An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored
Ten Essays on a Drawing
Contents
Preface 4
Sjarel Ex
Introduction 6
Friso Lammertse, Albert J. Elen
1 The Discovery 8
Friso Lammertse
2 Notes on the Material Aspects 24
Arie Wallert, Birgit Reissland, Luc Megens
3 Two Papers and a Watermark 36
Albert J. Elen
4 The Use of Goldpoint and Silverpoint in the Fifteenth Century 44
An Van Camp
5 Attribution, Style and Date 58
Fritz Koreny
6 Reflections, Models and Possible Function 70
Guido Messling
7 Copying and Beyond: the Multiple Functions of Early Netherlandish Drawings 80
Stephanie Buck
8 Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing 94
Till-Holger Borchert
9 The Drawing and Colour 108
Stephan Kemperdick
10 The Relationship Between the Rotterdam Drawing and the New York Painting 116
Maryan W. Ainsworth
Summary of Methods for Examination of the Drawing 134
Notes 142
Bibliography 152
Biographies 158
museum van
boijmans beuningen
Contents
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
2
Contents
3
Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the
Context of the Drawing
Only some twenty paintings by Jan van Eyck, dating from around 1430 to
1441, have survived, and not all of them have been universally accepted.1 In
addition to this core of the artist’s oeuvre, there are several known paintings
produced by members of Jan van Eyck’s workshop either during his lifetime
or within about a decade after his death.2 Works by anonymous followers
and/or copyists have also been linked – to a greater or lesser degree – with
lost compositions and/or motifs by Van Eyck, the existence of which are
not always corroborated by archival documents or other sources, however.3
It is not surprising that drawings have played a prominent role in the
investigation of lost works by Van Eyck in the context of what in German
is referred to as Kopienkritik and what – in the case of Van Eyck – has been
practised in the pioneering studies of Friedrich Winkler and Otto Pächt.4
It is useful to define different categories when discussing the drawings
that have been associated with Van Eyck.5 Analogous to paintings, drawings
can perhaps best be classified into four different groups: the first consists
of authentic drawings by either Jan or Hubert van Eyck, and the second
comprises drawings that were produced in the workshop either during the
artist’s lifetime or after his death in 1441.The third group of drawings is
made up of drawn copies after Eyckian motifs or compositions and should
be further split up into copies by near contemporaries and those by later
followers. Two silverpoint drawings that copy Van Eyck’s lost Maelbeke
Madonna from the Collegiate Church of St Martin in Ypres, for example, can
best be classified as early copies that were produced shortly after Van Eyck’s
death.6 The fourth and last group comprises drawings formerly attributed to
or associated with Van Eyck but since rejected as they bear no relation to the
master and his workshop.
Unsurprisingly, most of the drawings relevant to Van Eyck come into
the last two categories, and it is therefore the first two that present the major
challenges in terms of attribution, dating and function. Only one drawing
that is universally accepted as an autograph work by Jan van Eyck survives:
this is the metalpoint drawing of an old man in the Kupferstich-Kabinett in
Dresden (fig. 61).7 With its meticulous descriptive notes that address aspects
of the sitter’s appearance and skin colour, this drawing is as remarkable
as it is unique.8 By sheer coincidence it can be linked to an extant portrait
in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, which was identified in a
seventeenth-century source as the portrait of Cardinal Niccolò Albergati
(1375-1443), the papal legate at the conference in Arras in 1435 (fig. 62).9
It is possible that Van Eyck sketched the sitter from life and then made a
detailed drawing that was used by him and his workshop to produce the
painted portrait. Two or three different metalpoints were used, clarifying and
correcting outlines and carefully modelling the cardinal’s physiognomy by
means of subtle hatching.10 The use of different metalpoints for subsequent
Some Eyckian Drawings
and Miniatures in the Context of
the Drawing
Till-Holger Borchert
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
94
Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing
95
stages of the drawing process may suggest that the Dresden drawing was
an elaborate working drawing rather than an initial record of the sitter’s
likeness. A silverpoint was used to delineate the contours of the face and
bust before the hair was added, and the face was modelled by means of subtly
hatched shadows. A horizontal line at the lower edge of the sheet indicates
the picture frame. In the second stage, a different silverpoint with a higher
copper content was used to indicate the shadow of the sitter’s head against
a plain background to establish the tonal modelling of the head and create a
sense of space and depth. Goldpoint was then used for a last reinforcement
of contours and for the meticulous inscription that was added in the final
stage.11 Van Eyck’s authentic drawing in Dresden does not lend itself easily to
a critical assessment of the Eyckian Crucifixion, first shown in public in 2012
in Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen and recently acquired by the museum.12
Like the portrait drawing in Dresden, the Rotterdam Crucifixion is highly
unusual. Its close relationship with the Crucifixion of the Eyckian New York
diptych, its extraordinary character and, finally, the fact that chemical analysis
has shown that both goldpoint and silverpoint were used simultaneously –
exactly like the Dresden drawing – provide welcome arguments for proposing
an attribution of the drawing not only to Van Eyck’s workshop but to the master
himself.13 However, the absence of a systematic study comparing the chemical
composition of metalpoints used in fifteenth-century Northern drawings makes
the technical argument, at least, less than compelling.
