PROMOTION OF SPANISH SCRIPTED
TELEVISION ON THE INTERNET:
ANALYZING BROADCAST-RELATED
WEBSITES’ CONTENT AND SOCIAL
AUDIENCE
Promoción de la icción televisiva española
en internet: análisis del contenido de las webs
dedicadas a los programas y de la audiencia social
Charo Lacalle and Deborah Castro-Mariño
Charo Lacalle is a full professor at the Faculty of Communicaion Sciences (UAB) where she directs
the Department of Journalism. She holds a PhD by the UAB. As a visiing professor, she has taught
in several European and Lain American universiies. She has numerous publicaions in books and
journals specialized in media communicaions. She coordinates the Ofent (Observatory of Spanish
Ficion and New Technologies) and the Spanish group of Obitel (Ibero-American Observatory of TV
Ficion).
htp://orcid.org/0000-0002-0024-6591
Autonomous University of Barcelona, Faculty of Communicaion Sciences
08193 Bellaterra (Barcelona), España
rosario.lacalle@uab.es
Deborah Castro-Mariño is a post-doctoral researcher at Madeira Interacive Technologies Insitute. She holds a PhD in communicaion studies (Autonomous University of Barcelona, UAB), a M.A.
in research in communicaion and journalism (UAB) and a B.A. in journalism (University of Saniago
de Compostela). She was a recipient of the scholarship “Formación de profesorado universitario”,
ofered by the Spanish Government. She is a researcher at the Observatory of Spanish Television
Ficion and New Technologies, and at the Ibero-American Observatory of Television Ficion.
htp://orcid.org/0000-0001-7980-0964
Madeira Interacive Technologies Insitute
Caminho da Penteada, 9020-105 Funchal, Portugal
deborah.castro@m-ii.org
Abstract
This aricle summarizes an invesigaion into the strategies employed to promote Spanish scripted television (TV icion) on
the Internet. The role of mediaion between television networks and their audiences is studied through the content analysis
of 515 broadcast-related web sites and 7,849 comments posted by community managers and internet users with assumed
feminine digital ideniies on oicial and unoicial sites. The oicial sites are mainly dedicated to providing more informaion about programs, which represents most of the feedback posted on unoicial sites. Despite extensive acivity generated
by televised icion, television networks do not fully exploit these transmedia promoional resources.
Keywords
Web 2.0; Television; Ficion; Promoion; Transmedia; Cultural intermediaries; Scripted television; Spain.
Resumen
Se resume una invesigación sobre las estrategias promocionales de la icción española en la Red. Se estudia la función
de intermediación entre la producción y la recepción, realizada desde las plataformas oiciales y desde las extraoiciales,
mediante el análisis de contenido de 515 webs dedicadas a los programas y el análisis de 7.849 comentarios irmados por
los community managers y por los usuarios que adoptan idenidades digitales femeninas. Las páginas oiciales se dedican
principalmente a ampliar las informaciones sobre los programas, que retroalimentan una buena parte de las plataformas no
oiciales. A pesar de la enorme acividad generada por la icción televisiva, las cadenas no explotan suicientemente estos
recursos promocionales transmediales.
Manuscript received on 10-11-2015
Accepted on 20-01-2016
246
El profesional de la información, 2016, marzo-abril, v. 25, n. 2. eISSN: 1699-2407
Promotion of Spanish scripted television on the internet: analyzing broadcast-related websites’ content and social audience
Palabras clave
Web 2.0; Televisión; Ficción; Promoción; Transmedia; Intermediarios culturales; España.
Lacalle, Charo; Castro-Mariño, Deborah (2016). “Promoion of Spanish scripted television on the internet: analyzing
broadcast-related websites’ content and social audience”. El profesional de la información, v. 25, n. 2, pp. 246-253.
htp://dx.doi.org/10.3145/epi.2016.mar.11
1. Introducion
The Internet has notably modiied the relaionship between
television and its viewers. In general, television networks
tend to adopt a “dominant” posiion in the digital arena in
response to a mulimedia environment in constant change
(Siapera, 2004, p. 168). Nevertheless, faced with the “colonizing” assault of television companies, understanding and
exploiing the peculiariies of each network (Siapera, 2004),
and reconiguring communicaion with their audiences
(Chan-Olmsted; Park, 2000) are key points when designing
disinguishing strategies that allow television networks to
opimize their resources on the Internet.
