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Romantic Evolutions: Introduction
Joshua D. Lambier*
Western University
Abstract
Though the Romantic era is often imagined as the “age of revolution,” recent criticism in the field has
seen renewed interest in Romanticism’s relationship to evolution, including the resurgence of such topics
as organicism, vitalism, natural history, and natural philosophy, as well as other salient themes from the
physical and life sciences. This essay offers a contextual introduction for a cluster of articles around the
topic of evolution as a concept for literary theory and criticism in Romantic studies, articles that focus critical attention on complex evolutionary ideas like contingency, chance, species transformation, monstrosity, extinction, and the inhuman. The aim of Romantic Evolutions is to reimagine prevailing notions of
evolution by tracing their modern origins to literary, cultural, and scientific discourses of the transitional
period 1775–1859, a time that witnessed the genesis of the modern idea of “literature” alongside of the
emergence of specialized disciplines, such as geology, biology, physiology, chemistry, psychology, and
anthropology. Instead of searching through 18th- and early 19th-century science for “forerunners” to
the Darwinian revolution, the essays in the volume focus attention on the important contributions of Romantic poets, philosophers, and scientists who have too often been overlooked by the empirical sciences.
And yet, by shifting the central focus away from Darwin and his theory of natural selection, contributors
also revisit his relationship to Romanticism with fresh eyes. Taken together, the volume seeks to provoke
a reevaluation of our current understanding of the Romantic conception of evolution, one that will open
new critical perspectives and orientations for scholars within and beyond the field.
In keeping with Literature Compass’ unique mandate to publish articles that present new directions for literary research and challenge prevailing disciplinary orthodoxies, Romantic Evolutions
seeks to present the outline of an emerging evolutionary paradigm in Romantic studies, one that
has been obscured by the period’s traditional focus on revolution. This is not to dismiss the
formative role of the American and French Revolutions for the birth of Romanticism, nor is
it to propose an either/or distinction between revolution and evolution as organizational concepts
for our understanding of the philosophic, scientific, and cultural debates of the period. Rather
the essays in the volume focus scholarly attention on the under-investigated history of discoveries of Romantic science, with particular emphasis on theories of evolution that precede,
and in some cases follow, Darwin’s controversial yet pivotal publication of The Origin of Species
in 1859. Against the grain of many previous studies of evolution before Darwin, these essays do
not simply look back at 18th and 19th-century science to identify precursors or adversaries on
the road to the prevailing Darwinian theory of evolution by natural selection but instead reconsider the important contributions of Romantic era poets, philosophers, and scientists whose
conceptions of nature have often been overlooked by the empirical sciences.
And yet, by shifting the centre of gravity away from Darwin, we also revisit his relationship to
Romanticism with new perspective. Indeed for many historians of science, as Robert J.
