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TRAC 2012
Proceedings of the Twenty-Second Annual
THEORETICAL ROMAN ARCHAEOLOGY CONFERENCE
which took place at
Goethe University in Frankfurt
29 March – 1 April 2012
edited by
Annabel Bokern, Marion Bolder-Boos, Stefan Krmnicek
Dominik Maschek and Sven Page
ISBN 978-1-78297-197-9
© Oxbow Books
www.oxbowbooks.com
Contents
Preface ............................................................................................................................ v
TRAC 2012: Programme ..............................................................................................vii
Marks of Imitation or Signs of Originality? An Approach to Structural
Supports in Roman Marble Statuary
Anna Anguissola ............................................................................................................. 1
Equites and Senators as Agents of Change: Urban Culture and Elite
Self-Representation in Thamugadi and Lepcis Magna (Second-third
Centuries A.D.)
Lennart Gilhaus ............................................................................................................ 21
Sacra Volsiniensia. Civic Religion in Volsinii after the Roman Conquest
Annalisa Calapà............................................................................................................ 37
The Internal Frontier: An African Model for Culture Change in South
Central Italy (Fourth-third Centuries B.C.)
Roman Roth................................................................................................................... 49
Street Activity, Dwellings and Wall Inscriptions in Ancient Pompeii:
A Holistic Study of Neighbourhood Relations
Eeva-Maria Viitanen, Laura Nissinen and Kalle Korhonen ......................................... 61
Understanding Neighbourhood Relations through Shared Structures:
Reappraising the Value of Insula-Based Studies
Heini Ynnilä .................................................................................................................. 81
Secondary Doors in Entranceways at Pompeii: Reconsidering Access
and the ‘View from the Street’
Evan Proudfoot ............................................................................................................. 91
The Perception of Egypt in Networks of Being and Becoming:
A Thing Theory Approach to Egyptianising Objects in Roman
Domestic Contexts
Eva M. Mol.................................................................................................................. 117
Hybrid Bridges: An Exploration into how Traditionally ‘Romanised’
Elements of the Town Interacted with Meaning-Laden Pre-Historic
Waterscapes
Jay Ingate .................................................................................................................... 133
iv
Contents
Romanisation in Gaul: New Methodological Approaches for the
Study of Gaulish Fine Wares (200 B.C.–A.D. 50)
Sylvie Barrier .............................................................................................................. 151
Transgendered Archaeology: The Galli and the Catterick Transvestite
Renato Pinto and Luciano C. G. Pinto ....................................................................... 169
Ritual Landscapes of Pre-Roman Britain: The Margins of Practice on
the Margins of the Empire
Nicky Garland ............................................................................................................. 183
List of contributors...................................................................................................... 199
List of contributors
Anna Anguissola
Institut für Klassische Archäologie
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Munich
Germany
Anna.Anguissola@lmu.de
Sylvie Barrier
Dorigny, Anthropôle (IASA)
Université de Lausanne
Switzerland
sylvie.barrier@unil.ch
Annalisa Calapà
Historisches Seminar, Abt. Alte Geschichte
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Munich
Germany
Annalisa.Calapa@lrz.uni-muenchen.de
Nicky Garland
Institute of Archaeology
University College London
United Kingdom
n.garland@ucl.ac.uk
Lennart Gilhaus
Institut für Geschichtswissenschaft, Abt. Alte Geschichte
Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn
Germany
lgilhaus@uni-bonn.de
Jay Ingate
School of European Culture and Languages
Department of Classical and Archaeological Studies
University of Kent
United Kingdom
ji41@kent.ac.uk
Eva M. Mol
Faculteit der Archeologie
Universiteit Leiden
The Netherlands
e.m.mol@arch.leidenuniv.nl
200
List of contributors
Evan Proudfoot
Lincoln College
University of Oxford
United Kingdom
evan.proudfoot@arch.ox.ac.uk
Roman Roth
School of Languages and Literature
University of Cape Town
South Africa
roman.roth@uct.ac.za
Renato Pinto and Luciano C. G. Pinto
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, University of São Paulo; History
Department
Federal University of Pernambuco
Linguistics Department, State University of Campinas
tdhmuc@gmail.com
lucianuscaesar@gmail.com
Eeva-Maria Viitanen, Laura Nissinen and Kalle Korhonen
Institutum Classicum
University of Helsinki
Finland
eeva-maria.viitanen@helsinki.i
laura.nissinen@helsinki.i
kalle.korhonen@helsinki.i
Heini Ynnilä
Institutum Classicum
University of Helsinki
Finland
heini.ynnila@helsinki.i
TRAC 2012: Programme
TRAC SESSION 1: ROMAN COPIES AND GREEK ORIGINALS. THEORIES, METHODS,
PERSPECTIVES
Session organiser: Anna Anguissola
Gabriella Cirucci
‘Authentic Greek’. Transformations of ancient Greek artworks
in the Roman World
Angela Palmentieri
Roman statuary in marble and bronze from Salerno in
Campania
Britta Rabe
Incorporating Egypt. A case study
Anna Anguissola
Marks of imitation or signs of originality? Struts in Roman
marble sculpture
Fiona Mowat
The adoption and adaptation of Greek sculptural prototypes
in the Roman cinerary monuments dating from the late irst to
early second centuries A.D.
Marike van Aerde
Augustan visual language revisited: from copy criticism to
creative emulation
TRAC SESSION 2: THE ROMANISATION OF THE ROMAN WORLD. NEW
THEORETICAL, PRACTICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO AN OLD
PARADIGM
Session organisers: Michael Sommer and Miguel John Versluys
Sergio Gonzales Sanchez
Post-colonialism, globalisation and beyond: a comparative
approach to national perspectives on ‘Romanisation’
Dragana Mladenovic
Romanisation and Anglo-American post-colonial discourse – a
case of collateral damage?
Blanca Misic
‘Psychoanalysing Romanisation’. The concepts of
‘Romanisation’ and acculturation from a psychological
perspective
Marleen Termeer
The Romanisation of the Roman World: early Roman expansion
in central Italy
Lennart Gilhaus
What comes afterwards? Uniformity and distinctiveness in the
Roman Empire of the 2nd and 3rd centuries C.E.
Dianne van de Zande
Regional and Mediterranean contexts of rural funerary
structures in Roman Syria: a theoretical exploration
viii
TRAC 2012: Programme
TRAC SESSION 3: RELIGION IN ROMAN ITALY: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE,
CONTINUITY IN CHANGE
Session organiser: Annalisa Calapà
Andrea Carini
The indigenous element in Latin colonisation of Italy and
Roman cults: persistence and innovation
Marion Boos
Venus in the Roman Republic
Claudia Widow
Samnite sanctuaries. Formation and dissemination of temples
in Samnium
Annalisa Calapà
Sacra Volsiniensia. Civic religion in Volsinii after the Roman
conquest
Valentino Gasparini
The cult of Jupiter in Pompeii
TRAC SESSION 4: PHILHELLENISM AND THE ROMANS
Session organiser: Kelly Olson
Gunnar R. Dumke
Dead, yet agile – Hellenistic rulers in Roman material culture
Kathryn Lomas
Colonising the past: cultural memory and civic memory in the
Hellenistic World
Karen A. Laurence
Roman transformations to the Isthmian games and the creation
of new Corinthian identities
Roman Roth
Double penetration: Greeks, Romans and Apennine tribes in
South-Central Italy
Constanze Loesch
A glimpse of greek ‘savoir vivre’ in remote areas of the
Imperium Romanum? A Roman ‘wedding’ ring with
‘homonoia’ inscription and a Dionysos bust from a girl’s
tomb from a Roman farmstead in Rheinbach-Flerzheim,
North Rhine Westfalia, Germany
Kelly Olson
Greek dress and Romanitas in Roman antiquity
TRAC 2012: Programme
ix
TRAC SESSION 5: ‘LIVING NEXT DOOR TO ANNIUS’: ROMAN NEIGHBOURHOOD
RELATIONS IN URBAN CONTEXTS
Session organisers: Anna Kieburg and Renate Storli
Eeva Maria Viitanen,
Laura Nissinen and
Kalle Korhonen
Hanging out in Pompeii: testing neighbourhood relations?
David Grifiths
Illuminating Pompeii: ‘after-dark’ activities and the urban
consumption of artiicial light at Insula VI.1
Hanna Stöger
The ‘collective insula’ – a Severan neighbourhood in Ostia
Heini Ynnilä
Understanding neighbourhood relations through shared
structures: reappraising the value of insula-based studies
Evan Proudfoot
Next door neighbours: doors as a ‘way in’ to Pompeian
neighbourhoods and social rhythms
Jeremy Hartnett
Overhearing? Soundscapes and society in the Roman
neighbourhood
TRAC SESSION 6: EMBODYING VALUE? THE TRANSFORMATION OF OBJECTS IN
AND FROM THE ROMAN WORLD
Session organiser: Clare Rowan
Astrid van Oyen
The realisation of value in the production of Terra Sigillata
William Anderson
From manufactured goods to signiicant possessions: theorising
the consumption of Late Roman pottery in Central Anatolia
Dragana Eremic
Coin inds beyond the Danube: functions of fourth century
Roman imperial coins within Sarmatian society
Gordana Ciric
The continuity of objects and landscapes from the Roman period
to the Medieval period in Serbia – reasons and meanings
Katherine M. Erdman
Votives and values: communicating with the supernatural
Eva M. Mol
The concept of Egypt in networks of being and becoming:
a thing theory approach to Egyptianised objects in Roman
domestic contexts
x
TRAC 2012: Programme
TRAC SESSION 7: GENERAL SESSION
Andreas Murgan
Heavy metal in hallowed contexts. Continuity and change in
Aes deposits in Central Italy
Nick Ray
Modelling Roman materialism
Stefanie Hoss
Recycling all metal? Towards a revised model of refuse
dumping patterns
Jay Ingate
Roman bridges with a native view: an exploration into how
traditionally ‘Romanised’ elements of the town interacted with
meaning-laden pre-historic waterscapes
Sylvie Barrier
How to quantify and analyse the Romanisation in internal
Gaul by the study of ine wares (200 B.C.–A.D. 50): new
methodological approaches and results
Jennifer Wehby
Agency and intent: production of ancient construction mortar
in Ostia (Italy)
TRAC SESSION 8: CONCEPTUALISING FRONTIER MARKETS. THE FREE MARKET,
IMPERIAL SUPPLY, AND EXPRESSIONS OF LOCAL IDENTITY
Session organisers: Tyler Franconi and Meike Weber
Tyler Franconi
New paths to economic theorisation of the Roman frontier
John Creighton
Financing the military: the supply of coin to the Roman
armies
Meike Weber
One army, one market, same supplies? Discussing regionality
in the organisation of frontier markets and military supply
Anthi Kaldeli
Trade and exchange in Roman Cyprus: relecting the economy
of the eastern frontier regions
Victoria Leitch
Pottery on the fringe: ceramic approaches for modelling
frontier markets
Ritual Landscapes of Pre-Roman Britain:
The Margins of Practice on the Margins of the Empire
Nicky Garland
Introduction
This paper examines the relationship between Pre-Roman Later Iron Age Britain and the
margins of the Roman Empire through the consideration of sites of ritual and mortuary
practise. The period under consideration is between the invasions of Britain by Caesar
in 55 and 54 B.C. and Claudius in A.D. 43. This period has been considered particularly
important in the formation of social, economic and political relationships between
Britain and Rome (Mattingly 2008; Creighton 2006).
The Pre-Roman Later Iron Age in Britain has been examined in detail by two
traditions of archaeologists; those who study Prehistory and those who study Roman
Britain. This has led to divergent ideas for the causes of change in this period, with the
emphasis normally based from a perspective of processes continuing form the Middle
Iron Age or from external inluences, either from Gaul or Rome (For the Iron Age period:
Haselgrove et al. 2007; For the Roman period: Creighton 2000; Mattingly 2008). While
these arguments appear clear, the archaeological evidence suggests a more indistinct
picture. A consideration of inluences from both prehistoric and continental sources
will allow a more comprehensive and holistic picture of the stimulus for change in this
period. In Britain this has been well considered in terms of the location of oppida and the
resettling of these locations as Roman towns in the post-conquest period (Rogers 2008).
This research considers both the relevance of the landscape in the prehistoric period and
the establishment of towns in locations after the Claudian conquest. This paper attempts
to examine internal and external inluences by centring on mortuary and ritual actions
in the Pre-Roman Late Iron Age; speciically what inluences were present earlier in
the Iron Age, how they were inluenced by examples known from Gaul and what this
can tell us about the reoccupation of the sites in the post conquest period. Ritual sites in
south-east Britain have traditionally been linked to those on the continent in form but
also material culture, as votive deposition e.g. coinage from Gaul and Rome. This has
often been considered as a social process detached from the economics associated with
trade between Britain and the continent. This paper shall examine how trade networks
and movement across the channel is part of a larger social and ritual process and provide
alternative explanations for the movement of these goods, rather than elite displays of
power or emulation of Roman styles.
This paper will examine and compare six sites, three located on the Southern coast of
Britain; at Hayling Island, Hampshire, Westhampnett and Lancing Down, West Sussex
and three along river courses in Northern Gaul, at Gournay-sur-Aronde, Ribemont-surAncre, Picardy and Acy Romance, Champagne-Ardenne. These sites have been chosen
as they have been directly compared with one another in the form of the structures and
material culture recovered and also provide an unusual cross section in relation to the
184
Nicky Garland
mortuary and ritual activities conducted on both sides of the channel. The examination of
these sites will allow the comparison of these activities as they relate to the amalgamation
of these areas into the Roman Empire, as well as their interrelationship in terms of trade
and movement across the channel.
Figure 1: Location of sites mentioned in the text
This paper combines the examination of the form and construction of these sites with
the study of socially constructed landscapes in order to explore these ideas. The details
of the form and construction of these sites shall be taken directly from published sources
of the excavations where applicable or from associated publications. The landscape
context of the sites was analysed by constructing an ArcGIS database of the study area,
including the creation of a digital elevation model using Satellite imagery. This database
provides an overhead image as well as a contour model at 30 metre intervals.
The landscape analysis includes both the study of the geographic position of these
sites within the landscape as well as their relationship to it, in terms of the signiicance
of social space and the natural environment (Bradley 2000). However, this will be
supplemented with the attempt to use aspects of sensory experience (Tilley 1994;
Thomas 2001) through bodily interaction with these locations in the landscape to aid
in the understanding of past societies (Bruck 2005). While now considered part of the
theoretical mainstream in studies of prehistory, there have been few attempts to use
experiential methods by Roman archaeologists and are thus still considered ‘marginal’
(Except Eckardt et al. 2009; Launaro 2004; Ghey 2005; Smith 2001; Witcher 1998). This
research attempts to test experiential method for the available evidence by comparing
the sites visited in Britain to those which have not been visited in France. Where I have
not been able to visit sites myself, I have attempted to supplement the information using
freely available technologies, such as Google Streetview, with varying levels of success.
The phenomenological observations have been supported with viewshed analysis
using ArcGIS, which has been completed for each of the six sites. These examples of
viewshed analysis provides a starting point from which a more detailed examination can
be accomplished (Llobera 2007).
Ritual Landscapes of Pre-Roman Britain
185
Hayling Island
The irst phase of the Late Iron Age timber shrine on Hayling Island was constructed
in the early irst century B.C., represented by a square post and wattle fence enclosing
a smaller square plank built fence (King et al. 2001, 111). These square enclosures had
east facing entrances and were focused around a large central pit (King et al. 2001).
The second phase, at some point in the early irst century A.D., saw the reconstruction
of the outer enclosure fence while the inner fence was replaced by a circular structure
remarkably similar to a ‘typical roundhouse’ of the period, traditionally thought of as
a domestic structure (King et al. 2001, 113). A large amount of votive offerings were
present at Hayling Island including coinage from Britain, Gaul and Rome, military
equipment, horse trappings, currency bars and human and animal bone (King et al.
2001, 116). Haselgrove’s recent analysis of the coinage from Hayling Island suggests
that continental coinage was predominate initially from its origins in the irst century
B.C. but that after the early irst century A.D. these issues decreased while Roman issues
increased. This suggests that initially there were strong ties with the regions bordering
the Seine, but that the reconstruction of the shrine in the mid to irst century heralded the
start of relations with Rome (Haselgrove 2005, 386–387).
Figure 2: Hayling Island – Viewshed analysis and plan. Key: light grey – early irst century
B.C., dark grey – early irst century A.D., white – mid irst century A.D.
186
Nicky Garland
The site was reused in the Early Roman period (60s or 70s A.D.) as the earlier
shrine was demolished and a Romano-Celtic Temple constructed in its place. This
temple mirrored the Late Iron Age layout with a square enclosing element surrounding
a circular stone tower (cella) with an eastern entrance. The central ‘roundhouse’ feature
was reconstructed as a tower, possibly reaching 10 metres in height, similar to an
example at Pirigueux, Dordogne. While the similarity of features between the Late Iron
Age and Early Roman phases might also suggest that the Late Iron Age structure had
a tower, there is little evidence to substantiate this and the size of the structure itself
suggests a more modest building.
The shrine/temple is located on an island and is therefore intimately linked to the
coastal regions. However, as the site is located on the northern half of the island, it
could be suggested that this connection was stronger with the coastal inlets to the east
and west. While the entrance of the temple faces east towards the Emsworth channel,
viewshed analysis of the site tends to suggest a western facing predisposition towards
the Langstone channel. The eastern entrance may be a relection of domestic structures
during this period, as seen in the comparable roundhouse plan, rather than representing
the intended direction of visibility to and from the complex. The construction of the
tall tower in the Early Roman period changed the relationship between this site and the
surrounding landscape with visual predominance towards the urban centre to the east
at Noviomagus Reginorum. As previously argued, the Roman town underneath modern
day Chichester was connected by road networks to ritual centres dating from the Late
Iron Age to the west, including St Pancras and Hayling Island temples (Garland 2012,
100). This follows the suggestion by Esmonde-Cleary (2005) that processional routes
extended from public arenas within urban contexts, such as the forum or amphitheatre,
to areas of ritual activity beyond the town. The visual prominence of the Early Roman
tower at Hayling Island temple may have acted as a visual marker indicating the direction
and destination of a processional route from the town.
Westhampnett
Westhampnett cemetery is one of the earliest datable Late Iron Age sites in Sussex,
established at the beginning of the irst century B.C. The Late Iron Age phase of this
cemetery represents one of the largest found in NW Europe, with evidence for 161
cremation graves, possibly four shrines and evidence for pyres and pyre related features.
The location of these different activities within the site suggests the division of mortuary
and ritual activities and the ‘zoning’ of areas to perform certain tasks, with graves located
to the west and pyre sites and shrines located to the east (Fitzpatrick et al. 1997, 14). An
example of this is the circular area of open space apparent to the west that cremation
burials have been placed around (Fitzpatrick et al. 1997, 234). While inds were limited
across the site, the assemblages associated with these structures were domestic wares
and suggest that offerings of food and drink perhaps formed a part of these rituals.
The Romano-British phase of the cemetery was established around A.D. 70,
potentially after a period of abandonment of the site (Fitzpatrick et al. 2008, 279). This
Ritual Landscapes of Pre-Roman Britain
187
phase was much more modest, with only thirty six cremated remains as well as pyre
related features uncovered; however, certain consistencies were also present. In this
period the burials were also located around a circular space, however, this was more
than just ‘conceptual’ and was physically constructed as a ring ditch (Fitzpatrick et al.
1997, 279). The lower density of burials led the excavators to interpret the cemetery as
representing the remains of a single family, some of which may have had generational
links to individuals buried there in the Late Iron Age (Fitzpatrick et al. 1997, 279).
The location of the cemetery within the landscape is in close proximity to a collection
of settlement sites that date to the Late Iron Age and Roman period, i.e. Copse Farm,
Oving. The excavators suggest that the site of the cemetery is at the peak of a low lying
hill that would have been prominent across the relatively lat area of the central Coastal
Plain (Fitzpatrick et al. 1997, 3). However, visibility analysis suggests that while the
cemetery would have been visible locally (up to 5 km) that it would not have been
visible across the entire Coastal Plain, possibly due to the height of the shrine structures.
The intervisibility of the site within the surrounding landscape is parallel to the location
of a series of farmsteads and therefore suggests that it provided a central focus to people
occupying this immediate area. Additionally, while the cemetery lies in close proximity
to the coastline (approximately 8.5 km) suggesting a connection to the sea, the viewshed
Figure 3: Westhampnett – Viewshed analysis and plan. Key: dark grey – early irst century
B.C.
188
Nicky Garland
analysis does not support a view extending to that distance. While this does not deinitely
indicate that there was no connection between the cemetery and the coastline, it does
suggest that the visibility was focused towards the areas of habitation which it served.
Lancing Down
Excavations at Lancing, West Sussex in the 1980s unveiled the remains of an area of
ritual space, deined primarily in the Late Iron Age and then again in the early post
conquest period (Bedwin 1981). The Late Iron Age phase was comprised of a small
shrine, measuring approximately 2 metres across, with a central posthole, that was
thought by the excavators to represent a small wooden structure (Bedwin 1981, 42).
This was succeeded by a much larger masonry temple, constructed in the traditional
Romano-Celtic style, although only a small part of the north-east corner was uncovered.
A contemporary circular temenos enclosure, initially comprised of a fence and later a
gully, surrounded the temple. The earlier phases of this enclosure may have dated to the
Late Iron Age, however, there is no dating evidence to support this (Bedwin 1981, 41–2).
While this phase of excavation revealed very little in the way of material remains, apart
from Late Iron Age and Early Roman pottery, excavations on the site in the early 19th
Figure 4: Lancing Down – Viewshed analysis and plan. Key: dark grey – late irst century
B.C., white – mid irst century A.D.
Ritual Landscapes of Pre-Roman Britain
189
century recovered Late Iron age and Roman pottery, coins, brooches, rings and combs
(Bedwin 1981, 37). Interestingly the inds from the 1980s excavation suggest that these
two phases were fairly continuous (Bedwin 1981, 46) suggesting a deliberate act of
reconstructing the shrine shortly after the Roman invasion.
The location of the site within the surrounding landscape is unusual. While the site
appears to overlook the Channel, direct visibility to the south from the archaeological
remains is blocked. This is because the site is located beyond the crest of a hill on the
South Downs ridge and instead only has strong views to the south-east and south-west,
as conirmed by the viewshed analysis. As such the site still has strong views towards
the coastline and its unusual positioning may be due to the location of settlement in
this period, underneath the modern town of Lancing, although further investigation
is required. The viewshed analysis also suggests some visibility eastwards towards
the river valley of the River Adur. The views towards the coastline and the river may
suggest a strong connection to watery contexts while maintaining an elevated position
in the South Downs.
Gournay-sur-Aronde
The temple at Gournay-sur-Aronde is a well cited example of ritual architecture in
Northern Gaul. Located in Picardy, the site has a long period of occupation from its
origins in the fourth to irst century B.C. The initial phase of the site, in the fourth
century B.C., consisted of a rectilinear enclosure, measuring approximately 45 by 38
metres (Webster 1995, 455). A second enclosure ditch was added in the late third to
early second century, approximately at the same time as a wooden structure, which
was subsequently reconstructed up until 30 B.C. (Webster 1996, 455). These wooden
structures were square in shape and were located within the centre of the enclosure
ditch. A Roman shrine, described by the excavators as a fanum, was installed overlying
the irst century B.C. shrine, but at a much later date, by the fourth century A.D.
