Tropical Germans

Tropical Germans: building an identity in a small Brazilian town Dr. André Luiz Joanilho Associate Professor of History Department Universidade Estadual de Londrina – Brazil To be European in Brazil is to be “somebody”, at least that is what the average Brazilian middle class desperately seeks. A European passport is not only a guaranteed way to enter the European Union without any problems; it is also the distinctive sign of a class that wishes to stay away from the common trenches. It is a type of racism mixed with class prejudice which is commonly practiced by individuals who believe they are or want to be different from the average Brazilian. For them the passport is the possibility of “salvation” from a society which they don't want to accept that they are a part of. They are Brazilians who do not want to be recognized as such. That is why there is a frantic pursuit for citizenship through ancestors that presumably came from Europe. Showing off a European passport to friends and family serves as a trophy someone has obtained from an accomplishment which has nothing to do with the individual effort of the moral of the north American middle class for instance, or the puritan moral in the northern European countries. It is something extremely Brazilian: to accomplish something does not mean there was any effort involved, on the contrary: any type of effort is seen as a sign of social weakness, a sign that an individual is “nobody”, that is, someone who does not have a social network that can take him/her to social success. To conquer something means to obtain something without any effort, without having to “work”. Any and all forms of accomplishments that require work, effort, obstinacy, discipline and dedication are seen as a lack of social capability in order to obtain someone goals by means of influence and ease. Therefore, the passport is a part of this mentality, even if the individuals proclaim they are European descendants. This means that, in a contradictory way, obtaining a foreign citizenship is the greatest proof that one is acting like a typical Brazilian. If the passport fails, due to the laws in foreign countries, people look for other ways to socially differentiate themselves. Thus, traveling to Europe or the United States on vacation, speaking a foreign language (English, French, German, etc.) goes beyond the material goods, they are means of social distinction in the sense that Bourdieu pointed out, to stay away from the average Brazilian. This movement grew stronger in the 90's of the past century. A prolonged economic crisis had Brazilians looking for jobs outside the country. They were a small middle class group with some education who looked for unqualified or semi-qualified jobs in the United States, Europe or Japan. Already in the first years of this century the search for foreign citizenship has significantly risen. Beyond the job possibilities, the economic ascension of the working class caused a repulse in the middle class, who saw the distance decrease between them in terms of consumption and social prestige. The middle class forced itself to look for other signs of distinction and European ancestry was one of them. Many companies specialized in searching for the origins of family names are around the internet and just like “coat of arms” which were the marks of the forefathers who had the same surnames (which is anecdotal since even Afro-Brazilians had “noble” names, since ancestors that were enslaved were baptized with the surname of the families they worked for, similarly to what happened in Europe, when many servants took on the family name of the places they served). Another common event are the annual festivities that gather people with the same last name, with people celebrating the “same” origin, even if it is not true. However, many Brazilians end up taking on family crests and other signs of distinction, which they proudly display, showing off origins that not always correspond to reality. Albeit, as we all know, the majority of immigrants were extremely poor and practically had no means of staying in their own countries, they were an excess that governments were happy to get rid of. This procedure is the same as the one adopted by the economic elite which isolates itself from the rest of the society. The middle class emulates this same form of segregation, that is, in an unusual manner, it segregates itself, looking for means to exist in order to avoid the poorest class. Having a good origin is a characteristic of this type of representation of oneself and of the other. This also corresponds to the generalized idea that being “white” in Brazil is a sign of distinction. Therefore, being white with an European background is even better than being a generic white person and, among the Europeans, there is a value scale. Being a white British or German European is better than being a white Portuguese or Italian European. Blue eyes always signifies open doors. Thus, society demonstrates indirect forms of racism that, despite of what is said, was not overcome by miscegenation. We could say that there is a mix of class prejudice that is substantiated by the color of ones skin. If, in a certain way, these forms of distinction are more camouflaged in bigger cities, they are more evident in smaller cities and communities, specifically in the southern parts of Brazil. In relatively new cities such as Marechal Cândido Rondon, in the west of Paraná state. The city was founded in April 1960, therefore, it is a very new city indeed. However, the region had been occupied by small farmers since the beginning of the 1950's. For the most part the settlers (as they have called themselves) came from Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina. They are descendents from German immigrants that came to Brazil from the mid 19th century, that is, they are the grandchildren and great grandchildren of these German immigrants. Even though they were born in Brazil, there have a hard time simply