Richards observes, there is a general presumption that Darwin is “the very antithesis of the
Romantic,” which has hitherto concealed “the Romantic conception of nature that underlay
his theory of evolution” (514–15). Literary historians, too, have often distanced Darwin from
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Romantic and Idealist philosophies of nature. Hans Eichner, for example, argues that the mechanistic basis of Darwin’s scientific thought is so radically different from the speculative
metaphysics of a Naturphilosopher like Schelling “that it is difficult to imagine them carrying
on an intelligent conversation” (24–25). Relying on the familiar supposition that teleological
explanations of life are only way stations along the journey towards mechanistic principles of
authoritative science, Eichner, like so many before and after him, drives a wedge between
Romanticism and the ethos of modern science. “Schelling’s evolutionary hypothesis derives of
course from pure speculation and involves unverifiable teleological assumptions,” Eichner
proposes, “while Darwin’s theory of evolution rests on empirical facts and involves a mechanism
of natural selection that would have delighted scientists like Harvey and Boyle” (24). Though it
is certainly the case that Romantic natural philosophy championed vitalistic and teleological
approaches to the natural sciences, principles that Darwin would often challenge in the works
of his English contemporaries, these earlier systems were also exploring complex evolutionary
concepts of contingency, chance, monstrosity, and extinction. With fresh eyes, we see that
Darwin was always already in conversation with Romantic science, whether we find these
encounters in his early readings of Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Shelley, or his careful study
of the works of Alexander von Humboldt, Goethe, and his grandfather Erasmus. His early readings of Romantic literature, as Gillian Beer has recently pointed out, helped attune Darwin’s scientific imagination to an appreciation of the aesthetic experience of nature, both in its sublime
and mundane manifestations, which in turn inform his creative use of metaphor and analogy to
reveal similitudes and affinities in the otherwise chaotic particulars of the natural world.1
Given the recent interest in the physical and life sciences in Romantic studies,2 and given the
surging number of investigations on evolution as a concept for literary theory and criticism,3 it is
perhaps surprising that so few studies have specifically taken up Romanticism’s relationship to
evolution. There is certainly a significant body of interdisciplinary work on Victorian-era
debates over the cultural, literary, and religious consequences of the concept of evolution,4
especially in light of Darwin’s scientific theory of the origin of species and its implication for
prominent thinkers like Alfred Russel Wallace, T.H. Huxley, and Herbert Spencer, or writers
like Dickens, Hardy, and Eliot. But as Hermione de Almeida argues, “no such comparable
inquiry or sustained interest exists for the romantic era and its literature,” nor are there “broadly
disciplinary studies connecting evolutionary issues shared between the two periods that romantic literary scholars may draw upon” (131). This volume aims to provoke such a reimagination
of our current understanding of the Romantic conception of evolution, one that will open new
critical perspectives and orientations for scholars of the 18th and 19th centuries across the disciplines. The essays invite us to reconsider a diverse range of topics in the study of evolution at
various points of intersection between literary, cultural and scientific discourses, such as the
emergence of troubling concepts of the inorganic, the inhuman, and extinction; the creation
of novel modes of representing chance, change and transformation in the natural world; the
rich, complex poetic responses to plants and animals; the evolving idea of collections and
museums of the period; and the imaginative reconfiguration of prevailing notions of historical
time in light of the discoveries of the new sciences of geology and paleontology.
One of the notable culprits for the critical neglect of Romantic evolution, of course, lies in
the general suspicion towards theories of organicism in literary studies, both in its 19th- and
20th-century configurations, particularly in the case of the New Critics who expunged the
biological roots of the organic metaphor and retained only the aesthetic logic of unifying each
of a work’s disparate parts within the self-enclosed structure of the whole. The principles of
organic unity and form implied by the metaphor of the organism offered the critic, like a literary
botanist, a methodology for putting the work under the microscope to dissect its various
constituent parts, to determine how each of these parts relates to the others and the whole,
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and then to make an aesthetic judgment to discern how perfectly adapted the parts are to the
completed design of the work. Responding to the question of “whether the poem itself, the
hypostatized verbal and mental act, looks in any way like an animal or a vegetable” (69), William K. Wimsatt warns against overly literal interpretations of the metaphor. Indeed, if the analogy of the physical organism is taken too far toward what he calls “the extreme biological
analogy” (78), one runs the risk of ascribing unruly biological traits to the poetic organism, like
growth, reproduction, disease, and self-transformation. Wimsatt is also concerned to bracket
what he identifies as fallacious intentional evaluations of the literary object, which, he argues,
intrude upon the integral structure of the work and introduce “a measure of geneticism or
psychological doctrine concerning the author’s consciousness or unconsciousness” (68). By
doing so, he demonstrates how the New Critical attempt to maintain the autonomy of the poetic domain against the incursion of foreign elements, including critical approaches that import
“economic, sociological, or other historical categories” (71), in a way echoes the conventional
scientific imperative to remove contamination from the sterile conditions of the analytic process. In their desire to approximate objective conditions for the analysis of the “hypostatized”
literary object, the New Critics’ program for a specialized and professionalized form of organic
criticism ultimately suppressed the very vital forces that animate organismic life, unsettling forces
that threaten to break apart their carefully curated concept of organic unity. Even where their
work engages with disruptive figures, such as paradox and irony, the aim is typically to arrive
at a harmonized balance of oppositions within the structure of the well-wrought urn.
