Alcmeonis

The Greek Epic Cycle and Its Ancient Reception A Companion Edited By marco fantuzzi and christos tsagalis University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107012592  C Cambridge University Press 2015 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2015 Printed in the United Kingdom by Clays, St Ives plc A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data The Greek Epic Cycle and its ancient reception : a companion / edited by Marco Fantuzzi, Christos Tsagalis. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-107-01259-2 (hardback) 1. Epic poetry, Greek – History and criticism. 2. Lost literature – Greece. 3. Cycles (Literature) I. Fantuzzi, Marco, editor. II. Tsagalis, Christos, editor. PA3105.G75 2015 2015002311 883′ .0109 – dc23 ISBN 978-1-107-01259-2 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Contents List of illustrations [page viii] List of contributors [xi] Editorial note [xiii] Introduction: Kyklos, the Epic Cycle and Cyclic poetry marco fantuzzi and christos tsagalis [1] part i approaches to the epic cycle 1 Coming adrift: The limits of reconstruction of the cyclic poems [43] jonathan burgess 2 Oral traditions, written texts, and questions of authorship [59] gregory nagy 3 The Epic Cycle and oral tradition [78] john m. foley (†) and justin arft 4 The formation of the Epic Cycle [96] martin l. west 5 Motif and source research: Neoanalysis, Homer, and Cyclic epic [108] wolfgang kullmann 6 Meta-Cyclic epic and Homeric poetry margalit finkelberg [126] 7 Language and meter of the Epic Cycle [139] alberto bernab é 8 Narrative techniques in the Epic Cycle [154] antonios rengakos 9 Wit and irony in the Epic Cycle [164] david konstan v vi Contents 10 The Trojan War in early Greek art [178] thomas h. carpenter part ii epics 11 Theogony and Titanomachy giambattista d’alessio [199] 12 Oedipodea [213] ettore cingano 13 Thebaid [226] jos é b. torres-guerra 14 Epigonoi [244] ettore cingano 15 Alcmeonis [261] andrea debiasi 16 Cypria [281] bruno currie 17 Aethiopis [306] antonios rengakos 18 Ilias parva [318] adrian kelly 19 Iliou persis [344] patrick j. finglass 20 Nostoi [355] georg danek 21 Telegony [380] christos tsagalis part iii the fortune of the epic cycle in the ancient world 22 The aesthetics of sequentiality and its discontents [405] marco fantuzzi 23 The Epic Cycle, Stesichorus, and Ibycus [430] maria noussia-fantuzzi Contents 24 Pindar’s Cycle [450] ian rutherford 25 Tragedy and the Epic Cycle [461] alan h. sommerstein 26 The Hellenistic reception of the Epic Cycle [487] evina sistakou 27 Running rings round Troy: Recycling the ‘Epic Circle’ in Hellenistic and Roman art [496] michael squire 28 Virgil and the Epic Cycle [543] ursula g ärtner 29 Ovid and the Epic Cycle [565] gianpiero rosati 30 Statius’ Achilleid and the Cypria [578] charles mcnelis 31 The Epic Cycle and the ancient novel david f. elmer [596] 32 The Epic Cycle and imperial Greek epic [604] silvio b är and manuel baumbach Works cited [623] Index of principal passages [668] Index nominum et rerum [673] vii Contributors justin arft University of Missouri silvio bär University of Oslo manuel baumbach Ruhr University, Bochum alberto bernabé Complutense University, Madrid jonathan burgess University of Toronto thomas h. carpenter Ohio University ettore cingano University of Venice “Ca’ Foscari” bruno currie Oriel College, Oxford giambattista d’alessio University of Naples “Federico II” georg danek University of Vienna andrea debiasi University of Padua david f. elmer Harvard University marco fantuzzi University of Macerata and Columbia University patrick j. finglass University of Nottingham margalit finkelberg Tel Aviv University john m. foley (†) ursula gärtner University of Potsdam adrian kelly Balliol College, Oxford david konstan New York University wolfgang kullmann Albert Ludwing University of Freiburg (Professor Emeritus) charles mcnelis Georgetown University gregory nagy Harvard University xi xii List of contributors maria noussia-fantuzzi Aristotle University of Thessaloniki antonios rengakos Aristotle University of Thessaloniki gianpiero rosati Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa ian rutherford University of Reading evina sistakou Aristotle University of Thessaloniki alan h. sommerstein University of Nottingham michael squire King’s College, London josé b. torres-guerra University of Navarra christos tsagalis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki martin l. west All Souls College, Oxford 15 Alcmeonis andrea debiasi THE ALCMEONIS BETWEEN THE THEBAN AND THE TROJAN CYCLES Seven fragments of the epic Alcmeonis remain that were transmitted by various sources. The work is reported anonymous, with the circumlocution ‘the author of the Alcmeonis’ (ὁ τὴν ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδα πεποιηκώς / ποιήσας / γράψας / γεγραφώς) being used in all the extant quotations.1 Additional passages that have some chance belonging to the poem can be added to these relics. The inclusion of the Alcmeonis to the Epic Cycle is much debated. The sources do not explicitly mention it. Yet the plot fits well in such a framework. Alcmaon, a prominent figure within the Theban saga, is the main character being the son of Amphiaraus, one of the Seven who failed the assault on Thebes (subject of the epic Thebaid) and himself one of the Epigonoi (the sons of the Seven) who destroyed Thebes in the subsequent campaign.2 The thematic congruity with the epic Epigonoi is clear, at least in the initial part. This led some scholars to postulate an equivalence between the two epics, where the Alcmeonis would be an alternative title of the Epigonoi or a (sub)title of a specific section of it.3 This suggestion that is consistent with a well-documented custom in the ancient epics cannot be ruled out.4 Nevertheless such arguments are not strong enough to dismiss the preponderant position regarding the Epigonoi and the Alcmeonis as two separate 1 2 3 4 PEG F 7 (= D., W.) maintains the original form of the title (Alkmeonis), elsewhere changed to Alkmaeonis. As West (2003a: 5 n. 3) points out: ‘Alcmaon is the epic form of the name, Alcmeon the Attic, Alcman the Doric; Alcmaeon is a false spelling.’ For an historical and archaeological contextualization of both the expeditions, see Schachter (1967); Brillante (1980: 336). Welcker (1865: 195); more extensively Printz (1979: 166–87). See also Cingano, above in this volume, p. 257. Within the Theban Cycle, cf. the title Amphiaraou exelasis most likely a part of the Thebaid: see Davies (1989c: 29); West (2003a: 9). Discussion of similar cases, concerning epics datable to the sixth century BC, in Debiasi (2003; 2010) (poems connected to the Cypselid Corinth). The practice can be found in the corpus of Eumelus of Corinth: see Debiasi (2004: 36–7; 2013a). 