The concept of transmedia is generally used to describe the
interacions between media contents and their distribuion
through muliple sites. However, while some authors have
examined transmedia processes mainly from the perspecive of producion (Gillan, 2010; Jenkins, 2006), other researchers have highlighted the transformaion of consumers
into powerful players posiioned “to recognize, disinguish,
and combine diferent genres, media and subject posiioning” (Kinder, 1992, p. 47), the new forms of involvement
for viewers of audiovisual media (Evans, 2011) and the various forms of collaboraive process (Deery, 2003; Siapera,
2004).
1.1. From television viewer to fan
Television feedback provided through the Internet transforms the viewer of tradiional audiovisual media into a
public, both in its sense as a noun (which presupposes socializaion) and as an adjecive (which underlines the impulse for self-presentaion) (Dayan, 2001). Each public is characterized by its “commissive” performance, a concept that
Dayan adopts from pragmaics to describe the airmaion
of loyalty on the part of its members and to difereniate it
from the “almost public” made up of viewers (Dayan, 2001).
Nevertheless, “TV websites are coninuing a mode of address that is also prevalent oline” (Siapera, 2004, p. 167).
Complementary to the markeing strategies implemented
by networks on the Internet (distribuion of program informaion and images, streaming, merchandising, paricipaion
by the actors, etc.), the dialogues between fans have cultural, social, and economic implicaions (Lee, 2012). Gauntlet underlines the role of communiies in similarly-themed
websites (Gauntlet, 2000, p. 14), while Ramos, Lozano and
Hernández-Santaolalla (2012, p. 1221) consider fanadverising a promoional tool that strengthens a program’s brand
image. Corujo (2012, p. 142) reminds us that each interacion is important because “it adds up in our audience’s mind
and afects our reputaion”.
The emoional and intellectual involvement of viewers with
television programs (Jenkins, 1992b) allows us to group
them into two opposing proiles: the fan and the ani-fan.
The ani-fan shows complete disinterest in the story, which
is the result of an interpretaion made from the outside
(Gray, 2003), whereas a fan likes a show and enjoys it (Siapera, 2004). Digital fans are commited to the story and proclaim their right to interpret, evaluate, and appropriate television programs (Jenkins, 1992b). They are “consumers who
also produce, readers who also write, spectators who also
paricipate” (Jenkins, 1992a, p. 208) and opinion generators
(Vassallo, 2012) who experience the program dynamically
and wish to enjoy it with other internauts (Ramos; Lozano,
2011). The fans are members of a specialized brand community which is “based on a structured set of social relaionships among admirers of a brand” (Muniz; O’Guinn, 2001,
p. 412). They share their experiences and enthusiasm for a
brand, product or acivity (Lee, 2012, p. 2) in a context characterized by constant product difereniaion and re-qualiicaion (Callon; Méadel; Rabeharisoa, 2002; McFall, 2012).
The introduction of a return channel in
TV 2.0 communication has yielded new
online promotional mechanisms that
complement traditional strategies
1.2. Fans or cultural mediators?
Consumpion sociology and anthropology have reclaimed
Pierre Bordieu’s concept of cultural intermediaries (CI) in
order to deine “a group of taste makers and needs merchants” (Smith-Maguire, 2014, p. 15) that act as a transmission belt between producers and consumers, creaing emoional bonds. It is a complex concept, criicized on occasions
for its progressive distancing from Pierre Bordieu’s iniial
formulaion (Bordieu, 1979), though it has nevertheless
been broadly adopted by academics interested in analyzing
Internet-mediated communicaion (Cronin, 2004; SmithMaguire; Mathews, 2012, p. 11). In the current economy
of services, paricularly in ICTs, “compeiion turns around
the atachment of consumers to products whose qualiies
have progressively been deined with their acive paricipaion (Callon; Méadel; Rabeharisoa, 2002, p. 212).