accepting that they are Brazilians, that is, that they are like everyone else. For these German Brazilians there would be a difference between them and what they considered to be “actual” Brazilians. “Kalervo Oberg and Thomas Jabine, while describing some characteristics of the population use as an example a gathering of settlers in General Rondon when some people asked the speeches to be made in German, although they were third generation Brazilians. Moreover, they observed that the lifestyle of the “caboclo” was “inferior” and that is why they rejected the idea of marrying them. This aspect, according to the authors, also finds support in the religious environment: (…) the pastors and Germanic priests strive to keep young people in the colonies so they can observe their moral behavior.” (Stein, 2000, p. 30) It is possible to establish that beyond the racial issue, in fact, they seek to build a group identity, even if they have different origins. The dialects that the elderly still speak demonstrate this diversity. It is possible to find among German Brazilians the Hunsrückisch, Pommersche Platt e Hochdeutesche (Stein, 2000, p. 88), besides what Borstel identified as Brazildeutsche. Depending on the place and the quantity of ancestors that arrived in Brazil (cf. Image 1): “In this community of languages there is still a supra-regional diaglossic variety called Brazildeutsch, considering the traces of linguistic contact of the variable German standard plus the different local and regional dialects in contact with the bidialetic Portuguese”. (BORSTEL, 2011, p. 92) This dialect is not only a trace of the past, it is a way in which people can identify themselves as being part of a community. It is befit to remember that many of them are grandchildren and great grandchildren of Germans, therefore, they have no direct contact with the region from which their ancestors came from. However, when they congregate for leisure activities, many times, they express themselves in dialects that, albeit, do not imply any prestige, because newer generations associate the way they speak with the way peasants used to speak. Even people who speak this dialect see it with a certain disdain, because they do not speak, according to them, the “true” German language, or what is called Hochdeutsche. However, although they consider the language they speak inferior, they insist on affirming their common origin, that is, their identity. Even the city hall made an effort in this sense by elaborating, in 1986, a project called “Germanic Characterization Project, which encompasses the creation of representative parties, in the case of Oktoberfest, and the architecture stylization of the city.” (Stein, 2000, p. 5, images 2 e 3). Even in 1990 80% of the population was still characterized as German descendents (Stein, 2000, p. 75), so, the sense of community is strong and very much present among German Brazilian descendents. This does not mean that there is no segregation, however there is a strong gregarious spirit among them. The local papers always insist on showing how there was always a sense of union and community, let us examine: This (…) city in which only progress and hard work deserve the attention of our citizens, can be compared to other population centers and we will always come to the conclusion that Marechal Cândido Rondon really is a city of prodigious and promising future whose people are at the forefront and are exclusively interested in the development of the city, for they work humbly, safely and with a social behavior that is praise worthy. (apud Stein, 2000, p. 79) Thus, we can understand that there is a “spirit” that leaves a specific mark in the city's population. Evidently this image is accentuated for the city is recent, even considering Brazil's formation. The achievement of an “uncivilized” space was a perennial fact in the image that Rondon's society crafted of themselves. There is, therefore, a constant reinvention of the past, such as the “timber framing” of some buildings or in traditional parties, such as the “boi no rolete”. The past resurrects in a vigorous, coherent and unified manner in the imaginary of the group. The common origin reinforces the founding myth and provides a sense of existence. However, it is important to highlight, that if there is an identity related speech, it must not be confused with racism, which is what normally occurs when one studies the city and the region. Of course there are racist people and that there is a strong racial element in Brazilian society, however, the identity related discourse serves, first and foremost, as a way to mark a sense of belonging of an individual to a certain group. It is obvious that the fact that because most of the population is Brazilian German descendent rumors have rised, nurturing conspiracy theories such as, for instance, the rumor that during the 1960's the city was said to be the headquarters for the “4th Reich” having a small Nazi army or, more recently, as being a racist city that segregates individuals. This does not correspond to the identity related discourse. However, not recognizing social distinction does not help us comprehend Brazilian society nowadays. The effort was not to stipulate that a whole community is racist but to understand the mechanism behind the construction of social identity and the distinction between I and the Other. References: BORSTEL, Clarice Nadir. “O Brasildeutsch em enunciados no ato de cozinhar”, in UNILETRAS, v. 33. Ponta Grossa, UEPG, 2011, p. 87-98. FROSTSCHER, Méri. “Memória oficial em sala de aula: percepções de alunos do ensino médio e fundamental de Marechal Cândido Rondon – PR sobre patromônio e bens culturais locais” in História e Ensino. Vol. 12. Londrina: Eduel, 2006, p. 169-186. MAGALHÃES, Marion Brepohl de. Presença alemã no Brasil. Brasília: Editora UnB, 2004. STEIN, Marcos Nestor. A construção do discurso da germanidade em Mal. Cândido Rondo (1946-1996). Florianópolis: UFSC, dissertação de mestrado, 2000. Image I Image 2 Image 3