If we return to the genesis of the organicist tradition in Romanticism, however, we are
awestruck by the multidisciplinary range of material that writers were drawing upon to construct
their interrelated theories of poetry and science. Their bold speculations into the forms and forces
of life make us realize, and perhaps lament, what we have lost by suppressing the energy of earlier
organismic theories over the fear that their epistemological foundations might be, to recall G.N.
G. Orsini’s cautionary words, “tainted with a reference to biological phenomena” (28). This return to Romantic science should provoke a reconsideration of the exchange between nature and
culture, with an eye to the complex ways in which the study of life, in all its variation and
diversity, can inform our understanding of the transformations of literary and artistic forms. We
also turn back to investigate the explosion of scientific discoveries in the emerging disciplines of
biology, chemistry, comparative anatomy and geology. These breakthroughs were made possible
by the development of novel experimental methods to utilize the power of electricity and
magnetism; by the growing number and variety of botanical collections and natural history
museums; and by the use of more systematic methods for studying rocks, minerals, and fossils.
Those who practiced the sciences were also changing the institutional landscape of scientific
inquiry. In the British context, for example, professors and savants of these new disciplines began
to establish their own unique societies – the germinal form of what we now conceive of as the
academic society – such as the Linnean Society (1788), the Geological Society (1807), the
Astronomical Society (1820), and the British Association for the Advancement of Science
(1831). Romantic science, as Richard Holmes argues, also invented the idea of “popular science,
a people’s science,” with its “new commitment to explain, to educate, to communicate to a
general public” (xix), a mandate that took the form of public lectures, experimental
demonstrations, textbooks, scientific journals, and debates on hotly contested questions like the
vitalism controversy. Poets and thinkers of the period were deeply engaged participants in this
culture of exploration as well and frequently drew upon the discoveries of scientific experimentation and natural philosophy to compose poetic works that introduced a new vision of the evolving and changing world. And as these new theories of life circulated further beyond the
mysterious space of the laboratory, the imagination of the public was, to use Wordsworth’s words
in The Excursion, “taught with patient interest to watch / The processes of things” (4. 1257–58).
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In the midst of this deluge of new knowledge, both speculative and experimental, there was
amongst the Romantic thinkers a feverish drive to develop a theory of life that could bring a
degree of systematicity to the sciences, but without reducing the organismic world to mechanical causes. In opposition to the materialistic principles of the prevailing mechanistic ideology,
Coleridge proposes that life is more than the sum total of the parts and functions that constitute
the body’s physical organization. Forms of life, for Coleridge, are animated by “the principle of
unity in multeity” (42), or rather, a principle of internal purposiveness that activates and regulates
bodies from within according to the structure of the whole. “I define life,” he writes, “as the
principle of individuation, or the power which unites a given all into a whole that is presupposed
by all its parts” (42). His conception of organic form derives, as is well known, from his study of
Kant’s aesthetic and natural philosophy, specifically in the Critique of the Power of Judgment (1790),
which sets the groundwork for the Romantic conception of the natural world. This is not only
the case for Coleridge but also German Romantics and Idealists like Schelling, Hegel, Novalis,
and the Schlegel brothers. And in light of this critical debt, we ought here to recall the basic
tenets of Kant’s organicism to help us make sense of the wider implications of this mode of
thought, and to evaluate the legacies, remainders, and departures from the organic tradition.
