How the Huacas were?_Frank Salomon

The President and Fellows of Harvard College Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology How the huacas Were: The Language of Substance and Transformation in the Huarochirí Quechua Manuscript Author(s): Frank Salomon Source: RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, No. 33, Pre-Columbian States of Being (Spring, 1998), pp. 7-17 Published by: The President and Fellows of Harvard College acting through the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20166998 . Accessed: 19/10/2013 21:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . The President and Fellows of Harvard College and Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions How the huacas were The language of substance and transformation in the Huarochiri Quechua manuscript FRANKSALOMON Two of the most important verbs relevant to Andean concepts of being have already been well dealt with by researchers: camay, or roughly "to animate, to impart specific form and force" in G. Taylor's article and hua?uy, or "to die" in Urioste's article (1974-1976); about existence (1981).1 Other clues to assumptions in Duviols's and (1978) appear Taylor's (1980) seems of upani, or roughly "shade," which clarifications Quechua supay, or "demon." This further essay usages and implications of the lexicon about being and substance and transformation of beings as we know them from the one and only related to colonial sketches early text that presents an Andean belief an Andean in system language, namely the anonymous of Huarochiri (circa 1608; for Quechua manuscript see Salomon and Urioste translations, Taylor 1987; 1991). It is important to understand at the start that, while the Huarochiri book contains origin myths, legends, and priestly lore of clearly pre-Hispanic the colonial Quechua derivation, language and the inwhich writing practices they are expressed by 1608 had been much influenced by the Church's labors the former "Language of the Inca" into 1991, Duviols interlingua (Mannheim and Itier 1993). Thus the concepts of being implicit in are colonial Quechua language and writing practices not necessarily disconnected from the largely toward making an evangelical that testimonies by multilayered compendium containing settlements on the villagers from a group of agropastoral western Andean heights overlooking Lima and also editorial material by the native researcher containing who gathered the stories. In the paragraphs that follow, come from passages of the former sort, most examples but a few (such as chapter titles, and so on) come from 1. The orthography is colonial. the present essay Throughout is quoted as found in sources lexicon rather than Quechua rephonologized. richer middle and then lower valleys, conquering the same at time Yunca and the peoples, aboriginal welding into the complex themselves ritual regimen the Yuncas had possessed. Itaccords great importance to the is in some female deity Chaupi ?amca, who aboriginal Paria Caca's down-valley counterpart. Ifwe curb assumptions that "verbs of being" in the to familiar notions of Quechua manuscript correspond in their semantic and being becoming, regularities ways available Aristotelian and Augustinian discussion philosophic lies in the background of Peruvian evangelization. The source for the Quechua is a manuscript the latter. The master argument of the manuscript concerns how a group of formerly marginal herding under the lineages rooted in the high tundra advanced patronage of the mountain deity Paria Caca into the domains and usages emerge and become useful for view. the world manuscript's interpreting implicit use the word In this discussion Iwill occasionally not with any claim to discovering ontology, ontological inAndean categories thought, but rather using familiar as an aid to textual western ontological categories the attributes we think we exegesis by making explicit in assertions Andean about recognize being, substance, and change. Panayot Butchvarov reviews (1995:490) sense of "first philosophy," in itsAristotelian ontology that is, "the study of being qua being, i.e., of the most that anything must general and necessary characteristics have in order to count as a being, an entity (ens).,f The root problem in ontology is that (at least in languages known to European philosophers) the range of "things" that can be subjects of the verb "to be"?that is, the can as be of discrete that range percepts recognized in features on a common spaciotemporal grounding?is most respects a non-set: not apples and oranges, but apples, events, ontological and abstractions. categories are, The common in Butchvarov's summary: individual things (Socrates, a book) properties (Socrates' baldness, a book's rectangularity) relations (marriage, the priority of one book to another) events (Socrates' death, a book's publication) states of affairs (Socrates' having died, the fact that a book is in print) sets (the set of Greek philosophers or books) This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 8 RES33 Concerns SPRING1998 of western heading, which similarly offers an introduction This instance is not forced into Spanish: for include, ontological philosophy some individual things are example, asking whether in the Aristotelian "substances sense, i.e., enduring in their properties and through time and changes all individual things are relations, or whether ymanam "whether any entity has essential not itwould i.e., properties without which properties, exist/' and "whether properties and relations are (Butchvarov 1995:490). particulars or universals" Do