In the same vein as authors such as Marínez-Priego (2009,
p. 145), who deines the community manager as the missing
link between the logotype and the users, or Negus (2002)
and Lee (2012), who are interested in determining the dynamics of the mediaion, we adopt a broad deiniion of CI that
unites the various igures involved in the communicaion ge-
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Charo Lacalle and Deborah Castro-Mariño
nerated by the spread of television icion to the Internet. It
is a concept built around the mediaion processes and includes both the community managers of oicial and unoicial
sites and the actors and actresses who paricipate in the
forums and social networks, and even the fans themselves.
H2: The distribuion of contents on unoicial sites and
comments on forums and social networks represent
promoion strategies for television networks.
1.3. Controversy over user-generated content
H4: Unlike other companies, whose preferred core business strategy is reputaion management, television networks do not fully exploit these transmedia strategies.
Invesigaions into fandom at the end of the 1990s underlined the excitement of a paricipaive culture fostered by
media companies through images of empowerment (Jenkins, 1998). However, while the expansion of the Internet
increased business opportuniies, the high-tech git economy of the collaboraive web moved “from the fringes
into the mainstream” (Barbrook, 2005) and shaped its own
version of the git economy without obligaion of reciprocity
(Kjosen, 2011). The controversy surrounding the boundaries
between acceptance and exploitaion of user-generatedcontent arouses conlicing opinions. Some authors criicize
the promoional exploitaion of user-generated products
by networks (Russo, 2009). Other invesigators, in contrast,
disinguish between users’ free labor and exploited labor on
the basis that much of the former acivity is carried out for
the mere pleasure of communicaion and exchange (Terranova, 2000, p. 48).
The controversy surrounding the boundaries between acceptance and exploitation of user-generated-content arouses conflicting opinions
Jenkins, Ford and Green remind us that currently the aims
of the commodity culture and git economy are fully interconnected, and that “all of us operate within an economic
context of capitalism” (Jenkins; Ford; Green, 2013, p. 63).
In this context, the need of policies aimed at fostering fans’
online paricipaion (Preece; Nonnecke; Andrews, 2004)
and of collaboraionist policies between industry and consumers is presented as an alternaive to protecionist policies
(Jenkins, 2006). It is the turn of the television networks to
harness the enormous potenial of transmedia acivity –oicial and unoicial– in a market system “where an increasing
number of users are consuling the Internet in search of guidance in their shopping decisions” (Meso-Ayerdi; Mendiguren-Galdospin; Pérez-Dasilva, 2015, p. 386).
This aricle summarizes the research into the promoional
strategies of Spanish scripted television on the Internet
and studies the role of mediaion between television networks and their audiences. The study, included in a broader
invesigaion into women’s recepion of Spanish scripted
television, examines the format and content of oicial and
unoicial sites dedicated to Spanish scripted television and
analyzes the comments posted by community managers
and Internet users who signed with feminine names.
H3: Evaluaions posted in comments about programs
are mostly posiive.
2. Method
In the iniial part of the invesigaion, the contents of 515
sites associated with 72 Spanish television programs acive
on the Internet in 2013 were analyzed. The sample was derived from the results displayed in the irst ive pages of two
searches on Google.es, iltered to exclude unoicial Facebook pages with less than 1,000 followers, one-of pieces
(e.g. a newspaper aricle) or download pages. The following
equaion summarizes the process carried out, N being the
total number of sites included in the map of Internet resources. First, we deine S1 as the irst Google search (“program
itle”) and S2 as the second Google search (“program itle”
+ “television network”). In this way, for the pth icion program, we deine as the set of sites derived from the jth
Google search that fulils the sipulated criteria:
The 515 sites making up the map of broadcast-related websites were analyzed using a template designed for SPSS,
whose 44 variables (41 numeric and 3 string) allow us to
break them down, both at the formal level (web format,
type of administraion, etc.) and content level (audiovisual,
interacive, etc.). Alongside the descripive staisical analysis, a qualitaive database was generated, made up of the
staisical analysis variables and designed to contextualize
the quanitaive data obtained, which allowed us to idenify
the main sites from which to take the phase 2 samples.