In §65 of the third Critique, Kant outlines his inf luential idea that nature is not a “motive power”
that creates machine-like objects (a watch, for example), but rather a “formative power” whose
organized products are in fact “natural ends” (Naturzwecke) (246). To be a natural end, Kant proposes, an organized being must possess a form of causality that is unique to life: it must, for instance,
be self-generating such that it is both cause and effect of itself; it must also be self-organizing such
that each of the parts is reciprocally related to each other and to the idea of the whole; and, finally,
it must possess a systematic unity such that the form and combination of the parts is guided by the
internally purposive design of the whole. Taken together, products of nature have a singular form
of organization that is “not analogous with any causality that we know” (246). It is, in this sense, an
autopoietic causality unique to life, which makes it difficult for the scientist to penetrate into the
deeper mysteries of life – especially if this involves the attempt to reduce living objects to fundamental laws of mechanics, as Newton had tried to do for the study of celestial bodies in physics.
To illustrate the challenge for the Romantic biologist, Kant famously argues that it would be
misguided for scientific investigation “to hope that there may yet arise a Newton who could
make comprehensible even the generation of a blade of grass according to natural laws that
no intention has ordered” (271). He is certainly not overlooking the important place of empirical observation and mechanical explanations in the natural sciences. Nor is he foreclosing on all
hopes at a comprehensive theory of life. Rather, he wants to propose a critical approach to the
investigation of organic nature that would avoid the dangers of making overly bold claims for
the human mind’s ability to know the operations of the natural world by mechanical means
– to know the things themselves – a knowledge that lay beyond the grasp of the determinate
conceptions of the empirical sciences. In order to make sense of the disorderly realm of nature
in all its multiplicity and diversity, he claims that we need to think of the natural world as if it
possessed an internal systematicity and purposiveness, and we do so by thinking of nature “as
if an understanding contained the ground of the unity of the manifold of its empirical laws”
(68). Kant’s strategy of reading an intentional design into nature is meant only as a heuristic
device to advance our understanding of organic life – which is to say that it has only a regulative
rather than a constitutive role to play for our judgments. This “technique of nature” (10), as he
calls it, allows researchers to probe various life-forms as if they were produced according to an
intelligible idea of the whole, not unlike the creation of the artwork according to the overall
design of the artist. To remove the regulative constraints on teleological judgments and make
use of the idea of the “natural end” as a determinate principle for our understanding of organized beings and nature as a whole, a move beyond the legislations of the third Critique, is to
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presume that we have access to an intuitive conception of the intrinsic forces of nature. The
Romantics and Idealists, particularly in the case of Schelling and his followers, propose just such
an intuitive presentation of the natural world as a way to overcome the divide between the
subject and object, the ideal and the real, poetry and life. Indeed, they put forward a program
of research that presents the world as a living, evolving organism, thus introducing a new avenue
for poets and philosophers to inquire into the transformative, vital forces of nature.5 Even
Goethe, despite his occasional reservations towards the Romantic worldview, endorses “an
intuitive perception of eternally creative nature,” one that facilitates his studies of “primal image
and prototype” (31) and eventually leads to his theories of archetypal leaves and bones the most
famous of which is the “ur-plant” (Urpf lanz).
Kant’s ascription of a teleological view of organic unity did not, however, prevent him or
others in Germany and beyond from speculating on the history of nature and its transformation,
both for individual beings and nature as a whole. In a fascinating passage on generation in the
third Critique, for example, he observes how the “remarkable simplicity of basic design” in animals has produced, “by the involution of this part and the evolution of another,” a “great variety
of species” (287). Reminiscent of Goethe and his archetypal theory, Kant suspects that this “analogy of forms” amidst the profusion of life perhaps arises from a common “prototype” (Urbild),
which then may trace its genesis to a “common proto-mother” (Urmutter) (287). His ref lections
on the transformation of life-forms even leads towards a proto-evolutionary concept of species
transformation, an idea that he had previously described in his review of Herder’s Ideas for the
Philosophy of the History of Humanity (1784/5) as “so monstrous that reason recoils” (132). To
delve into such conjectures, the “archaeologist of nature” must, like a Romantic explorer on
expedition, take a “daring adventure of reason” into the contemporary biological debates over
the origination of organized beings (Critique 288). Though he rejects the idea of spontaneous
generation from lifeless, inorganic matter ( generatio equivoca), he lingers awhile to consider two
modes of generation in which one organized being is produced from another ( generatio univoca).