the implicitudes of a nonwestern source, the us to glimpse allow of Huarochiri, Quechua manuscript momentary"; 1 :Cay and tiay are in complementary and dynamic being versus qualitative contrast situated It as being can start considering the lexicon of being by of the the Huarochiri writer tends that noting language as to place two verbs of being in contrasting opposition, them name the if suggesting that the two between headings: anteguam[en]te ydolos y como aquel tiempo los naturales, or "How the Idols of Old Were . . . and How the Natives Existed" Salomon and Urioste, eds. 3 1991:sec. in interference revealing point here is the Quechua "incorrect" which the non-pluralization, Spanish?not rules (for optional pluralizing simply reflects Quechua's both nouns and verbs), but the fact that the author "ser" with "haber" in a fashion imparallel to contrasted The in he was their usual Spanish senses. He did so because two verbs need of a way to translate a distinction between that posit ontological necessary to the task presence?both that of introducing huacas, is, superhuman beings, but or to one "ser" "haber" (or neither semantical ly congruent are a in later chapter's learn what these verbs "estar").We 2. with In the examples, the abbreviation section meaning citation references "Ch." and are made references to chapters of the original are made to passages by and Urioste, for example, (Salomon (not page) 3 of the Salomon-Urioste the Quechua with form facilitates comparison number, section is section-numbered eds. 1991:sec. translation. original, 3) This which 141 concerns being as that is, situated. The distinction versus as existence. situated This particular activity being the of the concepts by quotation separability highlights using different tenses; the great female power Chaupi ?amca "was," "acted" (carcan) in a past-tense form, because prior to the time of writing Christians had 1a: Cay denotes being manifested qualitative in action en auia "How cascan Point . . . or (at a specified site, Tumna Plaza). Similar contrasts 14 and 126 of the manuscript. in sections A being may have either or both of these attributes, with somewhat different ontological implications. We will therefore examine each one separately. that make anything or anybody ontologically The first substantive chapter (Ch. 1) of the present. is one of the six that have Huarochiri manuscript los t?an, buried occur attributes fue maypim and ritual ly deactivated her, but she already desecrated at "is" the time of writing still "situated" (tian), because "is" still hidden where her stone embodiment she was We Spanish-language carean ?amca was and where she is [situated]'' Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. and tiascan stand in complementary the former concerns what and how she was, contrast; that is, acted, and the latter concerns where she was, Here about problems of this order? any Andean assumptions out the be worth may trying following suggestions.2 Como chaupi Chaupi ?amca to a huaca. There does not appear to be any such semantic isolate as mere existence, certainly no verb exclusively as to nonexistence. "to exist" The opposed glossed by best colonial lexicographer, Gonc?lez Holgu?n, "ser de essencia o de understood cay as meaning existencia" ("to be, in the sense of essence or of 1952 [1608]:668). existence," Gonc?lez Holgu?n Like similar verbs inmany languages, cay can function as a simple copula (for example, pirn canqui, or "who are you" [Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991: sec. 238]). As an an agentive form auxiliary verb combined with habitual action (muchac carcan, or "they used [Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. worship" Beyond that, cay brackets together cases of specificity via action . . . (of condition, attribute, time. In usages through ymanam casac ?ispa tapuspam, it signifies to 7]). being as manifested identity) like: or ". . . asking, saying 'how shall I [orwe] be?'" Salomon and in parallel. This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Urioste, eds. 1991 :sec. 472 Salomon: How the huacas were the petitioner merely wants to know a future qualitative state of welfare (similar usages occur in sections 31, and 286). 131, is distinctive about cay in the texts is a What tendency to include senses translatable as "to act" or "to happen." The nominalized perfect form of the verb cay, or "to be"(casca) means "events" not "entities"?that which somebody or something did. Casca can refer to the sum of a being's activities or its characteristic activities. One might accept a remote gloss like the "nature" of that entity, but "deeds" cay cunirayap cascanracmi is also often ?ahca vira appropriate: cochap cascanman tincon, or "this Cuni Raya's deeds ('nature'? Identity'?) almost match Vira Cocha's deeds" Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991 :sec. 7; see also sees. 1, 126 Gerald Taylor, a careful semantic analyst, also includes culto, or "the religious interaction of people and superhumans," among his glosses for casca (1987:50-51). In the latter sense its semantic component "activity" seems far broader than that implicit in the English verb "be." In the two chapter headings cited above, each heading asks an implicit question as to '"how [the "how was huaca] was." The answers to the question s/he?" is not a statement about either momentary condition or about attribute, predicated unchangingly but the whole is, the story of the person's action?that whole chapter (Chs. 1, 10 for the cited examples). All actor, seemingly told, casca, the "being" of a Huarochiri