Contrary to authors like Askwith (2007), interested in a textual approach of transmediality, the codes designed to be
used in this study pursue two goals:
Table 1. Content analysis codebook
Category
Format
Speciicity
Speciic iction, general iction, general TV
Interactivity
Interactive, non-interactive
Accessibility
Open access, registering
Type of content
• Static (images, program fact iles, audience
data section, written interviews, etc.)
• Interactive (votes, quizzes, games, etc.)
• Audiovisual (complete episodes, video discussions, best moments, trailers, special videos,
the making of, video interviews, etc.)
Networking
Links to other sites, synchronization with social
networks
The research starts from the following hypotheses:
H1: The oicial sites dedicated to Spanish scripted television mainly focus on the distribuion of informaion
about programs.
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Variable
Microsite, social network, forum, blog
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Promotion of Spanish scripted television on the internet: analyzing broadcast-related websites’ content and social audience
Table 2. Message analysis codebook
Category
Code
Descriptive codes
Authorship
#community manager, #internet-user
Web resource
#facebook, #forum, #twitter
Narrative world
comments posted before 23:59 on Day β. However, where
there were not enough messages, the sample was completed retrospecively to make up the required numbers. 81.5%
(N=6,397) of the comments collected had been posted by
viewers and 18.5% (N=1,452) by community managers. The
total number of comments (N) can be simply calculated using the equaion:
#positive-storylines
Storytelling Level
#positive-characters
#positive-actors/actresses
Commodity level
#promotion, #audience-data
Other
Mobilization
#petitions
Miscellany
#references-to-other-programs, #censorship,
#congratulations
1) carrying out a format and content analysis of the map of
broadcast-related websites (table 1) and,
2) describing the internet users’ feedback towards the TV
program, paying special atenion to the promoional strategies (table 2).
Hence, the codes displayed in the abovemenioned tables
are mutually non-exclusive and complementary.
In the second phase of the invesigaion, the posts published
by viewers and community managers on Facebook, Twiter,
and the main forums dedicated to the programs were analyzed. According to researchers like Spotswood et al. (2013),
usernames and message content are verbal cues employed
by Internet users to project their gender. In this way, gender and adjecive agreement of the Spanish language, along
with the use of usernames (either their real names or nicknames), avatars, and photographs allowed us to disinguish
messages signed by internet users with assumed feminine
digital ideniies from the rest.
This selecion was carried out by the researchers manually
since web crawler tools and data mining programs (like R
programming language), which are available in data analysis
packages adapted to diferent social networks, ofered an
imprecise approach in terms of idenifying internet users’
genders. Moreover, the qualitaive sotware Atlas.i facilitates manual coding and reduces the margin of error typical
of tradiional coding. The decision to manually code is jusiied due to linguisic ambiguity both in terms of meaning
and signiicance and also because the brevity of most online
posts requires adequate contextualizaion.
The invesigaion centres on the analysis of the opinion generated the day ater the series’ last episode or corresponding season (denoted by “Day β”), considered a “signiicant
event” likely to increase paricipaion (Barkhuus; Brown,
2009, p. 13; Larsen, 2010, p. 158). The sample consists of
7,849 units of analysis from 122 sites: 18 Facebook pages;
67 Twiter accounts and 37 forums associated with the programs. In general terms, per program, we collected the last
50 comments posted the day ater the last episode in the
period of analysis was broadcast (
) i.e. the last 50
In the above equaion, (
) and (
) are the number
of comments collected from website P for the ith TV series
posted by Internet users and administrators, respecively,
where
The interpretaion started once the comments had been categorized (tagging) and the analysis units iltered by code.