The first case of generation refers to the normative idea of parents producing offspring of the
same species ( generatio univocal homonyma). In the second case, however, the progenitor produces
another form of life that is different from itself ( generatio univocal heteronyma), “as when certain
aquatic animals are gradually transformed into amphibians and these, after some generations, into
land animals”(288). What Kant’s archaeologist is wading into is not only the question of how
monstrous births transform the fixity of nature’s forms but also the embryological question of
how the formless, unpredictable forces of the organismic world produce life in the first place.
And there were, indeed, many contending theories of the time to account for the forces behind
the generation and organization of life, including G.L.L. Buffon’s moule intérieur, J.F.
Blumenbach’s Bildungstrieb, or C.F. Wolff’s vis essentialis, to name but a few prominent examples.
Kant’s ref lections on the history of nature also dovetail with the literary and botanical meditations of another daring archaeologist of nature writing at the same time in England, a figure
whose wide circle of acquaintances included the chemist and discoverer of oxygen Joseph
Priestley, inventor and steam-engine manufacturer James Watt, explorer and president of the
Royal Society Joseph Banks, and painter of scientific scenes and experiments Joseph Wright.
Too often overshadowed by the fame of his grandson Charles, Erasmus Darwin was a leading
physician and founding figure of the famed Lunar Society of Birmingham, the translator of
Linnaeus’ botanical writings, a distinguished poet in his later years, and a forerunner of
Romantic theories of evolution. Like Kant’s imagined scene of the origins of life in the third
Critique, Darwin’s heavily annotated scientific poem, The Temple of Nature (1803), conjures an
extremely condensed time-lapse sequence of images for the first emergence of primordial
aquatic life-forms in the ocean, which gradually transform over generations into amphibious
plants and animals that migrate onto land:
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Organic Life beneath shoreless waves
Was born and nurs’d in Ocean’s pearly caves;
First forms minute, unseen by spheric glass,
Move on the mud, or pierce the watery mass;
These, as successive generations bloom,
New powers acquire, and larger limbs assume;
Whence countless groups of vegetation spring,
And breathing realms of fin, and feet, and wing. (I. 295–302)
Darwin, however, takes the next controversial step to propose the shocking idea that
“imperious man,” the presumed pinnacle of creation in possession of reason and language,
“Arose from rudiments of form and sense, / An embryon point, or microscopic ens!”
(I.313–14). And this was not his first attempt to challenge the idea of a fixed and immutable
great chain of being; in his earlier text on physiology and medicine, Zoonomia (1794–96),
Darwin had proposed a theory of common descent in which “all warm-blooded animals have
arisen from one living filament,” a point of origin that may have occurred “millions of ages
before the commencement of the history of mankind” (397). Darwin’s evolutionary theories,
indeed, drew the ire and condemnation of his contemporaries as well as his reviewers, especially
in the case of Coleridge who coined the pejorative terms “Darwinism” and “Darwinizing” to
dismiss such ideas of evolution.6 The first of Darwin’s long scientific poems, The Botanic Garden
(1791) (containing both The Economy of Vegetation and The Loves of the Plants), also drew criticisms for its use of cumbersome heroic couplets as well as long, technical footnotes to explain
the finer points of Linnaean botanical taxonomy; but it also galvanized an international readership around a text that brings together poetry and science. The fact that The Loves of Plants can be
read as an early erotic work may have also played a part in elevating the poem to the status of
bestseller.