the notion of event as constitutive of entity. some in contexts, have, individuality and are in but others properties, they seemingly imagined as or deeds. of sequences phenomena long-term overarching accentuates The huacas Point 1b: T/ay denotes situated being Tiay inGonc?lez Holgu?n's dictionary meant "sentarse estar sentado, estar en alg?n lugar morar or "to sit down, to be habitar" (1952 [1608]:340), seated, to be in some place, to dwell, to inhabit." He then gives many derived terms, all implying decreasingly he gives a Quechua kinetic states. For example, phrase to the transitive usage "to still comparable English (with forced (something)." Tiaycuchini sonconta literalism one could gloss this as "Imake her/his heart sit") meant "to calm someone's anger." Derivatives meant "to be in an available, motionless state," for 9 on sale. With the "dynamic example, of merchandise modifier" it 1973:174) (Urioste -ku, yields tiacoy, or "to text: dwell" or "stay." In the Huarochiri cananpas sutilla runi escay runahina tiacon, or "two stones just like people are [located] there even now" Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991 :sec. 18; see also sees. 14, 32, 34, 50, etc. Tiay is the verb that seems to emphasize individuality as a substance: that singularity of huaca that endures its changes and relationships. Tiay often throughout in a permanent the idea of existence location expresses in the form of hard materials, and endurance like rock, or in the form of permanent like corporations, villages or casca is whose ?amca, priesthoods. Chaupi spoken of in a perfect nominalized form, is the subject of active verb seems to have ended. tian long after her "happening" 2: Accumulating action accent ontological and changing situation modify Various researchers mentioned below have suggested that inAndean the trajectory of all being speculation, time is uniform. like people, Huacas, through basically a and animals, pass through plants, gradient from fast-changing being toward static, hard, more The energetic and fateful being. slow-changing their actions, the farther they move from soft biotic states, to the hard states, full of permanence, full of potential, kinetic, fleshly, seen in deified mountains and other land features. This point has already been well explored by Allen and other researchers whose work is summarized below. It is useful to notice, however, that though the myths speak of purportedly continuous entities?substantial beings, in the sense of entities that survive changes of Aristotelian refer to them in their successive property and relations?to states entails emphasizing sorts of different categorical mean I sorts which the of being, by being summarized above be called by Butchvarov. This shifting emphasis might accent. For example, change of ontological being Paria Caca is spoken of as the following: the 5 eggs 5 falcons 5 heroic "men," collectively (pichcantin) a snowcapped, and mountain double-peaked storm, red rain and yellow a person called "the five of him" voice [that rain, flood and earthslide is, oracle] This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 10 RES 33 SPRING 1998 noted above, that is, by sorting out to different sorts of realness we can percepts according accord them, but rather by organizing ontological in terms of single beings that unite heterogeneity sorts of realness and demonstrate them through multiple Aristotelian then, is Caca the eponym of? The first three What, in the form of five eggs instances refer to his theophany, five men, each that hatched five falcons who became the founder of one of the five large putative descent as belonging to a single maximal groups understood ethnic entity. ontological In the first three instances then, the category "set" is salient (the ideological being the "reality" of the set formed by five implication related political units). In the first and third, ethnically the category "relation" is salient; the metaphorical tension between human sibling bonds (which have birth order) and the simultaneity of a clutch of eggs (which the five Like hatchlings, lack it) is the main implication. groups are equals by birth, yet like brothers they are not. The fourth, Paria Caca's final form (and his tiascan or located being) accentuates individuality and the category "event," substantiality. The fifth accentuates insofar as Paria Caca was the event, a storm of red and yellow rain. The sixth does as well, but also emphasizes "state of affairs/' namely the state of Paria Caca's having ordained a social order. the perception here embraces The thinking expressed as as ontological of experience ly heterogeneous, Aristotle this not taught. But it deals with L -w mk ,*;V'^' ^*.-j&?. '-.? ^H^BkI^^^HE^^ in the - fashion varied manifestations. of eventful being is treated as Thus the accumulation status itself. The conveners of the altering ontological which this from essay derives called attention to meeting a continuum from transitory to durable the concept of of being. This idea derives from insights by Catherine Allen (1982) and George Urioste. Urioste's 1981 essay on the death gradient is itself an exegesis of His conclusion has since the the Huarochiri manuscript. modes been confirmed by ethnographic findings 1995). His 1980, Salomon (Paerregaard 1987, Valderrama point is that unlike Euro-American models of death, which treat death as a durationless moment of division between the "live" status before expiration and "death" hua?oc after it,Quechua ("die-er") brackets those soon to expire with those recently expired. The moribund and form a single class of beings, the recently deceased date of writing the "living" (causad) whose duration extends between and the enshrined ancestor (aya) phases of being. This i .