The promoional strategies analysis codebooks (N=14) are
divided into three secions.
Twitter is the web 2.0 resource most
used by the actresses appearing in the
programs, who from their personal
Twitter accounts invite their followers to
watch the program
3. Results
Antena3 programs have the greatest number of broadcastrelated websites (35.9%, M=185 sites), followed by Tele5
(21.7%, M=112 sites). 69.9% (M=360 sites) of the broadcastrelated web sites are associated with a series, 16.9% (M=87
sites) with a serial, 6.0% (M=31 sites) with a TV ilm, 5.0%
(M=26 sites) with a miniseries and 2.1% (M=11 sites) with a
sketch. These are interacive resources (97.5%; M=502 sites)
that aim to promote programs through the publicaion of
writen and audiovisual content.
Microsites form the core of the networks’ transmedia strategies (51.8%; M=103 sites), followed by social networks
(45.7%; M=91 sites) aimed at increasing web traic with the
posing of links to content created by the microsite and ofering space for debate for the fan community. 75.4% (M=150
sites) of these broadcast-related web sites are closed; in
other words, the user is required to register in order to paricipate. In terms of content, photographs (79.9%; M=159
sites), program fact iles (56.8%; M=113 sites), and videos of
complete episodes (40.2%; M=80 sites) are the most usual
forms. As for the unoicial broadcast-related websites, trailers (34.7%; M=69 sites), best moments (27.6%; M=55 sites), and video interviews (17.3%; M=33 sites) make up the
majority of the promoional audiovisual material. The networking of these websites is mainly supported by the inclusion of links to other broadcast-related websites associated
with the program (68.3%; M=136 sites).
The microsites (42.4%; M=134 sites) and unoicial social
networks (31.3%; M=99 sites) are the formats most com-
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Charo Lacalle and Deborah Castro-Mariño
Table 3. Summary of the contents of the websites
Oicial
Unoicial
Format
Website (51.8%; M=103)
Social network (45.7%; M=91)
Forum (1.5%; M=3)
Blog (1.0%; M=2)
Website (42.4%; M= 134)
Social network (31.3%; M=99)
Blog (23.7%; M=75)
Forum (2.5%; M= 8)
Type
Speciic iction (94.0%; M=187)
General TV (4.5%; M=9)
General iction (1.5%; M=3)
Speciic iction (45.6%; M=144)
General TV (39.9%; M=126)
General iction (14.6%; M=46)
Interactivity
Interactive (92.0%; M=189)
Interactive (99.1%; M=313)
Accessibility
Closed (75.4%; M=150)
Content publication (60.3%; M=120)
Closed (69.0%; M=218)
Content publication (70.3%; M=222)
Content (≥40%)
Static
Photos (79.9%; M=159)
Fact iles (56.8%; M=113)
Audiovisual
Complete episodes (40.2%; M=80)
Static
Photos (93.4%; M=295)
Fact iles (45.9%; M=145)
Interactive
Votes (42.1%; M=133)
Static
Audience section (0.5%; M=1)
Written interviews (7.5%; M=15)
Static
Audience section (20.9%; M=66)
Written interviews (21.8%; M=69)
Interactive
Votes (21.6%; M=43)
Quizzes (14.1%; M=28)
Games (4.0%; M=8)
Interactive
Quizzes (4.1%; M=13)
Games (3.2%; M=10)
Audiovisual
Video discussions (9.5%; M=19)
Best moments (27.6%; M=55)
Trailers (34.7%; M=69)
Special videos (11.6%; M=23)
Making of (15.6%; M=31)
Video interviews (17.3%; M=33)
Audiovisual
Video discussions (0.6%; M=2)
Complete episodes (5.7%; M=18)
Best moments (12.3%; M=39)
Trailers (24.4%; M=77)
Special videos (3.2%; M=10)
Making of (5.4%; M=17)
Video interviews (17.1%; M=54)
Links (68.3%; M=136)
Synchronization with social networks (41.7%; M=83)
Links (37.3%; M=118)
Synchronization with social networks (63.0%; M= 199)
Content (≤40%)
Networking
monly employed for the promoion of programs, 45.6%
(M=144 sites) of which dedicate space speciically for the
program being promoted. 69.0% (M=218 sites) of these are
closed. Photographs (93.4%; M=295 sites), program fact
iles (45.9%; M=145 sites) and votes (42.1%; M=133 sites)
are the most usual content material, while trailers (24.4%;
M=77 sites), video interviews (17.1%; M=54 sites), and best
moments (12.3%; M=39 sites) are the most popular audiovisual content. The broadcast-related websites are synchronized with social networks (63.0%; M=199 sites) for content
distribuion.