Both Kant’s and Darwin’s hesitating steps towards the idea of the historical transformation
of species were of course not unique to their natural philosophy but were characteristic of a
larger paradigm shift unfolding between the late-18th and early-19th centuries – namely, the
move away from preformationism toward epigenesis. In the new sciences, preformationist
theories of generation held that future organisms exist in miniature within the egg (ovism)
or sperm (animaculism) alternatively and simply unfold (or evolve) during the process of development. Epigeneticists, by contrast, maintained that the organism acquires its form gradually or in stages from unformed materials, guided by the impulse of an immanent vital
principle. If thinkers and writers of the period were actively exploring the rich symbiotic relationships between organismic and poetic forms, and if epigenetic ideas of development
move beyond prefigured notions of life, what implication does this have for literary and aesthetic theory?
In her study of the complicated exchanges amongst the life sciences and Romantic poetry,
Denise Gigante argues that these unpredictable and often terrifying powers shaping emergent
forms of nature and art can serve as the basis for a novel method of literary criticism that she calls
“an epigenesist poetics,” one that brings to light Romanticism’s “cross-disciplinary, transnational approach to living form” (6, 35). Gigante’s text opens new possibilities for the study of
organic form from an evolutionary point of view, particularly where she focuses on sublime vital
forces and hybrid poetic forms that give rise to “a distinctly Romantic version of monstrosity”
(5). Taking the epigenetic point of view beyond examples from poetry, Tilottama Rajan makes
the compelling case that Romantic writing – despite the prevailing idea of a set number of preestablished, hierarchically organized genres (e.g. the triad of lyric, epic, drama) – rapidly expands
the idea of genre to include a profusion of new species and varieties. In the hands of the German
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Romantics, for example, the epic form comes to include not only the novel but also “genres
that are decidedly non-epic,” such as “annals, biographies, travel-writing, confessions and oriental tales” (509). Just as natural historical taxonomies on the model of the Linnaean system
were undergoing modification with the discovery of new species and mutations, so too were
Romantic genres. This is not to dispense with genres under the f lood of new variations, but
to treat them as heuristics to trace the movement of hybrid forms. Indeed Rajan’s epigenetics
of genre advocates for a nuanced style of interpretation that attends to the inner dynamics
and mutations of the work’s form, its “speciation” (516), rather than simply imposing an external generic classification as though it were a mechanism for subsuming particulars under determinate concepts.
In one way or another, the essays in this volume all respond to this evolutionary turn that is
taking hold in Romantic studies. The title of the collection is in the plural, Romantic Evolutions,
to acknowledge the multiplicity of possible positions, approaches, and interpretive strategies for
this emergent area of research, and to avoid the lure of subsuming radical particulars under a
totalizing definition that will, one hopes, continue to evolve with future studies in this field.
It recalls, too, Arthur O. Lovejoy’s still helpful suggestion to avoid, wherever possible, the
unnecessary hypostatization of a term like “Romanticism,” or in this case “evolution,” as “some
single real entity, or type of entities, to be found in nature” (8). In our opening article, Allard
shows how the paratextual notes to Darwin’s Temple of Nature stage an emergent form of interdisciplinarity in which science engages with poetry to produce a new mode of relationality –
indeed a new language – that bridges what we now call the “two cultures” divide, but without
privileging any one discipline. Expanding upon Darwin’s playful marriage of the new sciences
with literature, Connolly explores how the use of personification to describe plant reproduction
in The Loves of Plants moves beyond normative heterosexual desire and towards transgressive
interspecies analogies between plants, animals, and humans, analogies that reveal an altogether
other form of desire that is capable of producing hybrid, evolving forms of life. Sophie Thomas’
paper then investigates the Romantic museum’s interstitial place between early modern curiosity cabinets and the well-established public institutions of the 19th century, an experimental
place whose unique practices of arrangement and display negotiate the various demands to illicit
wonder, to demonstrate encyclopedic order and diversity, and eventually to visualize otherwise
invisible evolutionary movements in the natural world.