^IWHIIIBiii^iiBHBKM^^M^^B .c^4ii^SiHBB9III^Hfi^H^^^HH^^^^^^^^^HMHHi^^l "^sr/^^^: -->^^^QIBHHHI^S^I^^^HIB^seP'C^JSv Figure 1. The snowcap Rariacaca, in the western Andean cordillera south of Lima, is a permanent manifestation of the multiply realized deity who dominates the Huarochiri Quechua text. This photograph shows the south peak of the double peaked snowcap, which is probably adjacent to Paria Caca's ancient shrine. Photo: Frank Salomon. This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Salomon: transition can be seen as one segment of a more inclusive view of life and death in continuum. Duviols (1978) and Allen (1982) have each independently a pervasive "vegetative metaphor," which emphasized connects the tender, juicy, wet character of young beings (new plants, babies) with the ever more firm and resistant, but also dryer and more rigid character of older ones (adults, mature plants) and finally, with the but enduring remains of beings who have left and been life preserved (preserved crops like freeze-dried or ch'u?u [mummies]). The most permanent of potatoes are all beings features such as mountains geological desiccated feature of this cosmology (Rubina 1992). The dynamizing is the circulating and ever re-fecundating relationship located in action and time. The among beings differently source is often called by "soul" (which in the Huarochiri as a the Spanish word anima, or "spirit") is visualized small flying creature that departs from the dead person, much as a seed departs from a dying plant, and conserves its vitality in a sacred space, Uma Pacha. In idolatry trials, some defendants gave voice to an image of Uma Pacha as being a farm where spirits, like seeds, could flourish back toward fleshly life. The destination of souls is sometimes also identified with the origin shrines a of ego's group, again emphasizing circulating principle. At the highest extreme of permanence, beings of actions actually whose importance?those prototypical existence?are the conditions of shaped spoken of as into everlasting material, having hardened or other land features. These most durable namely stone beings indeed literally become, the ground on which provide, new transient beings emerge. The overall direction is to structures of congruence among map general living human collectivities, ancestral or legendary society is shrines and the consecrated (whose material substance forms and (mountains and waterways), dead), landscape the facts climate). bodies, cosmological (cosmological However this is not to assert that the world of huaca devotees was of the sort that Bellah (1964) recognized in speaking of societies where divinity is so close as to be ontological lymerged with society. Although people, mummies, huacas, and the cosmos are kindred beings, they relate to temporality and the laws of nature in dissimilar ways. The individual being passing through accent or time actually changes in ontological as characteristic association. The mode of life described is characterized of huaca devotees by a complex eventful regimen of ritual behaviors governing between beings of unlike standing. relationships How the huacas 3: Communication among beings of unequal or standing occurs metaphysical ontological "slides" along the vital gradient were 11 through Since ritual consisted of reciprocity among beings of all classes, human and nonhuman, it implied communication among beings of unlike ontological in the Quechua source, standing. The rituals described as well as some ethnographical observed which rites, ly a common continuities with have them, embody or genre scenario for this. metaprogram achieving in the example of Paria Caca, As was suggested interest was huacas were cultural postulates whose in the fact that they united in rooted precisely of reality as "persons" heterogeneous perceptions so on. The attributes and event, category, substance, in continuum the vital with different of parts beings to their differing ontological accents, appealed of ritual needs, with the predominant mode more to and exalted, permanent, being approach more mutable empowered beings by lower, softer, differing ones. tend to be governed approaches by a fairly one are: sacred (1) at least regular program. The actors being; (2) a person, generally acting as part of a collectivity, transacting a reciprocal gift; and (3) at least one person who acts as mediator. The collectivity and These in divergent actions. The engage enters states of heightened ritual vitality collectivity as inwhich and solidarity, they display themselves more so; alcohol serves themselves 1987) (Saignes only the mediator to liberate huge discharges of social and physical to deity are made in Invocations energy and appetite. in the inclusive voice, first person plural?interestingly, partakes of the implying that the deity addressed or action of the collectivity. condition Iwould ismore complex. The role of the mediator describe mediating roles as "slides" along the inwhich of being, continuum humans assume statuses closer to those of the superhuman person addressed. These "slides" often have an aspect of transient death, or transient return from death: Abstention (sa?iyj from "lively" behavior. The mildest degree of distancing from daily life is the preparation required of persons about to perform duties to huacas or recently in contact with them. Persons returning from a visit to the female power Urpay Huachac had to abstain from sex and seasoned food for a year (Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. 