261 262 andrea debiasi poems.5 Cases of distinct epics sharing themes and episodes are common.6 Apart from some divergences surmised for some narrative details, the independence of the Alcmeonis from the Epigonoi is supported by its being a poem ‘wide in scope and diffuse in content’,7 rich in flashbacks and digressions, to such an extent that it would be excessive as a section of a poem, the Epigonoi, said to have been of 7,000 lines.8 The successful expedition against Thebes, that formed the thematic core of the Epigonoi, should have taken up less space in the Alcmeonis, being just one of several episodes of Alcmaon’s heroic biography. Also, the constant and uniform quotation of the anonymous ‘author of the Alcmeonis’ appears heterogeneous with respect to the sources that allege more than one authorship (Homer, Antimachus) for the Epigonoi,9 with consequent discrepancy.10 The arrival of Teiresias’ daughter Manto at Claros, in the Colophon district, as reported in Epig. PEG F 3 = 3 D. = 4 W., implies a background in Asia Minor compatible with the ascription of the Epigonoi to Antimachus of Teos,11 whereas it hardly fits with the environment from which the Alcmeonis originates. This, we will see, must be placed in the Cypselid Corinth, as suggested by several data, among which the role assigned in the poem to the Delphic oracle and to Acarnania.12 Seen from the vantage point of an original distinction, the notion which recognizes the Alcmeonis as a later poem inspired by the epic Epigonoi is well grounded, whereas the Epigonoi themselves are modelled after the older Thebaid (a poem well-known to the author of the Alcmeonis as well).13 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 See, recently, Olivieri (2010: 302–3 and n. 14); bibliographical survey in Sakellariou (1958: 159 n. 3); PEG p. 29. Cf. in the Theban Cycle the last section of the Oedipodea overlapping with the Thebaid: see Severyns (1928: 211–16); Cingano (2002–3: 56). For the Trojan Cycle, see Burgess (2001: 21–2). Huxley (1969: 52); cf. Gantz (1993: 527): ‘The poem Alkmaionis covered a broad range of material.’ Epig. PEG T 1 = W. See West (2003a: 5). Epig. PEG T 1–2 = F 1 D. = W. The way Herod. 4.32 (= Epig. PEG F 2 = D. = F 5 W.) expresses doubts about Homer’s authorship of the Epigonoi is indicative of an opposition to a well-established belief: see Wilamowitz (1884: 352). Epig. PEG F 3 = D.= F 4 W.: quotation from the Thebaid, ‘assumed to be an error for the Epigonoi ’ (West 2003a: 59 n. 14; cf. Davies 1989c: 31). Cf. Epig. PEG F °5 = p. 74, F 1 D. = F 3∗ W. West (2003a: 10). Cf. Epig. PEG T 3 and F 4 = Ant. F 2 D. = F 2 W. In Epig. PEG F 3 (= D. = F 4 W.) Manto came from Delphi to Claros, where she established a shrine for Apollo. This version seems concocted by the Clarian priesthood in opposition to the Delphic version according to which Teiresias’ daughter stayed in Delphi, where she was sent from Thebes by the Epigonoi as a thanks offering: cf. Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.7.3–4 (from the Alcmeonis?). See Sakellariou (1958: 152–60). Bethe (1894: 1563); Legras (1905: 91–5, 108); especially Severyns (1925: 176–81); (1928: 224–37). Alcmeonis Based on its fragments the Alcmeonis appears not only as sequel of the Theban Cycle, represented by the triad Oedipodea – Thebaid – Epigonoi, but also as a compelling link with the Trojan Cycle, evoked by figures such as the Epigonoi and other heroes that in the myth are connected with the siege of Troy.14 The narrative chronology of the poem takes place between the events reported in the Epigonoi and those narrated in the Cypria. This accounts for the placing of the Alcmeonis between these two poems in some editions of the Greek epic fragments.15 Whether the inclusion of the Alcmeonis in the canonical Epic Cycle is admitted or not, an evaluation of the Cycle must consider such a poem, inherently placed at the crossroads between the two sagas, Theban and Trojan, which pervade the Cycle. THE PLOT Although not explicitly mentioning the Alcmeonis, some texts allow reconstructing the poem’s basic plot. This must have been arranged around three main themes: the expedition against Thebes, Alcmaon’s murder of his mother and the wanderings of the hero through Greece. The most comprehensive account of Alcmaon’s deeds can be found in Ps.-Apollodorus (Bibl. 3.7.2–6), in a section which, more or less indirectly, mirrors the poem’s plot, even if abridged and subjected to the intrusion of different elements (especially tragic).16 In Bibl. 3.7.2–4 Alcmaon is portrayed as the leader of the Epigonoi, a necessary condition for the victory over Thebes according to an oracle of Apollo.17 The role of Alcmaon as the ‘best of the Epigonoi’ must have distinguished the Alcmeonis from the earlier version ascribable to the Epigonoi,18 which has Aegialeus, son of Adrastus, the leader of the Seven, as 14 15 16 17 18 Immisch (1889: 183–4); Severyns (1928: 224–5, 229–36); Bernabé (1979: 81). The link with the Trojan Cycle also informed the Epigonoi, although in a more basic way: cf. Cingano (2002–3: 58, 76; 2004a: 61). PEG pp. 32–6, cf. Bernabé (1979: 80–92); West (2003a: 58–63), whose text of the fragments I am using in this chapter. As Kinkel (1877: 76–7) before, the fragments of the Alcmeonis are separately edited by Davies (1988: 139–40), who supports a limited definition of the Epic Cycle (Davies 1986: 95–8). Sakellariou (1958: 156–7 n. 3, 159); Jouan (1990: 159). Ps.-Apollodorus quotes the Alcmeonis in Bibl. 1.8.5 (= PEG F 4 = D., W.). Cf. Diod. 4.66, largely drawing from the Alcmeonis, according to Sakellariou (1958: 156–7 n. 3, 159). For this distinction, see Bethe (1891a: esp. 136; 1894: 1563); Severyns (1928: 225); Sakellariou (1958: 159 and n. 3). 263 264 andrea debiasi commander.19 The list of eight Epigonoi headed by Alcmaon in Bibl. 3.7.2 (‘Alcmaon and Amphilochus, sons of Amphiaraus; Aegialeus, son of Adrastus; Diomedes, son of Tydeus; Promachus, son of Parthenopaeus; Sthenelus, son of Capaneus; Thersander, son of Polynices; Euryalus, son of Mecisteus’) is almost identical to that of the monument of the Epigonoi in Delphi commemorating the victory of the Argives over the Spartans at Oinoe,20 and could possibly go back to the Alcmeonis (PEG F 11°).21 Some uncertainty still remains, due to the inconsistency of the traditions concerning the names of both the Seven and the Epigonoi.22 Ps.-Apollodorus (Bibl. 3.7.5–6) further relates the madness and the vicissitudes of Alcmaon after the murder of his mother Eriphyle. Bribed by Polynices with the gift of the golden necklace of Harmonia, she forced her husband Amphiaraus to join the expedition of the Seven against his will (as a seer Amphiaraus predicted his doom).23 It is a widespread opinion that in the Alcmeonis both the matricide and the related motif of the hero’s being driven mad by his mother’s Erinyes have occurred before the campaign against Thebes, in compliance with the injunction that Amphiaraus gave to Alcmaon, as he prepared to set out. Such an account is recorded by Asclepiades of Tragilus (FgrHist 12 F 29) ap. Σ Od. 11.326 (= Alcm. PEG F °8 [I]),24 according to whom Amphiaraus commanded his son to avenge him before marching on Thebes.25 If it is true that Asclepiades often summarizes the epic traditions which inspired the tragedians, in this case he rather seems to be drawing directly from a tragedy in which the sequence matricide (and subsequent madness, quickly removed by the gods ‘since Alcmaon faithfully obeyed his father by slaying his mother’) and expedition was not followed 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Cf. Eur. Suppl. 1213–26; Olivieri (2004: 82). Paus. 10.10.4. In the monument the statues of the Epigonoi are seven, Amphilochus being excluded, unless Gantz (1993: 524) is right in observing that ‘Pausanias says in passing that Alkmaion was honored before Amphilochos because he was older, which may mean that the younger brother was also present.’ Bethe (1894: 1563); Pomtow (1908: 321–5; 1924: 1228). Even so Cingano (2002: 39–40, 46 n. 62) seems overly sceptical. No more convincing is the hypothesis of Robert (1921: 950–1), who denies the Alcmeonis the expedition of the Epigonoi and regards such a list as mirroring that of the Seven in the Thebaid. Eriphyle’s arbitration would be final, in case of disagreement between her husband Amphiaraus and her brother Adrastus, both rulers of Argos, since Adrastus was reconciled with Amphiaraus and came back from Sicyon (where he had inherited the kingdom of Polybus). Cf. Σ Pind. Nem. 30b, likely drawing from epics (e.g. the Thebaid (cf. F 7∗ W.), or also the Alcmeonis): see Hubbard (1992: 87–92, esp. 91). See Cingano, above in this volume, p. 248 n. 24; Torres-Guerra, above in this volume, pp. 237–8; Rutherford, below in this volume, p. 453. Bethe (1894: 1563); Severyns (1928: 227–8); cf. Olivieri (2013: 160). Alcmeonis by the hero’s wanderings.26 These wanderings represent an essential component within the epic plot and must be explained in connection with the recent bloodguilt and the subsequent need of Alcmaon to seek purification in order to free himself from madness and to settle in an uncontaminated land.27 This is indeed what we find in Ps.