3.1. Discursive buzz and promoion
The 7,849 messages making up the sample generated 22,301
tags1 that take the form of a long tail (Anderson, 2008). The
resuling form has a “large head”, containing references to
the storylines, and a “long tail” made up of miscellaneous
themes such as the soundtrack, negaive comments about
the actors, the control of the messages exercised by the
websites, etc.
The analysis explores the promoion strategies adopted by
community managers and female fans in 5,610 comments,
which represent 71.5% of the total: promoion (N=1,390
posts); references to other programs (N=487 posts); mobilizaion (N=825 posts); posiive references to the storyline
250
(N=1,297 posts), to the characters (N=597 posts) and to the
actors (N=474 posts); congratulaions (N=307 posts); audience data (N=229 posts) and censorship (N=4 posts).
62.7% (N=871 posts) of the promoion-speciic comments
posted on oicial sites provide informaion about future
episodes, comment on the latest episode, announce events
and include paratextual contents (best moments, complete episodes, etc.), generally on the oicial microsite. Community managers encourage viewing and the integraion of
fans into the community. They also mobilize female viewers
for viral promoion or paricipaion in the events they are
promoing (25.5%, N=210 posts) and provide audience data
(22.0%, N=50 posts).
Community managers atempt to inluence internauts
through the posiive evaluaion of the program (4.5%,
N=58), characters (8.3%, N=50 posts), and actors (4.4%,
N=21 posts). Occasionally, they congratulate the community
and thank viewers for their support (12.1%, N=37), a strategy that usually secures a good posiion on Twiter’s trending
topic. Moreover, Twiter is the web 2.0 resource most used
by the actresses appearing in the programs, who from their
personal Twiter accounts invite their followers to watch the
program.
37.3% (N=519 posts) of the promoion-speciic comments
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Promotion of Spanish scripted television on the internet: analyzing broadcast-related websites’ content and social audience
published on the unoicial sites remind users the ime the
next episode is to be broadcast or include links to other sites.
Furthermore, in 74.5% (N=615 posts) of the comments, the
female fans urge mobilizaion, mainly to stop the program’s
deiniive ending.
Posiive references to the storyline mainly come from female
fans (95.5%, N=1,239 posts), as do posiive comments
about the characters (91.6%, N=547 posts), and about
the actors (95.5%, N=453 posts). 87.9% (N=270 posts) of
their comments include felicitaions to the network or the
technical team. Female fans’ commitment is also manifest
in the messages about their viewing experiences, in which
they compare stories, seasons or episodes of the same
series (91.2%, N=444 posts). At imes, the female viewers
post audience data (77%; N=176 posts) to reinforce their
opinions.
Finally, the fact that only 0.1% (N=4 posts) of the comments
posted by female users concern censorship by the administrators conirms the generalized adopion of neiquete protocols by female fans.
construcion of a good reputaion, highlighing the quality
of the program, the work of the technical team, and the innovaion. The promoion of events involving actors and actresses, emoional farewells of the program or characters,
and the anger caused by scheduling changes similarly demonstrate the relaionships between fans and the program.