183), because this huaca unlike others had no priest and demanded personal contact. Parents who had to ritual ly avert the bad consequences This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions of 12 RES 33 SPRING 1998 a twin birth?namely, a death to make up for the anomaly of an extra life?likewise accompanied their sacrificial gifts with a year of abstention. These were conditions for dialogue with Paria Caca. The common denominator of ritual abstentions seems to be avoidance of intense bodily sensations. 5/eep (po?oyj and dreaming (muscoyj: The human sleeper, a person temporarily removed from daily vitality, is into contact with nonhuman brought beings and In knowledge. 5 chapter and (Salomon eds. Urioste, 1991:sec. 42), Huatya Curi, while sleeping and presumably dreaming, learns from two talking foxes the secret of the illness that afflicted the fraudulent lord Tamta ?amca. This supernatural knowledge would prove the seed of their reciprocal role reversal. The crucial example is chapter 21, entirely concerned with a dream, inwhich the protagonist Don Crist?bal Choque Casa, comes into apparent contact with his deceased (hua?uc) father and into dialogue with the huaca whom that "die-er," that is, (Salomon and Urioste, eds. recently dead man, worshiped 1991:sec. is, outer of dead appearances, or animals Urioste, eds. death mask, made 1991:sec. 60). The most dramatic of acting is the donning of the huayo or flayed-face from a sacrificed captive, which imbues the wearer with the power of Uma Pacha, the mythical high farm wherein the departing anima of the dead were replanted and regenerated 1991 :secs. 322-324, empowered owner of a person the animal (Salomon and Urioste, eds. 404). The skin of a dead animal also In passages the assumption of a magical concerning as a dead with Curi into disguise, Huatya "turning the verb is guanaco," tucoy. This is among the employed most Itmay important words signifying transformation. usefully be contrasted with cay, or "to be." It has a to that of cay, but usage as an auxiliary verb comparable like English "get": process, emphasizing ynataccho Salomon today. Paria Caca consoled people for the loss of a treasured headdress by giving them a wildcat skin: And as he'd foretold, on Chaupi ?amca's festival, in the courtyard called Yauri Cal Iinca, on top of the wall, a very beautifully spotted wildcat appeared. When they saw it they exclaimed joyfully, "This iswhat Paria Caca meant!" and they held up its skin as they danced and sang with it. (Hernando Cancho Uillca, who used to live inTumna, was in charge of it. But by now it's probably gone all rotten.) Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991: sec. and 314 shamed so?" 1991:sec. eds. Urioste, Salomon and Urioste, eds. 313 1991:sec. see also 228 and 100, an ambiguous 9; instance As a freestanding a being assumes inwhich verb, tucoy covers processes a new outer aspect. Some of these be translated as "become": caca ?a paria human" ru ?aman or tucuspas, "Paria Caca, Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991: sec. 74 to stone" turned Salomon and Urioste, But tucoy is more inclusive, covering sense "to feign, pretend to be": cay cuni huaccha becoming rumi tucorcan, or "right then and there tuylla pachampitac she raya vira cochas tucospalla ancha purircan, or eds. 1991 :sec. as it does the runa hue ?aupa "In very ancient ancha times 69 this Cuni Raya Vira Cocha used to go around posing as a miserably poor man" Salomon his I be "shall andman carcoy tucorcan, or "they got swept away into the jungle" or the sacred approach patron common and was the most among communities or casac, pincay to ritual gestures (Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:secs. 21, it is still practiced in at least one of 64, 150, 455-458); Huarochiri's states accenting dissimilar are expressed with tucoy between statuses people. Huatya Curi acquired the magical power to beat his challenger by turning into (tucoy) a dead guanaco and thereby stealing power from a rival huaca (Salomon and wearing ontological could well 248). Assumption of a deathlike aspect or wearing dead skins: Repeatedly, humans achieve crucial dialogue with superhuman powers by placing on themselves the skins, that 4: Passage ancha yachac tucospa pissi and Urioste, yachascanhuan, eds. or to be very wise with the little that he knew" Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. 9 "pretending 1991 :sec. 40 chaypim huanaco tucospa hua?usca siriconqui, or "there pretending to be a guanaco you'll lie dead" Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. These instances show that the semantic scope of tucoy includes change of aspect without any premise about a whether change of what Gonc?lez Holgu?n called "essence" is entailed. Because this noncongruence occurred close to the core meanings of conversion, which Christianity taught This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 58 Salomon: How the huacas were Figure 2. Today, inhabitants of Tupicocha, Huarochiri, still don animal skins?most importantly, the puma?to perform festival dances. This puma skin, used by dancers of the Sibimol Society in the Pascua Reyes cycle, is reminiscent of the in the Quechua Manuscript's chapter 24. Photo: spotted wildcat skin mentioned Frank Salomon. This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 13 14 RES 33 SPRING 1998 to think of as a change like the editor/compiler people is the language of "becoming Christian" of essence, when it about talks itself