Fig. 61
Jan van Eyck,
Portrait of Cardinal
Niccolò Albergati,
c. 1435, Metalpoint,
chalk on prepared
paper, 214 x 181 mm
Dresden, Staatliche
Kunstsammlungen,
Kupferstich-Kabinett
The Rotterdam Crucifixion and its New York Counterpart
The draughtsman’s detailed approach to composition and iconography
is unparalleled in Northern drawings of the fifteenth and early sixteenth
centuries and poses a problem that concerns the original function of the
drawing. Was the Crucifixion intended as a detailed design or vidimus for
a painting, or is it a meticulous copy after an existing composition? These
questions and those concerning the drawing’s authorship and dating are just
three of the challenges presented by the Rotterdam Crucifixion. Regardless
of its status as an authentic work by Van Eyck, a work from the master’s
workshop or a later copy by a follower after a lost work by Van Eyck, the
comparison between the Rotterdam drawing and the New York painting
provides the key to a better understanding of their relationship.14
The drawing is squarer than the painting in New York. It presents the
motifs in a composition with more conventional proportions than the elongated painted version. The two share the same groups of figures, such as the
mourning women and the horsemen below the cross, but their arrangement
and position within the composition is different. Several motifs from the
painting appear in an altered form or even reversed in the drawing, where they
are combined in a different way. Since the drawing uses the same repertoire
and motifs as the New York Crucifixion, it could be considered as a pastiche.
While, arguably, such pastiche-like use of Eyckian motifs can be linked to some
paintings produced in the first decades of the sixteenth century,15 it cannot
be used as an argument for a late dating since the combination of different
Eyckian motifs is also a characteristic feature of the miniatures in the TurinMilan Hours and several paintings produced by Van Eyck’s workshop.16
Fig. 62
Jan van Eyck,
Portrait of
Cardinal Niccolò
Albergati, 1438,
oil on panel, 34.1
x 27.3 cm, Vienna,
Kunsthistorisches
Museum
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
96
Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing
97
Fig. 63
Workshop of Jan van Eyck, Prayer of a Traveller, 1440-5,
tempera on parchment, c. 290 x 190 mm (leaf), formerly
Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino
Fig. 64
Workshop of Jan van Eyck, Coup de Lance, 1440-5,
tempera on parchment, c. 290 x 190 mm (leaf), formerly
Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino
A noteworthy detail in this context concerns the two soldiers on the
right side of the New York Crucifixion just above the figure of the grieving
Magdalene. They are seen from the back and seem to direct the viewer’s gaze
from the grieving figures in the foreground towards the crucifixion in the
centre of the scene. Both soldiers reappear on the left side of the Rotterdam
drawing, but are partially hidden behind a rock (figs. 82, 83). One of the
soldiers is depicted again in one of the lost miniatures from the Turin-Milan
Hours, on the left side of a miniature that decorated a prayer for those in
danger. The illuminator – a member of the posthumous workshop of Jan van
Eyck – depicts a praying man on horseback as well as robbing and murdering
brigands at the edge of a forest (fig. 63). In addition to the motif of the soldier
seen from the back, the miniature also quotes one of the horses in the Ghent
Altarpiece.17
Stylistic Differences
How, then, does the drawing relate to the painting in New York? Does it copy
the painting or is the painting partially based on the motifs in the drawing?