Zak Sitter, Jacques Khalip, and Gary Handwerk all interrogate the limits, perhaps even the
ends, of not only the organic tradition but also the human organism whose privileged place
in the natural world undergoes an irrevocable, defamiliarizing change with the discoveries of
deep time and deep space. During this transitional period, geologists like Georges Cuvier and
James Hutton uncovered a vastly longer and more complex history of the earth than the natural
theological story of creation, and the astronomers William and Caroline Hershel altered
established notions of the formation and evolution of the universe with the discovery of new
comets, star clusters, nebulae, and the planet Uranus. Such revelations, to be sure, require
new modes of thought that challenge the anthropomorphic presuppositions of the existing
cultural imaginary. Sitter’s essay tarries with the paradoxical and overdetermined figure of the
inorganic, which is at once the origin and other of the organic, its negation and future potentiality. Tracing the unsettling place of the inorganic through various texts of Romantic philosophy and literature, particularly Shelley’s Frankenstein, his analysis opens new possibilities to
re-read and complicate our understanding of such fundamental categories as life, intentionality,
and the (in)human. Khalip provokes us to rethink evolution together with a more radical
concept of extinction that avoids its own reinscription as a teleological end of life, a critical
perspective that calls upon us to confront the inhuman, inorganic forces within poetry that
short-circuit our familiar notion and affirmation of life, even our commitment to ideas of
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“sustainability, futurity, prolongation of life, and human sociability.” Carrying us forward to
consider Nietzsche’s idea of nature in light of his engagement with Darwinian theories of evolution by natural selection, both in terms of his differences and creative affinities, Handwerk
then outlines a Nietzschean theory of ecology from an evolutionary perspective, one that explores the boundaries and relations between biology and culture as a way to reposition the
human within the natural environment.
Several essays in the volume also trace varied legacies and remainders of Romanticism’s
relation to evolution as they reemerge in the works of various 19th-century writers within
and beyond the traditional temporal frames of the period, including Charles Darwin and
Charles Lyell. Anthony J. Harding offers a comparative study of Shelley’s poetic use of
natural scientific ideas of transformation and Charles Darwin’s early inquiries into notions
of species change, with particular emphasis on the conceptual and linguistic strategies both
writers employ to probe complex processes of evolution. Employing a similar comparative
approach, Andrew Burkett’s essay examines how Wordsworth and Coleridge create poetic
forms that pivot around a shift from ontological perspectives of chance as an event toward
epistemic representations of chance as an idea, a shift that recurs in Darwin’s move from
formal probability (or “botanical arithmetic”) to theoretical speculations of the role of chance
and necessity in organic variation and evolution. Pascale Manning turns our attention to
Charles Lyell’s development of a theory of geological imagination, akin she proposes to
Coleridge’s idea of the secondary imagination, which he then deploys in Principles of Geology
(1830) as a special faculty of the scientist to invent a new mode of vision to reconstruct the
narrative of the deep, unobserved history of the earth’s formation by gradual, uniform, and
constant laws.
In a generous and compelling response to each of the papers in this volume, Jonathan Sachs’
afterword traces a genealogy of the concept of evolution in Romantic writing and evolutionary
theory across the scientific disciplines, while identifying common themes that emerge within
the collection, such as the question of the pace and rates of change, the place of the imagination
in literature and science, the boundaries between the organic and the inorganic, and the unsettling tensions between the human and the inhuman. “These essays,” he writes, “may be only an
initial provocation towards a thinking of the field of Romantic studies around the issues raised
by evolution, but, as evolutionary theory itself teaches us, large changes occur when small ones
play themselves out over time.” And if we are seeing a turn to evolution in Romantic studies, as
this volume proposes, we are also witnessing a resurgent interest in the disruptive, unsettling
forces of life that the New Criticism tried to exorcise from their version of the organicist tradition, forces that we could call organismic. Indeed, the organismic powers that come to light
throughout the volume – such as generation, reproduction, disease, and death – often run counter to the earlier model of organic form where parts were carefully controlled under the management of the whole. The evolutionary turn in Romantic studies, by contrast, is oriented
towards a renewed focus on restless and unpredictable powers that reside in vital forms of life,
both in biology as well as aesthetics. With this return to “life,” however, we need new figures of
thought, new vocabularies, and new multidisciplinary approaches – the contributions in Romantic Evolutions offer timely and perspicacious points of departure.