ambiguous religious change. huaquin pactach runacunaca padrepas christiano pipas tucospapas yachahuanman in different instances of their of single beings no arose. such The human who existences, problem a to is not dead be" guanaco "becomes/pretends a an real because his unreal for substituting identity evidences manchaspallam mana alii cascayta, or "some people becoming/feigning to be Christians [said] 'Watch out, the padre might find out how bad we've been'" Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991 :sec. 134 Knowing that in at least one of the languages they used, a semantic Andean converts employed isolate that classed together changes of form regardless of "authenticity" of motive, helps one understand why the saw so in many attacks on the sincerity question period of "Indian" Christianity. Spanish Catholics thought the Andean powers' way of influencing native people was by "lying" (llollaycuy) to them, and this may be influenced by the notion that Andean metamorphoses the typical practice of (tucoy) were deceptions, European demons. Converts, on the other hand, may the requirements of Christianity as a have understood matter of changing appearance (much as appropriately to one did in huaca devotions) in order partake of rather than a matter of connected accents, ontological "essence"?a concept changing them. The assertion that Andean perhaps to unavailable in a people engage a longstanding "double" religious life has been one; it is inmiddlebrow of media still prevalent representations as a "veneer" hiding an authentic Andean Christianity culture. This representation, with "core" of Amerindian arises its subtextual imputation of intentional deception, from (among other things) a failure to grasp local It is perhaps notions and reality. about appearance saddest of many misunderstandings?because went most damaging?that into the making the it is the of colonial the Church and rural society. relations between the sphere of the This exegesis illustrates why, within huacas, one made transits toward beings of more durable standing by taking on a second skin, an closer to their standing as durable, dry, appearance, across diverse "dead" beings. One might communicate states of being by process of tucoy, changing outer for example, appearance, by costuming oneself as a it or by putting on the huaca's animal to commune with a man to communicate with the of dead face flayed place of the dead. From the huaca "ontological point of view, inwhich appear as attributes or devotees' categories" the is not imputed to him as an unchanging humanity essence in the first place. 5: The hierarchy of durability versus transience received ideas about social rank represents often on Up to this point the argument has concentrated the emic viewpoint, ideas implicit expressed sketching in ritual and myth. But these beliefs, of course, an orientation toward a particular observed expressed social authors understood system as itsmembers of the stories, and the Quechua it. (The oral compiler/editor about this system, viewpoints the latter being apparently a strong Christian convert from the world view of the tellers.) alienated In discourse that refers to the upper brackets of themselves had different social/superhuman/cosmological hierarchy, the salience to "thing," "person") is of the category "set" (as opposed which imagery, places durable high. Ancestor-focused in the natural-social world, beings at apical positions an ideology that reifies the real-life processes expresses of social reproduction into segmented kinship A common example of this is the usage of corporations. inca or sapa inca to identify the person who stands all incacuna (persons highest in the set containing In effect the to affiliated Inka descent groups). as use term of the Inca the name of a eponymous the entire "set" of Inkas. The at lower levels, for example, in the various Huarochiri instances where the firstborn of a sib bears a name that is also that of the sib, so that his name is the name of a category. supreme god-king denotes same structure is pervasive When the tellers assigned Paria Caca supremacy and attributed to him a among the deified mountains, fivefold essence manifested through five heroic and their respective "children," selves anthropomorphic each "child" being the ancestor-hero of a major branch the tellers appear to have of the dominant population, a taxonomic and explaining likeness been recognizing as as well of cultic practice) among (perhaps language known separate, but mutually disparate and politically allied invading populations. and sometimes (Of course a Paria in doing so, they may have been appropriating than the Caca cult older and more multiethnic This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Salomon: How the huacas were allows; Guarnan Poma 1980 [1615]:113, manuscript 185, 264, 268, 269, 329, 335, 884, 915). These apical beings themselves, including Paria Caca once he to expel older deities, existed in the form of "ascended" matter? hardened and durable geological completely sense. social practices "reified" in the strictest Beings embodying medial and lower nodes of are imagined as former humans or segmentation and humanlike, typically "hardened" by mummification most of the Checa the enshrinement, Quiri Tutay being elaborated example, and ?an Sapa apparently another such. The historical origins of mallkis taken to embody taxa are unknown. But to allow for the heads of medial their relative exaltation thousands of other bodies must relative neglect. The passion for protecting "mothers" and "fathers" of mummified important