Traditionally the Crucifixion and Last Judgment of the New York diptych
were either considered early works by Van Eyck or dismissed from his
oeuvre altogether.18 In 1983, however, Hans Belting and Dagmar Eichberger
suggested that the stylistic differences between the two panels and Jan van
Eyck’s Marian paintings were caused by the specific decorum of ‘narrative’
iconography on the one hand and iconic representations on the other. They
persuasively argued that Jan van Eyck’s early work was ‘narrative’ in character
and changed to the static representations during the last decade of his life.19
However, it is also possible – or in fact more likely – that Van Eyck and
his workshop used an appropriate manner of representation as and when
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
98
required by either the subject or the client, and therefore produced ‘narrative’
and ‘iconic’ images at the same time. From this perspective, it is no longer
necessary to entertain an early date for the New York diptych and a late dating
becomes possible. A late dating towards the end of Jan van Eyck’s life could
explain why the upper part of the Last Judgment was entrusted to an assistant
who had clearly been trained as an illuminator.20 The fact that we encounter
a distinct second hand – a hand that obviously bases his figures on Eyckian
models – seems to indicate that work on the two paintings was interrupted
by the death of the master and resumed later by the workshop that was also
engaged in the illumination of the Turin-Milan Hours.21
The presumed late dating of the New York Crucifixion allows us to
consider the possibility that the composition of the drawing – not the
drawing itself – may actually have preceded the painted version rather than
being a copy of it. One argument in favour of this hypothesis is the fact that
the composition of the drawing is a more conventional arrangement of the
traditional iconographical motifs and represents a unified image, whereas the
narrow, elongated composition of the painting clearly separates the figures
in the foreground from those behind. The spatial concept of the drawing, on
the other hand, is simpler and far less sophisticated than the superb sense of
illusionistic depth in the painting. Could it be that the drawing records an
earlier Crucifixion by Van Eyck, one that the master himself adapted to the
formal needs when working on the New York painting?
The drawing’s links to other Eyckian crucifixions provide arguments
which support this assumption. The Berlin Crucifixion, for example, is
similar to the drawing in its schematic approach of the architecture of
Jerusalem and the relative lack of spatial distance. Furthermore, the body
of Christ is conceived in a similar manner and the grimacing expression of
mourning is also seen in the drawing.22 Two miniatures in the Turin-Milan
Hours that represent different events from the crucifixion are likewise
related. The miniature of the Coup de lance from the destroyed part of the
manuscript seems to be based on a composition not unlike the one in the
drawing, although the figures are conceived in a more modern way and are
much reduced in numbers (fig. 64). This miniature by a follower of Van
Eyck is in fact based on the Crucifixion miniature that is still preserved in
the extant part, the missal, and can be attributed to a collaborator of Van
Eyck known as the Chevrot Master (fig. 65).23 The impressive yet schematic
silhouette of Jerusalem in the early miniature was carefully duplicated
in the later miniature and was also copied in a painted Crucifixion from
the Van Eyck workshop now in the Ca’ d’Oro in Venice.24 In both the
miniature and the painting, the mournful physiognomy of St John recalls
the facial expressions of the drawing and may indicate a loose connection.
In addition, the body of Christ and the grimacing physiognomy can also be
detected in a Southern European crucifixion. This Crucifixion, at one time
in the Henschel Collection, formerly attributed to Antonello da Messina and
now believed to be the work of an anonymous painter from Valencia, echoes
Eyckian motifs.25
Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing
99
Fig. 65
Chevrot Master,
Crucifixion,
1440-45, tempera on
parchment,
c. 290 x 19 mm
(leaf), plaats?
Fig. 66
Detail of figures
on the lower right
in the Rotterdam
Crucifixion
Original or Copy?
I have established the Eyckian character of the Rotterdam drawing and raised
the question of its recording a lost composition that preceded the Crucifixion
in New York, but have not yet said anything about the drawing’s attribution.
The fact that it is an invention by Van Eyck does not necessarily mean that
the drawing was actually made in Van Eyck’s workshop, let alone by the
artist himself. Unfortunately the comparison with Van Eyck’s only authentic
drawing proves useless in this case. The fundamental differences that exist
between the drawings in terms of scale, setting and function are serious
obstacles to a sound attribution of the Rotterdam Crucifixion to Van Eyck.
The unique position of the Rotterdam drawing among the surviving
fifteenth-century Netherlandish drawings makes it difficult to establish
its precise position in the artistic process. The vigorous interest in details
is unusual both for an original invention and for the majority of drawings
copied after existing works.26 The Crucifixion reproduces every single detail
such that it almost feels as though the draughtsman devoted more time
and energy to his meticulous recording of marginal details, such as plants,
garments and rock surfaces, than to the depiction of faces and the correct
representation of human proportions. In the almost obsessive urge not to
miss any detail the Crucifixion has, in my view, all the ingredients of a copy.