The analysis carried out here conirms the four hypotheses
put forward in the irst part of the aricle and highlights that,
in general, a program’s promoional discourse its into a wider strategy: “the generaion of interchange and sociability”
(Cogo; Dutra-Brignol, 2011, p. 75). With the same aim, actresses very oten relate comments aimed at promoing the
program through their personal experiences during ilming
or their thoughts on a paricular scene or storyline.
The fact that only 0.1% of the comments
posted by female users concern censorship by the administrators confirms the
generalized adoption of netiquette protocols by female fans
4. Discussion and conclusions
The introducion of a return channel in TV 2.0 communicaion has yielded new online promoional mechanisms
that complement tradiional strategies. The networks’ oicial websites usually host an individual microsite for most
of their programs (Deery, 2003) that display staic content
(e.g. announcements), interacive content (e.g. video discussions), audiovisual content (e.g. complete episodes), and
provide spaces for discussion (e.g. links to Facebook pages)
aimed at fostering viewer loyalty (Ramos; Lozano, 2011).
The program format inluences its digital distribuion, as
highlighted by the greater amount of acivity generated by
series and serials compared to miniseries and TV ilms (Lacalle, 2013).
The content analysis of oicial broadcast-related websites
highlights the interest of TV networks in saisfying a vast
public, which ranges from the not-so-commited female
viewers to proacive fans via the “learning audiences” (Siapera, 2004), who are provided informaive content (historical, social, etc.). In addiion, maintaining acivity on social
networks, especially Twiter, encourages live viewing, thus
favoring the consumpion of commercials (Wood; Baughman, 2012). The scarce interacion of the administrators
with the public conirms the dominant posiion of the networks vis-à-vis the Internet (Siapera, 2004).
The unoicial environment, in contrast, is more commited
to interacivity. However, although certain sites include their
own material, such as interviews with actors, many pages
revolve around the oicial microsite, from where an important part of the sicky content created by the networks for
distribuion originates (Jenkins; Ford; Green, 2013, p. 4).
With regard to the social buzz, messages tend to be posiive and brief evaluaions coexist alongside discursive comments. They praise the program, highlight the human values
transmited, show their interest in storylines that deal with
important social issues, and value the informaive nature
of series set in the past. Comments also contribute to the
This research is aligned with those studies interested in
examining the fans’ role as TV shows’ promoters on the Internet (Martens, 2011). Text data mining techniques have
been the main line of acion, due to their capacity to explore wide volumes of online data, even though they are not
completely accurate in analyzing the emoions expressed.
On this front, the novel methodology implemented allows
us to overcome the limitaions related to semanic analysis
of emoions through the combinaion of computaional and
manual techniques designed to work with medium sized
samples. Not only do we understand our methodology as
a complement of those that have emerged around big data
studies (such as seniment analysis), but we also believe the
future of this ield lies in the establishment of interdisciplinary collaboraions between experts in communicaion and
researchers in computaional studies interested in machine
learning. Finally, the use of ethnographic methods (interviews, focus groups, surveys…) would be extremely useful in
verifying and reaching a beter understanding of the results
obtained.
This study, included in a broader invesigaion into women’s
recepion of Spanish scripted television, examines only the
comments signed with feminine names (either their real
names or assumed names). Further research is required in
order to determine possible similariies or/and diferences
between the posts signed with feminine and masculine
names.
Notes
1. The complexity of a discursive unit stems from the frequent inclusion of various subject maters in the same message.
Acknowledgements
This aricle is part of a larger invesigaion project enitled
“Social construcion of women in the television icion and
web 2.0: stereotypes, recepion and feedback” (FEM2012-
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251
Charo Lacalle and Deborah Castro-Mariño
33411), funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and
Compeiivity (Government of Spain). This part of the research was developed by the authors of the aricle and the
following researchers and contributors: Beatriz Gómez, Mariluz Sánchez, Belén Granda, Taiana Hidalgo, Paola Cabrera
(researchers); Marc Bellmunt, Germán Muñoz, Lucía Trabajo, Esitxu Garai, Amaia Neracan, Elsa Soro, Karina Tiznado,
Carlos Toural (contributors).
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