-Apollodorus’ account (Bibl. 3.7.2 and 5; cf. 3.6.2): although Alcmaon received from his father the order to avenge him, he deferred the matricide. The murder was triggered, in accordance with an oracle given by Apollo, when Alcmaon learned that Eriphyle had been bribed for a second time having persuaded him to go to the war after receiving the robe of Harmonia from Polynices’ son Thersander.28 Once mad, Alcmaon leaves Argos, the scene of the crime, and begins his wanderings. Ps.-Apollodorus’ narration from now onwards has several points of contact with Pausanias’ account about Arcadia (8.24.8–10), which is both the first and the last stop of Alcmaon’s travels. Alcmaon first repairs to his paternal grandfather Oicles, and thence to Phegeus at Psophis. Having been purified by Phegeus he marries his daughter Arsinoe29 and gives her the necklace and the robe of Harmonia, which he took from his mother. Still the purification turns out to be ineffective.30 The Pythia commands Alcmaon to seek further purification in a land not in existence at the time of his mother’s murder. The quest begins and after some adventures in Aetolia and Thesprotia, Alcmaon finds the desired land in the silts recently formed at the mouth of the river Achelous, and there he founds a settlement. As Phegeus before, the river god Achelous purifies Alcmaon and gives him as wife his daughter Callirrhoe who bears him two sons, Amphoterus and Acarnan. The Delphic oracle given to Alcmaon and the figure of Acarnan, eponym of the country over which he ruled with his father, are also found 26 27 28 29 30 The vicissitudes of Eriphyle and Alcmaon were popular subjects in the Attic tragedy. Sophocles, who wrote an Alcmeon, certainly dealt with the slaying of Eriphyle in his Epigonoi (also the title of a play of Aeschylus) that possibly coincides with the tragedy Eriphyle (TrGF F 187). Euripides devoted two plays to Alcmaon: Alcmeon in Psophis and Alcmeon in Corinth. See Gantz (1993: 523); Olivieri (2013); Sommerstein, below in this volume, p. 483. One might assume that the motif of the persecution by the mother’s Erinyes stems from some tragedies; not so for the madness itself (a constant feature in the sources) which leads to Alcmaon’s travels. See Prinz (1979: 174–6); West (2003a: 11). On the epic motif of the second bribing (most likely adopted by Stesichorus in the Eriphyle: cf. PMGF S148), see Gantz (1993: 525); Olivieri (2004: 83–5); cf. Prinz (1979: 174–6); Breglia Pulci Doria (1991–4: 129). In the tragedians and in Pausanias she is named Alphesiboea. Ps.-Apollodorus ‘clearly is not always drawing from the same source as Pausanias’ (Gantz 1993: 527). Because the land becomes infertile (Ps.-Apollodorus) and/or Alcmaon’s disease did not grow any better (Pausanias). 265 266 andrea debiasi in Thucydides in a section (2.102.5–6), which has been justifiably traced back to the Alcmeonis (PEG F °10).31 Alcmaon is finally overcome by the rivalry between his two wives. Forced to return to Psophis to get Harmonia’s robe and necklace, under the pretext of dedicating them to Delphi but intending to give them to Callirrhoe, he is ambushed by the sons of Phegeus who kill him.32 Being suddenly full-grown with Zeus’ help, Amphoterus and Acarnan take vengeance on their father’s slayers, by killing first the sons of Phegeus, and then both Phegeus and his wife.33 THE FRAGMENTS PEG F 1 (= D., W.), from Σ Eur. Andr. 687 καὶ ὁ τὴν ᾿Ακλμαιωνίδα πεποιηκώς φησι περὶ τοῦ Φώκου: ἔνθά μιν ἀντίθεος Τελαμὼν τροχοειδέϊ δίσκωι πλήξε κάρη, Πηλεὺς δὲ θοῶς ἀνὰ χεῖρα τανύσσας ἀξίνηι εὐχάλκωι ἐπεπλήγει μέσα νῶτα.34 And the author of the Alcmeonis says about Phocus: There godlike Telamon hit him on the head with a wheel-shaped discus, and Peleus quickly raised his arm above his head and struck him in the middle of his back with a bronze axe. PEG F 2 (= D., W.), from Athenaeus 11.460b καὶ ὁ τὴν ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδα δὲ ποιήσας φησίν· νέκυς δὲ χαμαιστρώτου ἔπι τείνας εὐρείης στιβάδος προέθηκ᾿ αὐτοῖσι θάλειαν δαῖτα ποτήριά τε, στεφάνους τ᾿ ἐπὶ κρασὶν ἔθηκεν. The poet who has done the Alcmeonis says: And laying the bodies out on a broad pallet spread on the ground, he set before them a rich banquet and cups, and put garlands on their heads. 31 32 33 34 Bethe (1891a: 136); Huxley (1969: 51). Cf. Alcm. PEG F 5 = F 6 D. = F 5 W. Their names diverge in the sources: Pronous and Agenor in Ps.-Apollodorus, Temenus and Axion in Pausanias, who also documents a tomb (and the related hero cult) of Alcmaon at Psophis: cf. Olivieri (2010: 307 n. 40). This section of the tale is more affected by the contributions of the tragic tradition (possibly Sophocles’ Alcmeon and Euripides’s Alcmeon in Psophis): see Jouan (1990: 159 nn. 21, 23); Gantz (1993: 526–7). For a different constitution of the text, see Salvador (1996), together with the translation by Burnett (2005: 24). Alcmeonis PEG F 3 (= D., W.), from Etym. Gud. s.v. ‘Ζαγρεύς’ Ζαγρεύς ὁ μεγάλως ἀγρεύων, ὡς· πότνια Γῆ, Ζαγρεῦ τε θεῶν πανυπέρτατε πάντων, ὁ τὴν ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδα γράψας ἔφη. Zagreus: the one who greatly hunts, as the writer of the Alcmeonis said: Mistress Earth, and Zagreus highest of all the gods. PEG F 4 (= D., W.), from Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 1.8.5 Τυδεὺς δὲ ἀνήρ γενόμενος γενναῖος ἐφυγαδεύθη κτείνας, ὡς μέν τινες λέγουσιν, ἀδελφὸν Οἰνέως ᾿Αλκάθοον, ὡς δὲ ὁ τὴν ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδα γεγραφώς, τοὺς Μέλανος παῖδας ἐπιβουλεύοντας Οἰνεῖ, Φηνέα Εὐρύαλον ῾Υπέρλαον ᾿Αντίοχον Εὐμήδην Στέρνοπα άνθιππον Σθενέλαον. Tydeus grew into a gallant man, but was forced into exile after killing, as some say, Oineus’ brother Alcathous, but as the writer of the Alcmeonis says, the sons of Melas, who were plotting against Oineus: Pheneus, Euryalus, Hyperlaus, Antiochus, Eumedes, Sternops, Xanthippus, and Sthenelaus. PEG F 5 (= F 6 D. = F 5 W.), from Strab. 10.2.9 ὁ δὲ τὴν ᾿Αλκμεωνίδα γράψας ᾿Ικαρίου τοῦ Πηνελόπης πατρὸς υἱεῖς γενέσθαι δύο, ᾿Αλυζέα καὶ Λευκάδιον, δυναστεῦσαι δὲ ἐν τῆι ᾿Ακαρνανίαι τούτους μετὰ τοῦ πατρός. But the writer of the Alcmeonis says that Icarius, Penelope’s father, had two sons, Alyzeus and Leucadius, and that they ruled with their father in Acamania. PEG F 6 (= 5 D. = F 6 W.), from Σ Eur. Or. 995 ἀκολουθεῖν ἂν δόξειεν τῶι τὴν ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδα πεποιηκότι εἰς τὰ περὶ τὴν ἄρνα, ὡς καὶ Διονύσιος ὁ κυκλογράφος φησί [15 F 7]. Φερεκύδης δὲ [EGM F 133] οὐ καθ᾿ ῾Ερμοῦ μῆνίν φησι τὴν ἄρνα ὑποβληθῆναι ἀλλὰ ᾿Αρτέμιδος. ὁ δὲ τὴν ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδα γράψας τὸν ποιμένα τὸν προσαγαγόντα τὸ ποίμνιον τῶι ᾿Ατρεῖ ᾿Αντίοχον καλεῖ. [Euripides] would appear to be following the author of the Alcmeonis in regard to the story about the lamb, as Dionysius the Cyclographer also says. Pherecydes says that it was not from Hermes’ wrath that the lamb was put into the flock, but from Artemis’. And the writer of the Alcmeonis calls the shepherd who brought the lamb to Atreus Antiochus. 