collectivities (which so fascinated the corporate of "extirpators idolatry") was a part of political symbolic have received process, inwhich kurakas attributed to ancestors of lines whatever leading (putatively senior) descent achieved and voiced the prosperity the community needs to them. We know from extirpation community's lords who died inquiries into the funerals of Huarochiri in the era of the manuscript that the aggrandizement of to ancestors leaders continued among primacy political after Spanish conquest (Salomon 1995, Marzal 1988, 1998). Saignes The passage to durable being was accordingly in favor of persons unequally though society the interests whom of through kinship corporations were And the transmitted. effectively landscape over which ancestor shrines, huacas, and deified land features were as an could be taken spread integrally naturalized map distributed hierarchy, so that one lived enclosed by an all across structure encompassing correspondence levels. ontological to that of The idiom of ancestor cult, as opposed taxa in concretize did focalized deities, persons, apical sets as do the but their names never stood for whole of social accent seems to highest names. Rather their ontological fall on the category "relation." They were like milestones is a for measuring the spaces of relatedness. A milestone a to but is whose the express thing thing, significance it and other points in space, and the relation between relation called "mile" has no meaning except the space such points. So major ancestors became not to relational of relation but were accented markers just of and affiliation. concepts genealogy political between 6: Notwithstanding includes a trickster relativizes One this schema, mythology principle, which upsets hierarchies 15 centrally and of being of the most interesting properties of the is that it idealizes a priestly order, it manuscript although also contains, as Fioravanti-Molini? (1987) has shown, a that order, namely the principle of principle relativizing the trickster-demiurge. His name in the Huarochiri source is Cuni Raya Vira Cocha. as Rostworowski Raya?is, name a the of (1989) ascertained, far-flung coastal deity associated with the transformation of landforms by water. In the desiccated Andean landscape, water signifies two things: longed-for fertility (via rain or irrigation) and dreaded danger (because rain often takes the form of Half of his name?Cuni devastating earthslides and flash floods). Thus the mythic persona of water tends to be a life-giving but tricky, and dangerous one. In the Huarochiri uncontrollable, Cuni Raya's tricks generally take the form of manuscript, seduction or sexual provocation by magical means, in unwanted (Ch. 2) or elopement pregnancy resulting and irregular unions that (Ch. 31), that is, unpredictable produce fertility but do so inways that upset the normal water does social and productive arrangements?as it gets out of control. when The compiler, like many Europeans, was influenced the but already popularized by equation misleading Vira between Cocha and the God of contemporary Cuni Raya's ability to create whole an allusion to the way landscapes by fiat?probably water can transform land dramatically?led the compiler to think of Cuni Raya as a creator deity, like Dios, the Christians' God. He was therefore puzzled by his Catholicism. inability to verify from oral testimony that Cuni Raya had the expected divine attribute of priority to all other (Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. 7, superhumans ch. 15). 189, Cuni Raya Vira Cocha is the exception to every rule one at about huacas. Although point he (like most huacas) is said to have in a determinate 1991:sec. 90), a lithified (Salomon and Urioste, eds. transformation that usually marks humanlike action to permanence, place the passage from he is present at all ages and places, popping up in primordial, mythic, legendary, and Inka times. The invasion of the Spaniards as yet another of his tricks. In in chapter 14 is explained all his interventions, he brings people to act by their This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 16 RES33 SPRING1998 desires and expectations, yet in such a way as to about and results. Many transformative disruptive bring include his "becoming/feigning" of these actions normal of various kinds. appearances beguiling On one level, one might guess that Cuni Raya the paradoxes inherent in irrigation personifies the control of water brings "normal" technology; the landscape the very force that frequently through and reshapes things catastrophically. level, one could think of him as the general it possible the joker in the deck, who made a huaca outlook to include deep appreciation but not in their manifestations. limited to superhumanity of cosmos was, then, asserted not by a on the part of unifying theory, but by social mediation its inhabitants. They were the ones who brought all The coherence sorts of beings things On a more anW-huaca, for the is sometimes cay, which glossed "wisdom" but "discernment" (Gonc?lez Holgu?n 1952 strongly implies to the In Huarochiri, weavers [1608]:148). appealed a to before warp complex trying trickster-demiurge it out, Cuni Raya Vira Cocha" design: "Help me work (Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. 