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
100
But even if the drawing could be related to Jan van Eyck or his workshop, a
few questions need to be answered. Is it really safe to assume that Van Eyck
would have devoted a great deal of time to rendering the rocks, plants and
stones, or indicating with simple hatches the darker colour of the beams of
the Cross? If, on the other hand, the drawing was intended as a ricordo of Van
Eyck’s composition that was to remain in the workshop as a model for future
commissions, would it have been necessary and useful to go into details to
such a great extent? What should we make of the cursory zones of hatching
that indicate a larger area of shade below the horses? Would members of
Van Eyck’s workshop really have needed reminding of such rather obvious
aspects of the composition in order to faithfully reproduce or recreate their
master’s invention in paint? I have my doubts about it, but have to admit that
other drawings that supposedly copy works by Jan Van Eyck do not show a
similar interest in details.27
Fig. 67
Detail of figures on
the left and right in
the Antwerp
St Barbara
Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing
101
If contrasted with Van Eyck’s St Barbara (fig. 3) – the only work by the master
that can arguably be used to compare the artistic approaches – it becomes clear
that the drawing style of the Rotterdam Crucifixion differs substantially from a
work that documents a working stage somewhere between the underdrawing
and initial underpainting.28 Furthermore, the underdrawing of St Barbara
is executed with brushes of different sizes, not metalpoint, and this has a
significant impact on certain aspects of the drawing style.29 On the other hand,
the figure scale of the panel is quite similar to the drawing, at least when
considering the secondary figures on either side of the saint (figs. 66, 67).
Details of the architecture and the landscape in the panel are also similar to
the drawing, but the surface of the rocks and the more summary approach to
Fig. 68
Detail of the rocks
in the Rotterdam
Crucifixion and
in the Antwerp St
Barbara
Fig. 69
Detail of the
architecture in
the Rotterdam
Crucifixion and
in the Antwerp St
Barbara
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
102
the architecture are very different (figs. 68, 69). Surfaces are sketchy and less
detailed and the figures are drawn more freely. The Antwerp panel displays
bold and efficient lines in very much the same way as Van Eyck’s painted
surfaces. Although the anecdotal approach towards figures is similar, this
is a matter not of style but of pictorial language which, I would argue, the
draughtsman of the Crucifixion tries to emulate.
The Crucifixion and Book Illuminations
In my view the comparison between St Barbara and the Rotterdam drawing
rules out an attribution of the drawing to the artist himself, but we still have
to discuss a possible origin in Van Eyck’s workshop or entourage. However,
the more important question concerns the intended function of the Rotterdam
drawing and the remarkable fact of its survival. Both Arie Wallert and Guido
Messling have correctly observed that the main outlines of the drawing have
been incised to create a tracing, so that the composition could be duplicated
by mechanical means.30 It is also clear that this could not have been the
original purpose of the drawing since the marked gap between the amount of
incisions on one hand and the extensively drawn details on the other would
seem to contradict this notion. While the incisions cover the composition
in detail, neither the indication of the surface values of the rocks nor the
larger zones of hatching would really make sense, and they would not have
been part of the transfer process. It seems highly unlikely, therefore, that the
drawing was produced as a model that could be reproduced, even though it
fulfilled precisely this function at some point in its history. As I have pointed
out, the composition in the drawing can be linked to miniatures in the TurinMilan Hours that were illuminated by members of Van Eyck’s workshop
and by followers, and it is in the context of the manuscript that the transfer
of motifs and backgrounds is commonly encountered.31 It therefore seems a
valid possibility to situate the drawing in the milieu of manuscript painters
who were active in Van Eyck’s workshop and continued working on the
illuminations in the Turin-Milan Hours after the artist’s death in 1441.
A major argument for this hypothesis is the fact – already referred to
by Messling – that the drawing’s composition or significant motifs in it
can be found in Flemish manuscript illuminations.32 The link between the
Crucifixion in the Grimani Breviary and the Crucifixion in New York has
been noted for some time, but it is actually the composition of the painting,
not the drawing, that is emulated in the miniature.33 It would be convenient
if it were possible to link the drawing directly to the miniature, but a number
of changes – the proportions of the image have been altered, the architectural
background has been modernized, the mourners have been replaced by dicing
soldiers, and, finally, the crucifixion is depicted as a night scene – rule out
the possibility that the miniature attributed to the Master of James IV of
Scotland was based on the traced drawing.
Furthermore, motifs in the drawing’s composition had been used in
earlier miniatures of the Crucifixion, especially in the Prayer Books of Philip
the Good and Charles the Bold.34 Both books of hours were illuminated in
Ghent by the miniature painter Lieven van Lathem and contain crucifixion
miniatures that – to a greater or lesser degree – depict motifs that also recur at
Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing
103
Fig. 70
Lieven van Lathem,
Crucifixion,
c. 1469/70, Prayer
Book of Charles the
Bold, tempera on
parchment,
c. 124 x 92 mm (leaf),
Los Angeles, J. Paul
Getty Museum
Fig. 71
Workshop of Jan van Eyck, Christ Carrying the Cross,
1440-5, tempera on parchment, c. 290 x 190 mm (leaf),
formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino
least indirectly in the Eyckian prototype and/or the drawing. The Crucifixion
in the Prayer Book of Philip the Good (fig. 49) is more closely related to Van
Eyck’s prototype than the one in the Book of Hours for Charles the Bold
(fig. 70), but both are eclipsed by the Crucifixion in the Grimani Breviary,
which resembles the Eyckian prototype most closely (fig. 4).35
There can be little doubt that Lieven van Lathem had first-hand
knowledge of compositions and motifs by Jan van Eyck. His knowledge
seems to have gone beyond occasional encounters with Van Eyck’s paintings
and he may have had direct access to drawings and models from Van Eyck’s
workshop. As a manuscript painter active in Ghent, Van Lathem would
probably have had contact with at least some of the illuminators who had
worked on the final campaign of the Turin-Milan Hours. Other miniatures by
Van Lathem, such as Christ Carrying the Cross in the Prayer Book of Philip
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
104
Fig. 72
Lieven van Lathem, Christ Carrying the Cross, c. 1465,
Prayer Book of Philip the Good, tempera on parchment,
184 x 128 mm, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France
the Good, which might be based on the same scene in the Turin-Milan Hours,
betray his knowledge of Eyckian models (fig. 71, 72).36 In this respect it is
important to note that the Master of Evert Zoudenbalch, whose miniatures
resemble those of the followers of Van Eyck in the Turin-Milan Hours, also
modelled his miniature of the Crucifixion in the Hours of Jan van Amerongen
on the Eyckian Crucifixion.37 Antoine De Schryver has already suggested
that Van Lathem might actually have based his composition on models of the
Zoudenbalch Master who in turn was clearly influenced by Van Eyck and
followers such as the Llangattock Master.38
The question as to whether Van Lathem accessed Eyckian models
directly or indirectly is less significant than the fact that he had such access.
And it is entirely in accordance with our understanding of the complex
forms of collaboration among late medieval book illuminators in Flanders to
assume that miniature workshops were prime channels for the dissemination
of patterns and motifs and the circulation of Eyckian inventions in the Low
Countries. I would therefore suggest that the Rotterdam Crucifixion may have
been kept – and most probably produced – in the entourage of those artists
who finished the Turin-Milan hours in the 1450s and early 1460s, and who
seem to have had extended access to model drawings, if not by Van Eyck
himself then at least those produced by members of his workshop. After all, it
is in this specific context that we actually encounter exact replicas of Eyckian
compositions both in the Turin-Milan Hours and elsewhere, especially in
terms of architectural details.39
A similar context can be suggested for the drawing of the Coronation of
the Virgin in the Albertina (fig. 73); it has been associated with Jan van Eyck
by Joshua Bruyn, Otto Pächt and Volker Herzner, who related its composition
Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing
105
Fig. 76
Master of the
Llangattock
Hours,
Annunciation,
c. 1450, The
Llangattock
Hours, tempera
on parchment,
285 x 185 mm
(leaf), Los
Angeles, J. Paul
Getty Museum
Fig. 73
Follower of Jan van
Eyck (Master of the
Llangattock Hours),
Coronation of the
Virgin, c. 1450,
metalpoint on paper,
180 x 283 mm,
Vienna, Albertina
Fig. 74
Follower of Jan van
Eyck, The Fountain
of Life, c. 1450, oil
on panel, 181 x 119
cm, Madrid, Museo
Nacional del Prado
to the Fountain of Life painting in the Prado (fig. 74).40 The architecture
of the celestial throne in the drawing and the gothic baldachin of God the
Father in the Prado painting are similar. The similarity, however, is not close
enough to establish a direct link between the drawing and the painting by an
anonymous collaborator or follower of Van Eyck. Once more, the miniatures
of Van Eyck’s followers in the Turin-Milan Hours provide a missing link.
The architecture in the burned miniature God the Father under a Baldachin
(fig. 75) is more closely related to both the Fountain of Life and to the
drawing.41 The miniature, possibly by the Llangattock Master, seems to reflect
their common model. I believe it is possible to link the drawing stylistically
to one of the Eyckian successors who finished the Turin-Milan Hours.42 The
figures and physiognomies of the Virgin, the Angel and God the Father in the
Albertina drawing are stylistically closely related to the Annunciation in the
Master of the Llangattock Hours (fig. 76).43 It may prove significant that
– as was the case with the Albergati drawing and the Rotterdam Crucifixion –
one can clearly detect with the unaided eye that two different metalpoints
are combined in the Albertina Coronation of the Virgin.
Given the paucity of the evidence, conclusions are difficult to draw.
However, the role in the dissemination of Van Eyck’s pictorial ideas played
by the miniature painters who took over the task of completing the TurinMilan Hours from Van Eyck’s workshop long after the master’s death was
apparently more important than has hitherto been realized.