267 268 andrea debiasi PEG F 7 (= D., W.), from Philod. De pietate B 6798 Obbink κα[ὶ τῆς ἐ]πὶ Κρόνου ζω[ῆς εὐ]δαιμονεστά[της οὔ]σης, ὡς ἔγραψ[αν ῾Ησί]οδος καὶ ὁ τὴν [᾿Αλκμ]εωνίδα ποή[σας, καὶ] Σοφοκλῆς κτλ. (TrGF F 278). And the life in the time of Cronus was most happy, as [Hesi]od and the author of the [Alcm]eonis have written, and Sophocles etc. In most cases it is difficult to determine how the surviving fragments should be placed in such a frame. We learn from Philodemus (De piet. B 6978 Obbink) that ‘the life in the time of Cronus was most happy, as [Hesi]od and the author of [Alcm]eonis have written’ (PEG F 7 = D., W.). The comparison with Hesiod, Works and Days 109–26 (golden age ‘in the time of Cronus’)35 and the role of the Alcmeonis as a link between the Theban and the Trojan Cycle make it an attractive hypothesis that the Alcmeonis could hint at an epochal caesura produced by the Theban and the Trojan Wars just as the myth of the five ages does in the Works and Days.36 Athenaeus 11.460b, after claiming that Semonides of Amorgos was the first poet who spoke of ‘drinking cups’ (ποτήρια), quotes three lines from the Alcmeonis (PEG F 2 = D., W.).37 The funeral banquet may have occurred in more than one context in a poem that did not lack slayings and battles, nor must we necessarily assume that Alcmaon was the subject.38 Nonetheless the more plausible interpretation remains the one recognizing the funeral honours to be those rendered by the leader of the Epigonoi Alcmaon to the warriors fallen in the final clash at Thebes. In such case the corpses should be those of Aegialeus, the only Epigonos perished during the siege, and of his slayer Laodamas, son of Eteocles and king of Thebes, who was killed in battle by Alcmaon himself as reported by Ps.-Apollodorus (Bibl. 3.7.3).39 35 36 37 38 39 See Versnel (1987: 125  1993: 96). Hes. WD 161–5: ‘Evil war and dread battle destroyed these [sc. heroes (demigods)], some under seven-gated Thebes in the land of Cadmus while they fought for the sake of Oedipus’ sheep, others brought in boats over the great gulf of the sea to Troy for the sake of fair-haired Helen’. See Cingano (1992: 7–9; 2002–3: 56, 68–69). Cf. Hes. Cat. F 204.57–65 M.-W. = F 110.57–65 Hirsch., on which see Clay (2005); Cingano (2005a: 122–4). Cf. Severyns (1928: 236–7), according to whom Aristarchus was the source of Athenaeus. Among the adventures of Alcmaon narrated by Ps.-Apollodorus the expeditions in Aetolia and Thesprotia (about which see Jouan 1990: 159–61) must have included some battle casualties; other illustrious slain were Phegeus with his family, exterminated by the sons of Alcmaon. A further group of dead in the Alcmeonis is represented by the sons of Melas, murdered by their cousin Tydeus (PEG F 4 = D., W.). Huxley (1969: 53). In another account Laodamas, having killed Aegialeus, is not slain by Alcmaon but flies to Illyria: cf. Herod. 5.61.2; Paus. 9.5.13 and 9.8.6. Olivieri (2004: 90) detects in the burial of a Theban (Laodamas) by an Argive (Alcmaon) a parallel with (and a reversal Alcmeonis The description of Alcmaon officiating the funeral rites at the end of the expedition of the Epigonoi would be in contrast with the motif, revisited by the tragedians but probably already present in the Epigonoi and/or in the Alcmeonis (with innovation with respect to the Thebaid), of the burial denied to the Seven (all perished except Adrastus).40 The enterprise of the Seven, and especially the deeds of Alcmaon’s father Amphiaraus must have been somehow mentioned in the Alcmeonis. In the Thebaid (PEG F 9 = F 5 D. = F 9 W.) Amphiaraus kills the Theban Melanippus, beheads him, and throws the head to Tydeus who demands it in order to take revenge of the fatal wound he received by Melanippus. Tydeus gobbles Melanippus’ brain but loses the favour of Athena who turns away from him, withholding the gift of immortality. Ps.-Apollodorus (Bibl. 3.6.8) preserves another version: Tydeus kills Melanippus, whereas Amphiaraus, moved by hate against Tydeus who advocated the war against Thebes, on his own initiative cuts off the head of the Theban hero and gives it to Tydeus in order to provoke the condemnation of Athena. This archaic version has been plausibly traced back to Stesichorus’ Eriphyle, ‘possibly with the mediation of another source’.41 We may conjecture such a source to be the Epigonoi or more likely the Alcmeonis.42 The poem gave Tydeus much room, not only in connection to the expedition of the Seven but also to its antecedents. Ps.-Apollodorus (Bibl. 1.8.5) records that ‘Tydeus grew into a gallant man, but was forced into exile after killing, as some say, Oeneus’ brother Alcathous, but as the writer of the Alcmeonis says, the sons of Melas, who were plotting against Oeneus: Pheneus, Euryalus, Hyperlaus, Antiochus, Eumedes, Sternops, Xanthippus, and Sthenelaus’ (PEG F 4 = D., W.). As in the likely case of the duel between Tydeus and Melanippus, similarly here the Alcmeonis seems to modify the narration of the Thebaid, where the relatives killed by Tydeus must have been three: the uncle Melas and his sons Lycopeus and Alcathous.43 Such 40 41 42 43 of) the Theban tradition about the Seven reported in Paus. 9.18.2, which features the burial of an Argive (Tydeus) by a Theban (Maeon). See Legras (1905: 80–3); Severyns (1928: 223–5), according to whom the Thebaid must have ended with the funeral of the Seven. Cingano (1987). On Stesichorus’ Eriphyle, see Noussia-Fantuzzi, below in this volume, p. 432. ‘The Eriphyle must have embraced pretty much the same material’ of the Alcmeonis (Davies 1989c: 32). Steichorus’ poem must as well have included a retrospection of the expedition of the Seven, as results from PMGF 194 (i–v), where Asclepius restores to life some of the deceased warriors. The main themes of Steischorus’ poem were Eriphyle’s two betrayals and the vengeance of Alcmaon, as especially PMGF S148 (dialogue between Adrastus and Alcmaon) leads to believe: see above, n. 28. Severyns (1928: 218, 228), based on Σ Il. 14.114b and Eustath. on Il. 14.122 (971.6–7). He regards the expansion of the components as typical of a later poem. 269 270 andrea debiasi an episode, featuring a murder committed within the family circle in order to avenge the father, recalls that of Alcmaon and serves to explain Tydeus’ move from Calydon, in Aetolia, to Argos. Like Alcmaon later, Tydeus as well went into exile and was purified in another land by a king (Adrastus) who gave him as wife his daughter (Deipyle). The importance given to the prophecy in the Alcmeonis leads as to believe that the poem mentioned, or at least hinted at, the encounter between Tydeus and Polynices, both having arrived to Adrastus’ palace as exils: then Adrastus recognized them as the boar and the lion who, according to an oracle by Apollo, should become his sons-in-law.44 A single line of the Alcmeonis (PEG F 3 = D., W.), transmitted by the Etymologicum Gudianum (s.v. ‘Ζαγρεύς’),45 contains the invocation ‘Mistress Earth, and Zagreus highest of all the gods’, which can refer to Delphi, or alternatively to the Theban background connected with the expeditions of both the Seven and the Epigonoi. A plausible explanation ascribes these words to Alcmaon, during his consultation of the Delphic oracle, as soon as his staying at Psophis proved fruitless. Among the several consultations of the Delphic oracle disseminated in the poem this one in particular, directing Alcmaon to a land that had ‘not been seen by the sun at the time of his matricide’,46 is consistent with such an invocation to the Earth and to Zagreus, a god of the underworld. In a tradition, popular among the Orphics, Zagreus is Dionysus in an older guise, as son of Zeus and Persephones. He was torn to pieces by the Titans and buried by Apollo near the oracular tripod at Delphi.47 Another possible hypothesis is that the line belongs to a prayer in which Alcmaon calls the powers of the earth to evoke the oracle of Amphiaraus.48 During the rout of the Seven’s army near Thebes, Zeus split the earth and Amphiaraus vanished with his chariot before Periclimenus could strike him in the back. He remained alive underground whence he kept on issuing prophecies.49 In a passage of Pindar (Pyth. 8.39–55), most likely inspired by the Alcmeonis, Amphiaraus predicts to the Epigonoi the victory over 44 45 46 47 48 49 Cf. Eur. Suppl. 131–6; Gantz (1993: 334, 508–9). Cf. also Anecd. Oxon. ii.443.8 Cramer. The etymology ζα- ‘very’ + ἀγρεύειν ‘hunt’ is doubtful: see West (1983: 153; 2003a: 61 n. 17). Cf. Thuc. 2.102.5 = Alcm. PEG F °10. Huxley (1969: 52). Cf. Callim. F 43b.34 Hard. and 643 Pf.; Euphor. CA F 13: see West (1983: 153–4); Bernabé (1998: 30 n. 5); Arrigoni (2003: 37–9 with n. 91, including previous bibliography about Alcm. PEG F 3 = D., W.). West (2003a: 61 n. 17), who ascribes the words to Alcmaon. Pind. Nem. 9.25–7, drawing from the Thebaid (rather than from the Alcmeonis, as speculated by Friedländer (1914 = 1969: 44–7); cf. Huxley (1969: 45); Davies (1989c: 29); Braswell (1998: 93, 95); West (2003a: 8). Alcmeonis Thebes primarily due to the bravery of the real leader of the expedition, Alcmaon.50 The invocation addressed to both the Earth and Zagreus by Alcmaon and/or other Epigonoi may well belong to such oracular consultation.51 Similarly some lines containing an admonishment and a precept (the so-called ‘norm of the polyp’) addressed by Amphiaraus to his younger son Amphilochus can possibly be traced back to this specific oracular context.52 The arrival to the land newly formed at the mouth of Achelous is a crucial point in the narration of the Alcmeonis. It is in this context that the genealogy attributed by Strabo 10.2.9 to the ‘writer of the Alcmeonis’ (PEG F 5 = F 6 D. = F 5 W.) must have been mentioned: for he ‘says that Icarius, Penelope’s father, had two sons, Alyzeus and Leucadius, and that they ruled with their father in Acarnania’. Icarius, with his sons, eponyms of the Acarnanian town Alyzea and of the nearby island of Leucas, is a sort of forerunner of Alcmaon. Like Icarius, Alcmaon rules the country with two sons: Amphoterus53 and the eponym of the region Acarnan.54 The reference to Odyssean characters does not surprise, since Alcmaon’s biography sums up both ‘Iliadic’ episodes, first of all the expedition against Thebes, and ‘Odyssean’ episodes, characterized by the long wandering.55 In the very same passage Strabo informs us that the mythical eponyms Alyzeus and Leucadius were also found in Ephorus (FgrHist 70 F 124). Soon after this Strabo provides further details concerning Icarius which, through the mediation of Ephorus, may go back to the Alcmeonis: Icarius and Tyndareus, after being banished by their brother Hippocoon from Lacedaemon, ‘went to 50 51 52 53 54 55 See Rutherford, below in this volume, pp. 452–3. Welcker (1882: 381–2), tracing back Pindar’s passage to the Epigonoi (cf. Bernabé 1979: 73), in his opinion coinciding with the Alcmeonis (see above, n. 3.); cf. Wolff (1884–6: 300). The oracle in Pind. Pyth. 8.39–55 ought to be identified with the Amphiaraion mentioned by Herod. 8.134 (cf. 1.46; 49; 52; 92) rather than with the oracle in Oropos (where, according to Paus. 9.8.3, Amphiaraus issued prophecies to the Epigonoi): see Hubbard (1992: 101–7). Cf. Giannini in Gentili (2006: 573–4), who considers such consultation occurred during the siege of Thebes, when the Argives lead by Alcmaon were under the attack of the Thebans commanded by Laodamas. Theb. PEG F 4 = “Hom.” F 3 = F 8∗ W. The fragment was also ascribed to the Nostoi (Allen 1913: 191) as well as to the Melampodia (Löffler 1963: 57). For a further attempt of ascription to the Alcmeonis, see Debiasi (2013c). ‘Whose name comes from the disputed territories on either side of the wandering course of the river, at the bounds of Aitolia and Akarnania’ (Huxley 1969: 51 n. 1); cf. Löffler (1963: 56). The fact that Alcmaon should have been contemporary of Alyzeus and Leucadius must have not represented a problem for the author of a poem where ‘conflicting stories explaining different events may have crowded together under its aegis’ (Gantz 1993: 527); cf. Jouan (1990: 162). Cf. Cingano (2002-3: 75). The only Homeric mentions of Amphiaraus and his sons Alcmaon and Amphilochus occur in the Odyssey (11.326–7; 15.244–248, 253). 271 272 andrea debiasi Thestius, the ruler of the Pleuronians, and helped him to acquire possession of much of the country on the far side of the Achelous on condition that they should receive a share of it; Tyndareus however, went back home, having married Leda, the daughter of Thestius, whereas Icarius stayed on, keeping a portion of Acarnania, and by Polycaste, the daughter of Lygaeus, begot both Penelope and her brothers’.56 Shortly after, Strabo (10.2.25; cf. 7.7.7) recalls Ephorus (FgrHist 70 F 123 a–b) according to whom Alcmaon joined Diomedes, his fellow in the previous war against Thebes, in an expedition in Aetolia aiming at restoring the reign of Oeneus. Having defeated the enemies of Diomedes’ grandfather, Alcmaon passed into Acarnania and subdued it. In the meantime Agamemnon attacked the Argives and prevailed over them. Later, when the expedition against Troy confronted him, Agamemnon, concerned that the heirs of Adrastus (Diomedes) and of Amphiaraus (Alcmaon) might come back and regain Argos during his absence, invited them both to resume possession of it and to take part in the war. Although Diomedes was persuaded, Alcmaon refused the invitation, and remained in Acarnania, so named after his son Acarnan. There he founded a city and named it Argos Amphilochicon after his brother Amphilochus. We are led to trace back to the poem this information as well (PEG F °9 [I-II]),57 based on the parallelisms with other texts going back to the Alcmeonis, such as the sovereignty of Alcmaon and Acarnan over Acarnania, the foundation of a city by Alcmaon, the eponymic function exercised by Acarnan and Amphilochus,58 and the reference to the usurpation of Oeneus’ reign. This last incident was the basis for the episode, possibly mentioned in the poem in such context (PEG F 4 = D., W.), of the murder of his cousins by Tydeus with his subsequent exile to Argos (where Deipyles bore him Diomedes).59 Whether the expedition in Aetolia occurred in the poem shortly before Alcmaon’s arrival in Acarnania, as 56 57 58 59 Strabo 10.2.24; cf. Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.10.5. See Jouan (1990: 161–2). Broadbent (1968: 300–2) speculates that besides the union between Icarius and Polycaste, also the union between Telemachus and Nausicaa might have been in the Alcmeonis (cf. Hellan. FgrHist 4 F 156). Immisch (1889: 182–4); Bethe (1894: 1563); Robert (1921: 964); Kullmann (1960: 143–5); Andersen (1982: 13–6); Jouan (1990: 160–1); West (2003a: 11). Differently Breglia Pulci Doria (1991–4), who argues for an innovation by Ephorus. According to other traditions Amphilochus himself, the brother (Thuc. 2.68.3; cf. Hecat. FgrHist 1 F 102c) or son (Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.7.7, drawing on Euripides’ Alcmeon in Corinth) of Alcmaon was the founder of Argos Amphilochicon. The link between these events is confirmed by the Hellenistic Epyllium Diomedis (CA ep. adesp. 2), inspired by the Alcmeonis: see CA p. 75; Huxley (1969: 51–2 n. 2). It touched upon the slaying of the sons of Melas (line 21), the exile of Tydeus to Adrastus (cf. Alcm. PEG F 4 = D., W.), as well as the siege of Argos during Diomedes’ absence: cf. Pellin (2007). Alcmeonis implied by Ephorus and as seems more straightforward from both a narrative and a geographical perspective,60 or whether it took place in an earlier time,61 this event served as a link between those heroes pertaining to the Theban Cycle and those pertaining to the Trojan Cycle. Agamemnon’s request to join the expedition against Troy must be explained in view of the oath sworn by Helen’s suitors that they would join in arms against anyone who might take her by force; this oath was imposed, following an advice of Odysseus, by Helen’s father Tyndareus (the same who with his brother Icarius had been in Aetolia/Acarnania, where he married Leda, the daughter of Thestius; it is from Icarius that Tindareus obtained Penelope as wife for Odysseus).62 Thus the Alcmeonis provided an explanation for Alcmaon’s absence in Troy: he remained in his brand new kingdom, in the near west, whereas other Epigonoi, among whom Diomedes,63 embarked on a further enterprise, far in the east.64 Likewise two fragments, transmitted by two scholia to Euripides, refer to myths and characters presenting some analogies with the story of Alcmaon, most likely being wide-ranging digressions. Σ Eur. Andr. 687 preserves three lines of the Alcmeonis (PEG F 1 = D., W.) describing the killing of Phocus by Telamon and Peleus. Once again we are facing a murder of kin: the tradition is that Peleus and Telamon, sons of Aeacus and Endeis, killed during an athletic contest their half-brother Phocus, born to Aeacus by Psamathe.65 The parallelism with the tale of Alcmaon becomes even stronger in the light of the development reported by Pausanias 2.29.10: Telamon, being banished together with Peleus from Aegina, was allowed by Aeacus to plead his case provided that he did not land on the island, but remained in the ship or alternatively on a mole raised in the sea. So he sailed by night into 60 61 62 63 64 65 Cf. Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.17.5: Alcmaon guest of Oeneus at Calydon, presumably after the restoration of the latter’s reign in Aetolia. Cf. Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 1.8.6 (shortly after the quotation of Alcm. PEG F 4 = D., W.): Diomedes ‘with another one’ defeats the usurpers and later on takes part to the expeditions against Thebes and Troy. Andersen (1982: 16) maintains such a chronology for the Alcmeonis. Cf. Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.10.9; Hes. Cat. F 197.6–8 M.-W. = 105.6–8 Hirsch. (Alcmaon and Amphilochus among the suitors of Helen), with the exegesis of Cingano (2004a: 64–5); (2005a: 140–3, esp. 141). As well as Sthenelus and Euryalus, according to Il. 2.559–68 (cf. 4.404–10): see Cingano (2004a: 60–4); on Thersander, see Cingano (2000: 132–41). Debiasi (2004: 111). For Acarnania and Achelous as western frontiers, see Ballabriga (1986: 35–6, 42–3). Paus. 2.29.9; cf. Pind. Nem. 5.6–12; Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.12.6; Σ Eur. Andr. 687. See Gantz (1993: 221–3); Burnett (2005: 24–5 with n. 60: possibly the Alcmeonis ‘showed killers who acted at their mother’s instigation’ (cf. Paus. 2.29.9); 69 n. 37). See also Rutherford, below in this volume, p. 452 n. 18. 273 274 andrea debiasi the harbour called ‘Hidden’, and made a mole by pouring earth into the sea. The aition matches well the tale of the land newly formed by silting at the mouth of Achelous and may well have been in the Alcmeonis.66 The poem must also have mentioned the exile of Telamon to Salamis after his plea of innocence was not accepted; Peleus fled to Thessaly instead, first at Phthia, where Eurytion purified him but later was accidentally killed by him, and then to Iolcus, where he received a further purification by Acastus:67 this sequence of events recalls that of Alcmaon going first to Phegeus and then to Achelous. Together with the mentions of Telamon and Peleus the Alcmeonis could hardly lack any reference to their sons, the eminent heroes of the Trojan War Ajax and Achilles. The death of Phocus itself aims mostly to give prominence to Achilles to whom Phocus was related not only from his father’s side, but also his mother’s, since Psamathe was a Nereid sister of Thetis.68 This link would become even stronger if the Alcmeonis provided a stemma where Chiron was the father of Endeis, i.e. the grandfather of Telamon and Peleus.69 Σ Eur. Or. 995 provides further evidence that the Alcmeonis (PEG F 6 = F 5 D. = F 6 W.) included some narrations peripheral to the main plot. We learn that ‘Euripides would appear to be following the author of the Alcmeonis, in regard to the story about the lamb.’70 This is the golden lamb that Hermes arranged to put into Atreus’ flock in order to avenge his son Myrtilus killed by Pelops: the lamb, having become a token of the kingship at Mycenae, caused contention between the Pelopids Atreus and Thyestes.71 The poem was generous with details, as appears from the scholium according to which ‘the writer of the Alcmeonis calls the shepherd who brought the lamb 66 67 68 69 70 71 Huxley (1969: 53); cf. Breglia Pulci Doria (1991–4: 131). The scepticism of Burnett (2005: 25 n. 62) is unwarranted: on the one hand the Alcmeonis did include extensive digressions, on the other the rationalism of the aition fits well a poem where some of the numerous eponyms are connected to historical settlements. Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.12.7 (Telamon); 3.13.1–2 (Peleus). See Gantz (1993: 226–7). See Hes. Theog. 1003–7. See Burnett (2005: 69). Severyns (1928: 234–6), based on Philosteph. FHG III p. 33 F 35; Σ Pind. Nem. 5.12; Hyg. fab. 14.8. In other sources the person in question is Sciron: see Gantz (1993: 220). According to Plut. Thes. 10 Sciron begot Endeis by Chariclo. Yet in the myth Chariclo is Chiron’s wife, whereas Chiron was born a centaur because Cronus changed into a horse in making love with the Oceanid Philyra (Titan. PEG F 10 = F 9 D. = F 12 W.). A metamorphosis characterizes the birth of Phocus as well, when the Nereid Psamathe tried to avoid the intercourse with Aeacus by changing into a seal (φώκη, whence the name of her son). See below, p. 278. For a link Alcmaon/Pelopids, cf. Hes. Cat. F 193.1 M.-W. = F 90.1 Hirsch.: Alcmaon appears in the context of the funeral of Oedipus; the latter was the husband of Astymedousa, daughter of Nicippe, a Pelopid as well as her brothers Atreus and Thyestes (Cat. F 190–2 M.-W. = F 89 Hirsch.). Alcmeonis to Atreus Antiochus’. Both the premises and the development of the myth must have been related, following a sequence of events roughly recognizable in Ps.-Apollodorus Epit. 2.4–14.72 The killing of Myrtilus fits in the context of the challenge opposing Pelops to Oenomaus, king of Pisa in Elis, for the hand of the latter’s daughter, Hippodamia:73 Oenomaus would give Hippodamia as wife only to a suitor able to defeat him in a chariot race between Pisa and the Isthmus of Corinth, which already caused the death of many suitors. With the help of Oenomaus’ charioteer Myrtilus, Pelops defeated the king, who, being entangled in the reins, was dragged to his death near the Isthmus. Myrtilus, having himself fallen in love with Hippodamia, was subsequently killed by Pelops, who threw him into the sea near Cape Geraestus in Euboea, called after him the Myrtoan Sea. After being cleansed by Hephaestus, Pelops succeeded Oenomaus and called the Peloponnesus after himself. The double murder, the subsequent purification and the recurrent use of the eponyms fit with the Alcmeonis, as well as the stage being set between Elis, Corinth (where the poem originated) and Euboea.74 According to Pausanias, Clytius, the progenitor of a clan of renowned soothsayers operating at Olympia, was connected to the region of Elis: he was the son of Alcmaon by the daughter of Phegeus, and he migrated to Elis being afraid of his mother’s brothers who killed Alcmaon.75 The tradition preserved by Pindar according to which the founder of the Olympic Games was Pelops is also remarkable: it should not surprise us if the Alcmeonis mentioned it, given the tendency of early epic poetry, such as that of Eumelus of Corinth, to celebrate the heroic origins of the Panhellenic Games.76 With the device of the golden lamb, the vengeance of Hermes hit the progeny of Pelops. Aerope, wife of Atreus, was seduced by Thyestes and gave him the lamb. Thyestes became king of Mycenae until Atreus got this 72 73 74 75 76 Severyns (1928: 229–34), based also on the Homeric scholia (cf. especially Σ Il. 2.104b). Ps.