Considering the lengthy period of time between these phases, the form and location
of each was unusually similar (Brunaux 1988, 16). This may suggest that this space
retained its importance, and that possibly its general layout was still visible, despite the
large gap in the archaeological record. The deposition of material on the site forms a
large, complex and spatially distinct group, including 3000 animal bones, which were
spatially designated between certain areas of the enclosure ditch and 2000 broken
weapons. These were presumably votive deposits placed in the enclosure ditch between
the fourth century and 30 B.C. (Webster 1996, 455).
The site lies in close proximity to the River Aronde, 500 metres to the south, along
the south facing slope of the river valley. The viewshed analysis of the site indicates a
limited visibility to the surrounding area, with predominance of views to the south-west
towards the low of the river, as well as general areas to the west. This again suggests a
close connection between the site and watery contexts but also importantly travel along
the river itself. Attempts to visualise the site using Google street view met with poor
results. The agricultural ield in which the site is located is bounded on the site by tree
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Nicky Garland
Figure 5: Gournay-sur-Aronde – Viewshed analysis and plan. Key: dark grey – fourth/third
century B.C., white – fourth century A.D.
lines and makes visibility and experience dificult to comprehend, apart from to suggest
the sloping nature of the terrain to the south.
Ribemont-sur-Ancre
The ritual complex at Ribemont-sur-Ancre, Picardy forms one of the largest and most
complex in Northern Gaul. The Iron Age phase of the complex includes a massive
enclosure ditch and bank, which by 200 B.C. was supplemented by two structures built
into the corners of the enclosure. These structures each measured approximately 1.65 m
square and were constructed using 2000 human bones around a central posthole illed
with cremated remains (Brunaux 1988, 16). They have each been interpreted as an
ossuary, however, they represent a unique mortuary tradition not comparable to other
known Iron Age sites (Webster 1996, 458). A consistent feature of this site is the votive
deposition of metal work along the edges of the enclosure ditch up to the period of the
Gallic wars (Webster 1996, 456). These inds are of a similar type to those deposited
at Gournay, including swords, shield bosses, belt chains and spear heads. This site was
succeeded by a massive Gallo-Roman cult complex, originated by the establishment of
Ritual Landscapes of Pre-Roman Britain
191
a single temple by 30 B.C. and added upon until its destruction at the end of the third
century A.D. This shows the continual importance of the site after the Roman invasion
of Gaul but also possibly its increasing importance, inluenced and contributed to by the
construction of further ritual elements.
The location of this site within the landscape mirrors some of the examples discussed
above. It was located on the south facing slope of a river valley overlooking the River
Ancre. The viewshed analysis suggests the site has a generally clear view along the
river valley to the east and west, as well as a strong visibility of a route from the site
immediately to the south to the river. Google Streetview images also indicate good views
to the south, however, it also illustrates that the site overlooks the modern town. Perhaps
the location of this settlement mirrored Iron Age settlement patterns, however, further
analysis is required. The archaeological evidence of the temple complex created in the
Roman period was orientated in this general direction suggesting a strong connection to
possible settlement contexts.
Figure 6: Ribemont-sur-Ancre – Viewshed analysis and plan. Key: light grey – second
century B.C., white – late irst century B.C.
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Nicky Garland
Acy Romance
The mortuary and ritual complex at Acy Romance is represented by two cemeteries,
each of which lank and overlook the contemporary settlement at La Warde (Fitzpatrick
2000, 20). One of these cemeteries, ‘La Croizetter’ was located on a limestone ridge
overlooking the settlement and consisted of a rectangular enclosure associated with
twenty eight cremation burials. The majority of these burials (twenty one) lay inside
the enclosure, as well as a large rectangular structure consisting of twelve postholes,
measuring approximately 9 metres in square. The structure was located around a central
pit containing cremated bone. Some of the earliest burials in this group originated in
the middle of the second century B.C., but over half dated between 120–110 and 70–60
B.C., at which time the enclosure and the shrine were constructed (Fitzpatrick 2000).
Evidence of brooches, belt chains and glass bracelets and anklets, as well as a signiicant
quantity of animal bone was recovered from within the burials. It has been suggested
was this material was placed within the body on the cremation pyre rather than being
deliberately deposited (Fitzpatrick 2000, 21). Additional to this complex, excarnated
remains have been found at the settlement of La Warde, as well as evidence of cremated
remains, from the irst century A.D.
Figure 7: Acy Romance – Viewshed analysis and plan. Key: dark grey – second century
B.C.