Fig. 75
Workshop of
Jan van Eyck,
God the
Father under
a Baldachin,
1440-5, tempera
on parchment,
c. 290 x 190 mm
(leaf), formerly
Turin, Biblioteca
Nazionale
Universitaria di
Torino
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
106
Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing
107
explored in Weekes 2004, pp. 47-49,
figs. 40-41. http://www.bl.uk/
catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/
record.asp?MSID=7905&CollID=8&N
Start=1662
6 - Nürnberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, inv. no. HZ
279/645, 134 x 102 mm; Vienna,
Albertina, inv. no. 4841, 278 x 180
mm; see Bruges 2010, nos. 27-28,
pp. 153-55; see also Vienna 2013, p. 24.
39 - Weekes 2004, p. 47.
15 - One example is the composition
that can be linked to Van Eyck’s Christ
Bearing the Cross (cf. New York 1998,
pp. 107-09) and the Budapest Christ
Carrying the Cross, see Rotterdam
2012, p. 307; see also De Schryver
2007, pp. 207-11.
commissioned by Jean Chevrot,
Bishop of Tournai (Brussels, Royal
Library of Belgium, Ms. 9015, fol. 1v);
see Châtelet 1993, pp. 77-79, who
refers to the Master of Augustinus;
König 1998, p. 266; Brussels/Paris
2011, no. 18.
ultimately derived from Van Eyck’s
own miniature of the Mass for the
Dead, see König 1998, pp. 115-16,
118, 217.
43 - Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty
Museum, Ms Ludwig IX 7 (83.
ML.103). Los Angeles/London 2003,
pp. 88-89.
32 - Messling in Rotterdam 2012,
pp. 303-04.
9 The Drawing and Colour
16 - The work known as the
Rothschild Madonna in the Frick
Collection, New York, is a good
example of how motifs known from
various panels by Van Eyck were
combined in a different context to
create a new composition; Bruges
2010, p. 150.
24 - On the panel in Venice see Bruges
2002, no. 34, and Borchert 2008, p. 86.
33 - Biblioteca Marciana, Mr. Lat. I.
99, fol 138v; see De Schryver, 2007,
p. 212.
7 - Dresden 2005, pp. 61-67.
40 - Weekes 2004. For the use of
printed images in manuscripts see also
importantly Schmidt 2003. See also
footnote 35 with reference to Lehrs
who notes examples of prints in early
book contexts. See also Elen in this
volume.
41 - For Van Eyck’s workshop, see
Jones 1998. In the introduction the
questions of the workshop are clearly
and very usefully set out.
42 - Lehrs, 1908, vol. 1, pp. 7-8: ‘If one
wishes to describe in broad terms the
path taken by Northern engraving from
its beginnings onwards, it becomes
increasingly likely that at the time
of the Van Eyck brothers, the great
pioneers of Netherlandish painting, it
was already being practised – even if
not born there – within the sphere of
influence of the art-loving Dukes of
Burgundy.’ (‘Will man die Bewegung,
die der nordische Kupferstich von
seiner Quelle an genommen, in großen
Zügen characterisieren, so gewinnt die
Wahrscheinlichkeit immer mehr festen
Boden, daß er zur Zeit der großen
Bahnbrecher der niederländischen
Malerei, der Brüder van Eyck, innerhalb der Machtsphäre der kunstsinnigen Herzoge von Burgund, wenn
nicht geboren, so doch bereits geübt
wurde.’) Translation by Steven
Lindberg.
8 Some Eyckian Drawings and
Miniatures in the Context of the
Drawing
1 - Dhanens 1980, pp. 374-91;
Borchert 2008, pp. 17-67.
2 - Dhanens 1980, pp. 346-73;
Borchert 2008, pp. 69-91; see also
Rotterdam 2012, pp 105-08.
3 - See Dhanens 1980, pp. 124-74,
206-11, 252-53, 293, 307, 310-15.
4 - Winkler 1916; 1929; 1955b,
pp. 237-46; 1955a, pp. 90-95; 1964;
Pächt 1953; 1956; Bruyn 1957; see
most recently Stephan Kemperdick,
‘Copies after Van Eyck and his
Predecessors’, in Rotterdam 2012, pp.
80-81.
5 - See also Buck 2000.
8 - For the inscription see Dierick
2000.
9 - On Albergati’s role in Arras see
Dickinson 1955, pp. 78-102, esp.
pp. 79-86.
10 - Ketelsen, Reiche, Simon 2005;
I. Reiche, S. Merchel, T. Ketelsen,
O. Simon, ‘Alc ixh xan. Zum
zeichnerischen Kalkül Jan van Eycks’,
in Dresden 2005, pp. 8-21.
11 - For a more detailed discussion of
the working process and its relation
to Van Eyck’s painted portraits see
Borchert 2012.
12 - Rotterdam 2012, no. 26. I first
saw the Crucifixion in the spring of
2002 during the Bruges exhibition Jan
van Eyck, the Flemish Primitives and
the South, 1430-1530. The owners
considered it an authentic work by
Jan van Eyck when they showed it
to me and my colleague Manfred
Sellink. The conditions during our
examination were far from optimal.
The drawing was in its frame, behind
glass, and its poor state of preservation
– especially the thick, darkened and
in places quite opaque intermediate
layer – made it difficult to assess
its qualities. Consequently we were
not able to distinguish the lines in
metalpoint reinforced with pen or
brush and ink, nor did we realize
that some contours had actually been
incised for transfer. Manfred Sellink
thought the drawing was sixteenth
century and related it to the growing
interest in Early Netherlandish Art in
the period of Pieter Bruegel the Elder.
Because of its intriguing similarities to
the New York diptych, I concluded it
dated from the early sixteenth century,
when painters like Gerard David were
rediscovering Van Eyck, and included
it in my catalogue raisonné of Jan Van
Eyck (forthcoming).
13 - See Messling in Rotterdam 2012,
no. 80; an attribution to Van Eyck was
first suggested by Arie Wallert, see
Wallert 2013.
14 - See Maryan Ainsworth’s
discussion regarding the possible
reconstruction of the two panels in
New York as wings of a triptych in
this volume. See also Ainsworth 2012;
Jones 2014, pp. 37-38.
17 - Formerly in the Turin part, fol.
71v; König 1998, p. 141.
18 - See for example Dvořák 1925,
pp. 106-12; Baldass 1956, pp. 77-83;
Pächt 1989, pp. 191-95; Borchert
2008, pp. 77-90; Reynolds 2000 has
argued against the attribution of the
miniatures to Van Eyck, and is most
recently supported in this view by
Jones 2014, p. 42, and Krinsky 2014.
19 - Belting, Eichberger 1983,
pp. 113-43.
20 - See Buck 1995; Ainsworth in
New York 1998, pp. 86-89; Borchert
2008, pp. 77-89, esp. 86-89.
21 - Rotterdam 2012, no. 80 (with
further literature). It is significant that
Jan van Eyck had been reimbursed by
the Burgundian Chambre des Comptes
in Lille in 1439 for expenses that he
had incurred on behalf of the Duke,
namely payments to the miniature
painter Jehan Creve for painting and
gilding initials for a manuscript (see
Weale, Brockwell 1912, pp. xxxviixxxviii). In fact, this payment is the
only documentary evidence that
links Jan van Eyck to the production
of manuscripts and it seems logical
to associate the payment with the
production of the Turin-Milan Hours
that were unfinished at the time of
Jan’s death in 1441 and left to his
workshop to finish.
22 - Rotterdam 2012, no. 81. Stephan
Kemperdick pointed out that these
unusual physiognomies closely relate
to the figures on the lower section
of the Ghent Altarpiece’s interior.
This feature may be related to Van
Eyck’s encounter with Italian Trecento
painting since we find the same
kind of expression in the frescoes of
Altichiero and Giotto’s Arena Chapel,
see also Châtelet 2000, pp. 80-84.
26 - Antwerp 2002, pp. 12-20.
27 - See Wallert 2013, pp. 62-66,
who discusses the drawing and its
implication in some detail. Even
though I do not agree with all of
his conclusions, particularly those
regarding authorship and function, the
observations regarding composition,
execution and the differences between
the drawing and the New York panel
are very instructive.
28 - Rotterdam 2012, no. 85, see
also my remarks in Borchert 2009,
pp. 126-29.
29 - Marie Postec suggested in 2013
that Van Eyck’s St Barbara was also
partly drawn in silverpoint. The lines
she believed to be executed with
a stylus were surprisingly crudely
executed and did not correspond
at all with van Eyck’s skills as a
draughtsman. This, in my view,
excludes the possibility that the traces
of metal in the painting can be related
to an underlying silverpoint drawing
by Van Eyck. I have not been able to
consult the forthcoming article Postec,
Sanyova 2013.
30 - Wallert 2013, pp. 72-73; Messling
in Rotterdam 2012, pp. 303-04.
31 - There is a tendency, especially
among miniatures of the Llangattock
Master, to duplicate the backgrounds
and/or architectural settings that are
23 - Named after the frontispiece
miniature of the first volume
of the Cite de Dieu manuscript
An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing
25 - Museo Thyssen Bornemisza,
inv. no. 94 (1976.1); see Natale 2001,
no. 39, pp. 294-97; Jones 2014, pp. 3743. Since 1976, see Charles Sterling,
1976, The Crucifixion – at one time
in the Henschel Collection – has
been considered to be by a painter
from Valencia. It had previously
been attributed to both Antonello da
Messina and Colantonio because of
its ‘Flemish’ character and Naples
provenance. See also Jones 2014,
p. 42. Might its creator be Louis
Allyncbroodt, a painter from Bruges
who moved to Valencia around 1436
and established a workshop there?
The triptych with Scenes from the
Life of Christ in the Prado has recently
been attributed to the Collins Master
from Amiens, see Nash 2014.
148
34 - Paris, Bibliothèque nationale
de France, Ms. Nouv. Ac. fr. 16428
(Prayer Book of Philip the Good); Los
Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. 37
(Prayer Book of Charles the Bold). See
De Schryver 2007, passim.
35 - Paris, Bibliothèque nationale
de France, Ms. Nouv. Ac. fr. 16428,
fol. 83r; Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty
Museum, Ms. 37, fol. 106r.
36 - Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de
France, Ms. Nouv. Ac. fr. 16428, fol.
79r. See De Schryver 2007, pp. 207-08.
The lost miniature from the TurinMilan Hours, formerly Turin fol 31v,
has been attributed to a follower of
Van Eyck, see König 1998, p. 109.
1 - New York 1998, no. 1, Rotterdam
2012, pp. 104; Ainsworth 2012.
2 - The Adoration, Berlin, Staatliche
Museen, Kupferstichkabinett, KdZ
4244, was attributed to the Masters
of Zweder van Culemborg by Buck in
Buck 2001, no. 1; also by Messling in
Rotterdam 2012, no. 73. On the young
man likewise Berlin, KdZ 1372; Buck
2001, no. 1.6.
3 - Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. no.
20664; Antwerp 2002, no. 9.
4 - Venice, Biblioteca Marciana,
Ms. Lat. I,99 (2138), fol. 138v; Salmi,
Mellini 2007.
5 - Rotterdam 2012, p. 304, no. 86.
39 - The Llangattock Master based no
fewer than four of his miniatures in
the Turin-Milan Hours on Van Eyck’s
Mass for the Dead, cf. König 1998,
pp. 115-16, 118, 217.
6 - In the miniature of the crucifixion
in the Prayer Book of Philip the Good,
Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de
France, Ms. n.a. fr. 16428, fol. 83r,
painted around 1460 by Lieven van
Lathem, there are also five figures
which correspond to those in the
Rotterdam drawing and the Grimani
miniature, i.e. they must also go back
to the lost Eyckian prototype. While
most of the colours of their garments
are different from those in the Grimani
miniature, the rider seen from the
back in the foreground, slightly to the
left of Christ’s cross, also rides a white
horse, wears black boots and a red
chaperon, and while his robe is mostly
of gold brocade in Van Lathem’s
miniature, his sleeves are the same
deep blue as his robe in the Grimani
miniature. This correspondence can
hardly be accidental. See Borchert
in this volume. See also Messling in
Rotterdam 2012, p. 304; Wolf 1995,
pp. 138-40, 275-79, fig. 17; on the
minatures in general Thomas 1976.
40 - Vienna, Albertina, inv. no. 3030;
Bruyn 1957, pp. 24-28; Pächt 1959;
Herzner 1995, pp. 88-91.
10 The Relationship Between the
Rotterdam Drawing and the New
York Painting
41 - König 1998, p. 143.
1 - For the likely original form of these
two paintings as wings of a triptych,
see Ainsworth 2012 and below in this
article.
37 - Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium,
ms II 7619, fol. 55v. See De Schryver
2007, p. 212; Marrow, Defoer 1989,
pp. 204-06.
38 - De Schryver 2007, pp. 212-13.
The Llangattock Master, sometimes
also referred to as Master of Folpard
van Amerongen, was a miniature
painter who was involved in the
completion of the Turin-Milan Hours
after the death of Van Eyck and is
considered one of his followers. See
Châtelet 1993, pp. 80-84; König 1998,
pp. 263-67; Los Angeles/London 2003,
pp. 83-84, 88-89.
42 - The drawing might actually
render an important lost composition
by Van Eyck that may have indirectly
inspired Schongauer’s print of the
same subject. The original may have
been related to the Rolin Madonna
where the drawing’s motive of the
Angel with the crown above Mary’s
head seems to have originated.
2 - Dresden, Kupferstich-Kabinett,
inv. no. C775; see most recently
Ketelsen in Dresden 2005, pp. 8-13,
62-67, no. 11.
Notes
149
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