-Apollod. Epit. 2.4–9. On this episode in the sources, see Gantz (1993: 540–4). Cf. Eur. Or. 988–96 (Cape Geraestus). The link Euboea/Corinth goes back to the archaic age and recurs in the corpus of Eumelus: see Debiasi (2004: 19–107). According to Paus. 8.14.11 the body of Myrtilus was cast ashore by the tide near Pheneus in Arcadia, where he was buried by the locals and received a hero cult. For the tomb and the cult of Alcmaon in Arcadia, see above, n. 32. Paus. 6.17.6: cf. Löffler (1963: 55). In Od. 15.249 Clytius is son of Mantius having a distant relation with Alcmaon. Pind. Ol. 1.93–5 (immediately after the race between Oenomaus and Pelops). On the foundation of the Isthmian Games in Eumelus, see Cor. PEG F 8 = F 12 D. = F 22∗ W. For the chronological implications see, with divergent conclusions, West (2002a: 122–3; 130–1); Debiasi (2004: 33 n. 91, 35 n. 99; 2013b: 533 n. 249). West (2003a: 7) speculates that the tradition according to which the Nemean Games were instituted when the Seven paused at Nemea while approaching Thebes, may have occurred in the Thebaid. Assuming the year 573 as terminus post quem, the Alcmeonis cannot be entirely dismissed as alternative. 275 276 andrea debiasi kingdom with the help of the Olympians and banished Thyestes. Afterwards, having learnt about Aerope’s adultery, Atreus called Thyestes back, slaughtered his sons, and surreptitiously served them to him during a banquet. Following the advice of the oracle of Apollo, Thyestes begot by his own daughter Aegisthus who, grown to manhood, killed Atreus.77 The contention between Atreus and Thyestes for the kingship closely recalls that between Eteocles and Polynices ‘for the sake of Oedipus’ sheep’, i.e. for Oedipus’ kingdom.78 Aerope’s betrayal of Atreus represents a striking parallel to Eriphyle’s betrayal of Amphiaraus. The golden necklace given to Eriphyle by Polynices has a symbolic equivalent in the golden lamb, object of desire and source of calamities.79 Further developments of the myth, in part already Homeric, must have been implied in the Alcmeonis. Aegisthus’ vengeance does not spare Atreus’ son Agamemnon. While Agamemnon was engaged in besieging Troy, Aegisthus seduced his wife Clytemnestra (daughter of Tyndareus and Leda), and with her help he slew Agamemnon when he came back to Mycenae. The blood chain continues with Agamemnon’s son Orestes as he killed both his mother Clytemnestra and her lover Aegisthus to avenge his father; the persecution by the Erinyes, the madness, and the wanderings of the hero are consequent.80 The analogies with the vicissitudes of Alcmaon, already noticed by the ancients, seem too strong to not assume some references or hints in the Alcmeonis to the story of Orestes.81 A final hypothesis may be advanced regarding the saga of the Pelopids in the poem: the tradition records a first murder by Atreus and Thyestes, who killed their half-brother Chrysippus and hence were sent into exile. This episode represents an exact double of that involving Aeacus’ sons, where Phocus is killed by Telamon and Peleus, and as such it may well go back to the Alcmeonis.82 77 78 79 80 81 82 Ps.-Apollod. Epit. 2.10–4 (where the role of Hermes is played by Artemis, as in Pherec. FgrHist 3 F 133, who often diverges from the Alcmeonis: see Severyns 1928: 229, 234). On this episode in the sources, see Gantz (1993: 545–50). Hes. WD 163: μήλων ἕνεκ’ Οἰδιπόδαο ‘for the flocks of Oedipous’. See Buck (1979: 62), and above, n. 36. See Delcourt (1959: 38); West (2003a: 63 n. 19). On this myth as a whole, see Gantz (1993: 664–86). Cf. Eustath. on Od. 11.325 (1689.10) = Alcm. PEG F °8 (II). The comparative study of Delcourt (1959) remains fundamental. Based on Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.10.6, Broadbent (1968: 302) hypothesizes a tradition built on the Alcmeonis where, in addition to Penelope, Leucadius and Alyzeus, Icarius would have a further son: Perileos/Perilaus, known as the prosecutor of Orestes at his trial (cf. Paus. 8.34.4). As in the murder of Phocus (see above, n. 65), the mother of the killers is involved also in that of Chrysippus, where in some sources she is depicted as the instigator. According to these sources Hippodamia either went into exile or committed suicide. On this episode (documented as early as Hellan. FgrHist 4 F 157; Thuc. 1.9.2), see Gantz (1993: 489–90, 544–5). Alcmeonis A CORINTHIAN POEM OF THE TIME OF THE CYPSELIDS From the remaining fragments we derive a complex structure for the Alcmeonis, which appears abundant in myths, references, flashbacks, digressions and parallelisms.83 The biography of the wandering hero Alcmaon entails a variety of settings through different Greek regions.84 Numerous heroes belonging to various generations appear in the main plot or alongside it: beside the victorious warriors of the Theban and/or the Trojan War, there must have been numerous mentions of their ancestors, parents and sons. Some motifs occur very frequently: briberies, betrayals, confrontations between mother and son, murders of kin (mothers, (half-)brothers, cousins, nephews), vengeances (especially for the fate of the fathers), exiles, purifications. The seven lines preserved by the three textual quotations (PEG F 1–3 = D., W.) do not allow us to date the Alcmeonis on the basis of linguistic and stylistic criteria. The reference to Alyzeus and Leucadius provides sound evidence of the chronology of the Alcmeonis (cf. PEG F 5 = F 6 D. = F 5 W.) in a more substantial way than the tenor of the work,85 its possible orphic implications (cf. PEG F 3 = D., W.), and the lateness of the poem claimed by Athenaeus in comparison with Semonides of Amorgos (cf. PEG F 2 = D., W.).86 The implied connection with Leucas, a Corinthian (or Corinthian–Corcyran) settlement established by the tyrant Cypselus and later strengthened by his son Periander,87 points to the second half of the seventh century, if not the beginning of the sixth century, as the terminus post quem of the Alcmeonis, and locates its likely origin in the Corinthian cultural environment at the time of the Cypselids.88 The dialectic insularity/mainland implied by the tale of the land formed by silting at the mouth of 83 84 85 86 87 88 See Severyns (1928: 228), who regards the parallels as distinctive of the Cyclic poetry. Olivieri (2010). Which presumes the diptych Thebaid/Epigonoi, and denotes a tendency to accumulation: see above, nn. 13, 43. Wilamowitz (1884: 214 n. 13). Cf. Pellizer (1983); Pellizer and Tedeschi (1990: ix–xvii). Thus the two recorded chronologies can be made compatible: the ‘earlier’ after Cypselus’ accession in 657, around the middle of the seventh century (Strabo 10.2.8, in the same context where he quotes Alcm. PEG F 5 = F 6 D. = F 5 W.; Nic. Dam. FgrHist 90 F 57.7); and the ‘lower’ during Periander’s late reign, in the sixth century (Plut. De Sera 7 = Mor. 552e): see de Fidio (1997: 125–6); Piccirilli (1997: 154–5); Antonelli (2000: 87–101). This was pointed out for the first time by Wilamowitz (1884: 73 n. 2). Cf. Immisch (1889: 140, 154, 185); Bethe (1894); Legras (1905: 22–3); more recently Sakellariou (1958: 159); Jouan (1990: 163); Hilpert-Greger (1996: 66–8). Lowering the chronology by about a century suggested by West (2003a: 110, ‘a sixth century or even early fifth-century date’) seems 277 278 andrea debiasi Achelous (and possibly by the tale of the artificial mole made by Telamon at Aegina) may reflect the interests of the Cypselids in digging canals through isthmi, as was planned in Corinth, and accomplished in Leucas.89 Acarnania, with the relevant eponyms, plays a too significant role in the poem to be unrelated to the colonization conducted, with Delphic approval, by the Corinthian tyrants in Acarnania, Epirus and Illyria.90 Likewise the prominence given to Delphi and to prophecy91 must be connected with the period of friendly relationship between the Cypselids and Delphi documented at least until the time of the First Sacred War.92 A plot where the main character is played by an Argive hero, who is triumphant over Thebes93 