Ritual Landscapes of Pre-Roman Britain
193
The location of the site overlooks the modern settlement of Acy Romance, which
mirrors the location of the Iron Age settlement and is additionally conirmed by the
viewshed analysis. The location of the site along the River Aisne, mirrors the close
relationship of the sites described above to water bodies, however, the predominance
of vision is towards the south. This is illustrated by the images taken from Google
Streetview, although somewhat limited, which suggests the site slopes downwards to
the south. The vision to the north appears to illustrate that the site was not visible to the
settlement.
Form and Structure
Through the discussion of the six examples above, it is evident that each site illustrates
a unique combination of ritual and mortuary structure, which changed over time and
led to a variability of rites. For example, the Late Iron Age shrine at Haying Island also
contained evidence of mortuary rituals evident by the discovery of excarnated human
remains. The Early Roman reconstruction of the site saw the addition of a large tower,
massively altering the relationship, particularly visually, of the site to the surrounding
landscape. Conversely the site at Acy Romance was initially a place of burial, a rite
which continued, but was re-ordered within an enclosure and shrine complex.
Each of these sites had a complex and unique chronological development, constructed
and restructured, possibly in the relection of changing ideas of mortuary and ritual rites
from the Iron Age to Later Roman periods. However, signiicantly the locations of these
sites in the landscape were consistent. This indicates that perhaps while certain aspects
of the structure and form of these sites became less important over time, the location
was continually signiicant.
Votive deposits
The discussion of the votive deposition of material on these sites has traditionally been
viewed within the ritual or mortuary context which they were found, assuming a similar
value between the two despite its previous use or association. For example, the votive
deposition of animal bones or pottery are usually attributed as a grave good or as a part
of ritual consumption related to structured deposition. Alternatively the deposition of
disarticulated human remains suggests excarnation, and possibly cremation, as parallel
mortuary practises occurring as part of the ritual activities occurring on these sites.
Additionally the evidence for the deposition of human remains in nearby settlement
contexts, such as La Warde, possibly suggests a much wider reaching practise.
Coinage is of a particular interest as a representation of a votive deposit as well as
a product of value during its ‘lifetime’, particularly in building evidence for networks
of trade. The inclusion of coinage in the archaeological record at places of ritual
signiicance, both natural or humanly constructed, is well attested in the Late Iron Age,
including locations such as springs, bogs or boundaries (Haselgrove et al. 2005, 10). A
large quantity, as much as 27%, of coinage deposited in Gaul has ended up in a ritual
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Nicky Garland
context (Haselgrove et al. 2005, 10). As such coinage recovered from these contexts
can inform much about the ritual action that was undertaken there. For example the
deposition of Republican and Gallo-Belgic issues recovered from Hayling Island have
been described as ‘extreme’ by some and has led to the suggestion that distinctive cults
originating from the continent were practised there (Creighton 2000, 191–197). Despite
this, it has been suggested that it is dificult to ascertain the function and signiicance of
these coins during their ‘life spans’. While some coinage may have been restricted to a
ritual function during its lifetime, the analysis of the distribution of issues has determined,
to a certain extent, the circulation of various issues at a regional and inter-regional level
(Haselgrove et al. 2005, 22). However, it is still uncertain what other ‘spheres of activity
apart from ritual’ these coins were used for and by whom (Haselgrove et al. 2005,
22). A greater analysis of these two factors in conjunction may help to ascertain how
votive deposits became a part of ritual and mortuary contexts, potentially through the
functional networks of trade that were present during these periods.
Landscape location
The relationship between these sites and their location within the landscape has provided
some interesting consistencies. Each was related to a nearby settlement, whether due
to proximity, or through routeways or road networks, i.e. Hayling Island. Also many
of these sites, especially the examples in Gaul, were in prominent positions possibly
overlooking the surrounding landscape. Similarly each of the sites was closely associated
with ‘watery contexts’, such as the rivers or the sea, illustrated by their proximity to
these water bodies and the visual preference towards these locations. The sites in Gaul
predominantly overlooked rivers, while the British examples were closely related to
the channel. Recent research undertaken into the relationship between people and the
coastline in the British Iron Age, suggests that limited exploitation of marine resources
were undertaken and that instead these places were where ‘people evaluated the world’
through ritual action e.g. votive deposition (Willis 2007b, 123). The variance in the
proximity of these sites to water bodies potentially mirrors the variance in how these
relationships were structured, and further demonstrates the individual nature of these
sites.