I would like to acknowledge a debt of gratitude to Joel Faf lak, co-editor of Literature
Compass’ section on Romanticism, who very patiently and generously helped to see this
volume through to publication. I would also like to thank my colleagues, Chris Bundock
and Naqaa Abbas, who were both fearless collaborators in bringing to life “Romanticism
& Evolution,” an international conference at Western University where many of these
contributions trace their genesis. This collection would not have been possible without their
energy and vision.
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Short Biography
Joshua D. Lambier is currently a PhD candidate in the Department of English and Writing
Studies at Western University. His dissertation research project, “The Vital Life of Rights in
British and European Romanticism,” aims to re-examine the claims of current human rights
discourses by returning to their modern genesis in the turbulent political, cultural, and literary
debates of the Romantic period. He has published essays in the European Romantic Review,
Romantic Circles, and Spheres of Action: Speech and Performance in Romantic Culture
(2009). Lambier is currently co-editing a volume of essays on the topic of evolution in Romanticism, Marking Time: Romanticism and Evolution (University of Toronto Press, 2017). He is
also the Founding Director of the Public Humanities at Western (www.uwo.ca/
publichumanities) and the Artistic Director of the Words Literary and Creative Arts Festival
(http://wordsfest.ca) in London, Ontario, Canada.
Notes
* Correspondence: Department of English and Writing Studies, Western University, Arts & Humanities Building, Room
2G02, 1151 Richmond Street, London, Ontario N6A3K7, Canada. Email: jlambie2@uwo.ca
1
See Beer’s excellent essay, “Darwin and Romanticism” (2010). “The young Darwin,” she notes, “read the Romantic
poets, if not quite as contemporaries, still as the modern canon gathering through his childhood and youth. He was a
schoolboy when Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage was published between 1812 and 1818, Shelley’s Prometheus Unbound appeared
in 1820, and Walter Schott’s Antiquary in 1816. Those three poets are among the many that he cites in the private
notebooks of 1837 and 1838 written on his first return from the Beagle and in the reading lists he maintained from 1838
through to 1860” (3). Beer’s argument moves on to consider “the Notebooks in Barrett’s edition and to Darwin’s
Reading Notebooks … as sources for understanding the formation of Darwin’s creativity” (3).
2
In recent years, the field of Romantic science has emerged as a vibrant and diverse area of inquiry for studies of
Romanticism, with compelling works by McLane, Richardson, Roe, Heringman, Jackson, Allard, Gigante, Kelley,
Mitchell, and Fulford, Lee, and Kitson, amongst many others.
3
Beer (1996) and Levine (2011) offer two exemplary works that marry literary criticism with evolutionary science,
particularly for scholars of the nineteenth century, though one could also trace this growing area of interest in the rise of
the “literary Darwinisim” movement in recent books by Carroll, Boyd, and Gottschall and Wilson.
4
See, for example, the pioneering works in the field by Beer (1983) and Levine (1988), but also more recent studies by
Hopkins, Amigoni, J. Holmes, and Lightman and Zon.
5
For a further discussion of Romanticism’s organic conception of nature, see Beiser, Chapters 8 and 9, as well as Richards
and Gigante.
6
King-Hele provides an insightful account of Coleridge’s reaction to Darwin’s theory of biological evolution in Chapters 5
and 6 of his book, Erasmus Darwin and the Romantic Poets.
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