and then moves to Acarnania, fits with an environment in which Corinth, ruled by the Cypselids, does not hesitate to use myths and characters from the Argive legacy by ideologically connecting to the memory of Pheidon of Argos in an anti-Bacchiad perspective. In such a climate, Delphi seems to embrace a position antithetical to both Thebes and Sicyon which was then ruled by the tyrant Cleisthenes and was contending with Argos.94 One cannot exclude the Alcmeonis being a reaction to the measures of Cleisthenes who banned the rhapsodic contests at Sicyon because of the epic poems, mainly the Thebaid and the Epigonoi, where the Argives and Argos were praised, and promoted instead the cult of the Theban Melanippus in opposition to the cult of the Argive Adrastus.95 It is also possible that the Alcmeonis connected specific events to Corinth. A Corinthian setting informs the Alcmeon in Corinth of Euripides who, in accordance with the anti-Corinth attitude of Athens at his time, must have borne in mind the Alcmeonis by reversing its basic perspective.96 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 excessive. For the chronology of the Cypselids, see Salmon (1984: 186 n. 1); de Fidio (1997: 119 n. 260); Antonelli (2000: 62 n. 10). It is significant that Strabo 10.2.8 (see above, n. 87) informs about the canal through the spit which joined Leucas to Acarnania. See Salmon (1984: 202, 210–11); Antonelli (2000: 95–9). See Braccesi (1977: 91–108); Salmon (1984: 209–17); de Fidio (1997: 125–31); on Acarnania, see Schoch (1997: 17–25). For Huxley (1969: 51, 54), who is particularly concerned with the Acarnian prophetic tradition, the Alcmeonis ‘may well have been composed by a mantis’; cf. Pavese (1972: 222, 225–6). Salmon (1984: 186–7, 219–220, 227–8); Antonelli (1994); cf. Forrest (1956). Paus. 9.9.4 also counts allies from Corinth in the expedition of the Epigonoi. On such a political picture, see Braccesi (2001: 40–1, with bibliography), who traces back to it the tradition about Diomedes as the initiator of the Pythian Games for Apollo (Paus. 2.32.2). On the enmity between the Corinthian and the Sicyonian tyrants, see Nic. Dam. FgrHist 90 F 61.5; Salmon (1984: 227). Herod. 5.67.1–5. Cingano (1985; 2004a: 75–6) has shown that the ῾Ομήρεια ἔπεα of the Herodotean account must be identified with the Thebaid and the Epigonoi; cf. Huxley (1969: 48). Eur. TrGF 73a–77. Cf. the plot in Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.7.7. See Jouan (1990: 164–5); Olivieri (2013); cf. Gantz (1993: 527). An interest in Athens for the figure of Alcmaon/Alcmeon during the time of the Alcmeonids is conceivable: cf. Huxley (1969: 54 n. 1). Alcmeonis Ways were surely available to connect the plot and the characters to Corinth, especially considering that the author of the Alcmeonis is clearly in the wake of the Bacchiad poet Eumelus.97 The corpus of Eumelus is rich in eponyms, structured (and innovative) genealogies and western backgrounds, among which stand out those centred around Corcyra and its opposite mainland, where the Achelous flows.98 Eumelus could also have mentioned Harmonia’s necklace, which became Eriphyle’s, but originally belonged to Europa who gave it to Cadmus, Harmonia’s husband.99 It is noteworthy that the ‘chest of Cypselus’, offered at Olympia by the house of Cypselus and described by Pausanias,100 was decorated with scenes and hexameter inscriptions that are owed largely to the narratives of Eumelus.101 It included also a few scenes from the Theban Cycle and we can speculate that some of them echoed themes developed in the contemporary Alcmeonis. In this perspective, more than the duel between Eteocles and Polynices,102 the scene with the departure of Amphiaraus appears to be significant: Amphiaraus’ sons Alcmaon and Amphilochus, and his wife Eriphyle with the necklace, stand out; Amphiaraus leaves with one foot already on the chariot and his sword drawn against Eriphyle, with an admonitory expression as claiming vengeance.103 In the perspective of influence from the Alcmeonis, it is meaningful that this scene is preceded by that of the chariot race between Oenomaus and Pelops,104 and followed by that of the funeral games of Pelias, in which Peleus also took part.105 Finally a probable link between the Alcmeonis and the epic poetry of Asius of Samos, also fragmentary, deserves some attention. Just as the author 97 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 98 Debiasi (2004: 19–107, esp. 54–62). Jouan (1990: 165–6); Debiasi (2004: 111 n. 7). Cf. Pherec. FgrHist 3 F 89; Huxley (1969: 75); Debiasi (2013b: 529). A statuette has been found in Corinth whose gesture corresponds to that of Eriphyle ‘holding up the ends of her fingers along her neck through her tunic’ (Paus. 10.29.7): see Delcourt (1959: 40). Paus. 5.17.5–19.10. For a chronology during Periander’s late reign, after the First Sacred War, see Salmon (1984: 227–8). Debiasi (2005). Paus. 5.19.6. The subject occurs especially in the Oedipodea and the Thebaid. Paus. 5.17.7–8. About this scene, common in the ancient iconography, see Krauskopf (1981b: 694–7); Gantz (1993: 507). The threatening gesture is lacking in Attic pottery and is to be ascribed to the Corinthian archetype from which the scene on the chest of Cypselus derives: Krauskopf (1980: 110–12). It is doubtful that the Thebaid described Amphiaraus commanding Alcmaon, explicitly or implicitly, to avenge him: see Legras (1905: 65–8). Paus. 5.17.7. The detail of Pelops’ winged horses occurs also in Pind. Ol. 1.87: see above, n. 76. Paus. 5.17.9. For this episode in Eumelus, see Debiasi (2005: 51–5). According to Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.13.3 this occurred when Peleus arrived at Iolcus, where he was purified by Pelias’ son Acastus (see above, n. 67; for the mythic chronology, see Gantz 1993: 193). Ps.-Apollodorus continues by relating an episode involving Acastus, Peleus and Chiron. If we assume that Chiron and Peleus were related in the Alcmeonis (see above, n. 69) then the prominence that, also based on Eumelus’ poetry, the chest of Cypselus gave to the Centaur appears to be meaningful (Paus. 5.19.9, on which see Debiasi 2005: 48). 279 280 andrea debiasi of the Alcmeonis, Asius highlighted the eponym Phocus and mentioned his sons Panopeus and Crisus, themselves eponyms of towns in Phocis (PEG F 5 = D., W.); similarly he reported the offspring of Icarius, by calling Penelope’s sister Meda (PEG F 10 = D., W.).106 Moreover, he mentioned Icarius’ brother Tyndareus whose sons were of Pleuron’s stock on their mother’s side, since Leda’s father Thestius was the son of Agenor, himself the son of Pleuron (PEG F 6 = D., W.). This genealogy implies the context of the expedition of Icarius and Tyndareus in Aetolia likely narrated in the Alcmeonis; it also rejects Eumelus’ tendentious genealogy (Cor. PEG F 7 = F 8 D. = F 25 W.) in which Leda was a daughter of Thestius in name only, but in fact of Glaucus. Further fragments of Asius highlight details contradicting some mythological claims formulated by Eumelus,107 where a pro-Sicyonian and anti-Argive and anti-Corinthian attitude, consistent with the interests of the tyrant of Sicyon Cleisthenes, can be detected.108 Accordingly one may conjecture for Asius a reaction both to some earlier narrations of Eumelus and to the contemporary ones of the Alcmeonis.109 In this perspective the information that Asius also made Alcmena the daughter of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle (PEG F 4 = D., W.) is compelling; nor does it seem accidental that this is recorded by Pausanias in his description of the scene on the chest of Cypselus with the departure of Amphiaraus.110 106 107 109 110 These two parallels are detected by Broadbent (1968: 302–3). 108 Huxley (1969: 89–98, esp. 95). Cf. Asius PEG F 1, 9, 11 = D., W. 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