The relationship of these sites to watery contexts should also be considered in
connection with the ‘reinvigoration’ of trading routes between Britain and the continent
in the irst century B.C. by Roman entrepreneurs in Gaul (Cunliffe 1988, 147). These
routes represent functional networks of trade, however, recent research has highlighted
the ‘concept of trade as a fundamentality social activity’ which is grounded the
interactions between people (Bauer et al. 2010, 13). Trade can act as a method for the
exchange of goods as well as the facilitation of ‘information, ideas and values’ (Bauer
et al. 2010, 19). For example, Van de Noort argues for the ritualization of processes that
involve sea faring, including the wrecking of boats in meaningful locations such as areas
of votive deposition or river crossings. He suggests that boats were operated to transport
the functional, such as goods or people, or the ideological, such as ideas, including those
Ritual Landscapes of Pre-Roman Britain
195
of ritual practise (Van de Noort 2012, 528). Considering the crossing of the channel as
a ritual action connects the ritual sites of Britain and Gaul both through the trade of
physical material used as votive deposits, and the transfer of ideas and values, by the
interaction of people as they move through the landscape (Bauer et al. 2010, 22)
Relationship to the Roman Empire
So how does this analysis of Late Iron Age ritual sites expand our knowledge of Britain
as a province in the Roman Empire? Research has suggested that the importance of
watery contexts was just as relevant in the Roman period, in terms of the location of
votive deposition and the siting of Roman towns. Rogers has argued the importance
of watery and symbolic locations in the Late Iron Age inluenced the location of the
towns of Roman Britain, in parallel to functional reasons, such as defensibility and the
pre-existing importance of these sites as areas of central control (2008, 53). Towns were
situated as part of ‘meaning laden’ landscapes, in which phenomenological aspects, such
as the position of these sites in the landscape, were considered as important as in the
Late Iron Age (Rogers 2012, 646). The reasoning for this continuity has been suggested
was to integrate towns within the existing cultural landscape which could have given
them ‘a claim to legitimacy’ while equally plugging them into ‘the power of the place’
(Willis 2007a, 162).
The siting of elements of ritual or mortuary practise could equally be ascribed. The
location of these sites remained constant from the Late Iron Age to the Early Roman
period and as such the varying ritual and mortuary practises remained part of their
own ‘meaning laden’ landscapes. Furthermore, the connection between ritual sites and
networks of trade suggest that these landscapes were connected to areas further aield
through physical objects, as well as ideas and belief structures. The connection to watery
contexts for both ritual and urban contexts further ascribes the importance of, and the
close relationship between the two.
Previous interpretation has suggested the consistency in the location of these sites
was a deliberate strategy by the Roman Empire, whether directly or by local elites, to
reoccupy indigenous locations to illustrate the dominance of the Empire and imprint
their authority on areas that held meaning to conquered peoples. However, these
interpretations fail to appreciate the complexity of the evidence. The examination of
the six sites discussed above has illustrated not only the alteration in form of each over
time but also the complex differentiation, or even contradiction, of the reconstruction
of each of the sites in the Roman period. For example, the ossuary and enclosure site at
Ribemont-sur-Ancre formed the precursor for a massive Gallo-Roman complex while
at Westhampnett the Late Iron Age cemetery became smaller although sharing the
consistency of circular space.
A ‘middle ground’ interpretation of the evidence seeks to examine the role of both
Britain and the Empire in the changes occurring in this period (Gosden 2004). Gosden
(2004, 31) has argued that the south-east of Britain was exposed to Roman and GalloRoman values through trade with the continent and vice versa, well before its integration
196
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as a Roman province. To what extent people in Britain had adopted aspects of Roman
living by the Claudian invasion is debatable, however, connections between Britain and
the continent are evident within the examination of ritual and mortuary sites i.e. the
movement of material used for votive deposits. While each of the sites discussed above
is unique in its form and structure, especially as they were reconstructed in the Roman
period, there are also striking similarities in the situation of these sites. This suggests
that ritual and mortuary activities were undertaken within their own meaning laden
landscapes which integrally involved the exchange of ritual and mortuary concepts
across the Channel.
This paper forms an initial stage of analysis that could be further explored through
the consideration of a larger selection of sites both in Southern Britain and Northern
Gaul and a more detailed analysis of the relationship between these sites and associated
settlements. Similarly through tracing patterns of the movements of artefacts from ritual
and mortuary sites, a greater understanding of the movement of ideas could begin to
emerge.
Institute of Archaeology, University College London
Acknowledgements
This paper forms part of the research for my doctoral thesis at the Institute of Archaeology,
University College London. I wish to thank my supervisor, Professor Sue Hamilton, for
her advice and for commenting on earlier drafts of this paper. I would like to thank
Joanne Ball of the University of Liverpool for organizing the ‘Roman Archaeology on
the Margins’ session at this year’s TRAC in Frankfurt, of which this paper formed a
part and the Institute of Archaeology, UCL who provided me with a grant in order to
attend. Finally I would like to thank my partner, Lesley Davidson, who undertook the
illustrations for this paper and travelled with me to Frankfurt to attend the session.
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