fordism', and in popular music history. Part Two focuses on punk and post-punk as long-term institutional and aesthetic challenges to the music industry. The emphasis on access and decentralisation in punk politics is analysed, along with its ambivalence towards mass culture. Contrasting case studies are provided of firms which sought to set up alternative networks of distribution, and those who came to work more closely with major corporations. Their respective aims and achievements are assessed. Part Three analyses the role of small dance music labels in the British music industry since the late 1980s 'acid house' explosion. The cultural politics of dance music are examined, stressing the relatively limited attention paid to issues of production. A general survey of the British dance music industry in the late 1980s and early 1990s is provided, which pays special attention to the repercussions of partnerships between independents and corporations. There follows an analysis of how a particular dance music label acts as a forum for debates about issues such as digital sampling, multiculturalism and anti-racism, and black identity. Part Four provides a comparison of the democratising achievements of the two movements, and draws out some of the implications of the thesis for work in media studies, cultural studies and the sociology of youth subcultures.
CRESC Working Paper Series, No. 60, 2008
Against the orthodoxy that copyright is an aesthetically neutral means of providing an incentive for the production of culture, this paper proposes that intellectual property regimes strongly shape the way culture is made. Three cases are examined. The first is rock music whose emergent Romantic mode of creativity in the 1960s was strongly reinforced by copyright law. The second, countervailing example is that of reggae music in Jamaica where, in the absence of effective copyright, a form of social authorship emerged, albeit a strongly entrepreneurial one. The open source software movement, with its explicit repudiation of copyright, provides the final case. Like reggae music it is socially authored. However reggae’s first-to-market business model and entrepreneurial culture actually make it a better guide to how cultural production might be organised in a market system, but without the economic and cultural costs that attach to copyright.
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