8). If the it Huarochiri manuscript suggests a concept of wisdom, of the attribute of being that is the deep appreciation Cuni Raya, stood for. To sum up: the Huarochiri manuscript's tellers seem not to analytically to have been habituated separated like those categories portions of reality?ontological to a web of outlined at the start of this essay?but with persons who each in their socioritual connections and familiarized the multiple embodied complexity about such problems attributes of "being." Reasoning a corporate the relations between a set (for example, one in those of "exists" and which sense, group), "exist" in another, ritual that held together. breaks BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, Catherine 1982 "Body and Soul inQuechua Thought." Journal of Latin American Lore 8 (2):179-196. Bel lah, Robert 1964 "Religious Evolution." American Sociological 29:358-374. Butchvarov, 1995 amauta who Itwas into of Cuni Raya seems to and the unpredictable. mutability In the terminology of occupy a category all by himself. the he Aristotelian points toward is a "thing" ontology, "state This vivid of affairs." permanent deity personifies and focalizes the fragility of all structures and categories even The humor. Andean person struggling to paradox, to his evasive wit as to the source of learn appealed persons, into relationship. is not abstracted as kin Duviols, 1978 Review Ranayot "Metaphysics," inCambridge Dictionary of Philosophy, ed. Robert Audi, pp. 489^91. Cambridge University Press, New York. Pierre "'Camaquen, un concept upani': animiste des anciens P?ruviens/ inAmerikanistische Studien. Festschrift f?r Hermann Trimborn; ed. R. Hartmann Instituti and U. Oberem, pp. 132-144. Collectanea St. Switzerland. 20. Augustin, Anthropos 1986 Cultura andina y represi?n. Procesos y visitas de idolatrfas y hechicer?as, Cajatambo, siglo XVII. Archivos de Historia Andina 5. Centro de Rurales Investigaciones Duviols, 1993 Pierre and C?sar Andinos, Cuzco. Itier, eds. Relaci?n de antig?edades deste reyno del Piru, Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua; estudio etnohist?rico y ling??stico de Pierre Duviols y C?sar Itier.Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos, Cusco. but in the interaction of beings who accentuate expressed Routine problems about different kinds of existence. entities such as taxa, events, and persons were then unselfconsciously through the idiom of processed as the theWest huacas. What troublingly experienced of experienced reality's incommensurability a on for need the metaphysical ground parts?and in to place them together?found which expression these myths as disparity but also connectedness among as superhuman clusters of meaning beings personified Gonc?lez Holgu?n, Diego 1952 Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Peru llamada lengua Quichua o del Inca (1608). Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Instituto de Historia, Lima. fundamental Guarnan Poma de Ayala, Felipe 1980 Nueva cor?nica y buen gobierno John V. Murra and Rolena Urioste. Siglo XXI, M?xico This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Adorno, D.F. (1615), 3 vols., ed. trans. Jorge L. Salomon: How the huacas were Manheim, Bruce 1991 The Language of the Inka Since the Spanish Invasion. of Texas University Press, 1980 M. Manuel 1988 "Supay." Amerindia, Revue d'Ethnolinguistique Am?rindienne 5:4 7-63. Austin. Taylor, Marzal, 17 "La religi?n andina persistente en Andagua a fines del virreinato." Hist?rica 12(2):161-181. Gerald, ed. and trans., with Antonio Acosta 1987 Ritos y tradiciones de Huarochiri del siglo XVII. Historia Andina, no. 12. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos and Instituto Franc?s de Estudios Andinos, Lima. Molini?-Fioravanti, Antoinette 1985 "Tiempo del espacio y espacio del tiempo en los Andes." Journal de la Soci?t? des Am?ricanistes 1987 Urioste, George 1973 Chay Simire Caymi. The Language of the Huarochiri 71:97-114. Manuscript. "El regreso de Viracocha." Bulletin de l'Institut Fran?ais d'?tudes Andin?s 16(3-4):71-83. University New 1981 Karsten Paerregaard, 1987 in the Andes." Folk "Death Rituals and Symbols 29:23-42. Estudios Lima. Peruanos, Rubina, Celia 1992 "La petrificaci?n en el Manuscrito Mester 21 (2):71-82. "De al la borrachera retrato. Washington, andinos entre dos legitimidades?Charcas." Revista Andina 5(1 ):139-170. 1998 "The Colonial Condition in the Quechua-Aymara Heartland," inCambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas. Part III,South America, ed. Frank Salomon and Stuart Schwartz. Cambridge University Press, New York. Salomon, 1995 Frank Living. Andean pp. 247-281. Salomon, 1991 in Tombs for the "The Beautiful Grandparents," Frank, and Mortuary Dumbarton George Urioste, ed. Practices, Oaks, Tom Washington, trans, and Dillehay, D.C. eds. The Huarochiri Manuscript, a Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion (1608?). University of Texas Press, Austin. Taylor, Gerald 1974-1976 "Camay, camac, et camasca dans le manuscrit quechua de Huarochiri." Journal de la Soci?t? des Am?ricanistes 63:231 79. Cornell D.C. Valderrama Fern?ndez, Ricardo, and Carmen Escalante Guti?rrez 1980 "ApuQorpuna (visi?n del mundo de los muertos en la comunidad de Awkimarca)." Debates en Antropolog?a 5:233-269. de Huarochiri." Los caciques no. York. Saignes, Thierry 1987 Series, "Sickness and Death in Preconquest Andean Cosmology: The Huarochiri Oral Tradition," inHealth in the Andes, ed. JosephW. Bastien and JohnM. Donahue, pp. 9-18. American Anthropological Association, Rostworowski de Died Conceicao, Maria 1989 "Las Ruins de Cancan: derrotero etnohist?rico," in Instituto de Costa Peruana Prehisp?nica, pp.167-174. Dissertation Latin American Studies Program, Ithaca, -243. This content downloaded from 129.81.226.149 on Sat, 19 Oct 2013 21:56:31 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions