Encyclopedia of the Incas: WORSHIP, ANCESTOR

Encyclopedia of the Incas EDITED BY GARY URTON AND ADRIANA VON HAGEN ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • London 15_145-Urton.indb iii 3/23/15 3:14 PM Published by Rowman & Littleield A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littleield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowman.com Unit A, Whitacre Mews, 26-34 Stannary Street, London SE11 4AB Copyright © 2015 by Rowman & Littleield All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data <to come> ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Printed in the United States of America 15_145-Urton.indb iv 3/23/15 3:14 PM CONTENTS Thematic Contents 00 Introduction 00 Map 00 Acllacuna 00 Bridges 00 Acosta, José de 00 Cabello Valboa, Miguel 00 Administration 00 Cajamarca 00 Administration, Decimal 00 Calancha, Antonio de la 00 Albornoz, Cristóbal de 00 Calendar, Ritual 00 Andes, Central 00 Capac Hucha 00 Anello Oliva, Giovanni 00 Catequil 00 Animals, Domesticated 00 Census 00 Antisuyu 00 Ceques 00 Archaeology, Cuzco 00 Ceramics 00 Architecture 00 Chicha 00 Arithmetic 00 Chinchaysuyu 00 Astronomy 00 Chroniclers, Conquest 00 Avila, Francisco de 00 Chronology, Inca 00 Ayllu 00 Chronology, Pre-Inca 00 Aymara 00 Cieza de León, Pedro de 00 Battles, Ritual 00 Cobo, Bernabé 00 Bertonio, Ludovico 00 Coca 00 Betanzos, Juan de 00 Collasuyu 00 Bingham, Hiram 00 Conquests 00 v 15_145-Urton.indb v 3/23/15 3:14 PM vi CONTENTS Coricancha 00 King List 00 Costume 00 Kingship, Divine 00 Crime and Punishment 00 Labor Service 00 Cuisine 00 Legacy, Inca 00 Cuntisuyu 00 Machu Picchu 00 Cuzco 00 Metallurgy 00 Dance 00 Mining 00 Deities 00 Molina, Cristóbal de 00 Diseases, Foreign 00 Mummies, Royal 00 Divination 00 Murra, John Victor 00 Dualism 00 Murúa, Martín de 00 Economy, Household 00 Music 00 Estates, Royal 00 Myths, Origin 00 Ethnicity 00 Oracles 00 Ethnography, as a Source 00 Pachacamac 00 Expansion 00 Farming 00 Feasts, State-Sponsored 00 Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Joan de Santa Cruz 00 Feathers 00 Panaca 00 Foodstufs, Domesticated 00 Pease, Franklin 00 Fortiications 00 Pizarro, Pedro 00 Garcilaso de la Vega, El Inca 00 Planning, Settlement 00 González Holguín, Diego 00 Polo Ondegardo, Juan 00 Puquina 00 00 Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe 00 Health and Illness 00 Quarrying and Stonecutting Huaca 00 Quechua 00 Incas by Privilege 00 Quipu 00 Invasion, Spanish 00 Relaciones Geográicas 00 Irrigation 00 Religion 00 Roads 00 Islands of the Sun and the Moon 00 Rostworowski, María 00 Keros 00 Rowe, John Howland 00 15_145-Urton.indb vi 3/23/15 3:14 PM CONTENTS vii Rule, Imperial 00 Uhle, Max 00 Sacsahuaman 00 Ushnu 00 Sámano Account 00 Valera, Blas 00 Sapa Inca 00 Vilca 00 Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro Vilcabamba 00 00 Seafaring 00 Village Life 00 Storage 00 Visitas 00 Subsistence 00 Warfare 00 Tambos 00 Wars, Dynastic 00 Tello, Julio C. 00 Wealth 00 Temples 00 Weaving and Textiles 00 Terracing 00 Women 00 Worship, Ancestor 00 Zuidema, Reiner Tom 00 Titu Cusi Yupanqui, Diego de Castro 00 Index 563 About the Editors and Contributors 000 15_145-Urton.indb vii 3/23/15 3:14 PM T H E MCAT O NI CTACE N ON T ST E N T S Modern Scholars/Experts Bingham, Hiram Ethnography, as a Source Murra, John Victor Pease, Franklin Rostworowski, María Rowe, John Howland Tello, Julio C. Uhle, Max Zuidema, Reiner Tom Historical Individuals Colonial Era Writers/Sources Acosta, José de Albornoz, Cristóbal de Anello Oliva, Giovanni Avila, Francisco de Bertonio, Ludovico Betanzos, Juan de Cabello Valboa, Miguel Calancha, Antonio de la Chroniclers, Conquest Cieza de León, Pedro de Cobo, Bernabé Garcilaso de la Vega, El Inca González Holguín, Diego Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe Molina, Cristóbal de Murúa, Martín de Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Joan de Santa Cruz Pizarro, Pedro Polo Ondegardo, Juan Relaciones Geográicas Sámano Account Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro Titu Cusi Yupanqui, Diego de Castro Valera, Blas 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 Chronology Chronology, Pre-Inca Chronology, Inca 000 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 Inca Origins and the Royal Dynasty King List 00 Kingship, Divine 00 Mummies, Royal 00 Myths, Origin 00 Sapa Inca 00 Wars, Dynastic 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 The Land, Its Peoples, and Their Languages Andes, Central Antisuyu Aymara Ayllu 00 00 00 00 00 00 viii 15_145-Urton.indb viii 3/23/15 3:14 PM T H E M AT I C C O N T E N T S Chinchaysuyu Collasuyu Cuntisuyu Ethnicity Health and Illness Puquina Quechua Village Life Women 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 Economy and Livelihood Animals, Domesticated Chicha Coca Cuisine Economy, Household Farming Foodstufs, Domesticated Storage Subsistence Wealth 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 Cuzco, the Capital and Its Organization Archaeology, Cuzco Ceques Coricancha Cuzco Dualism Panaca Sacsahuaman 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 Officials and State/ Imperial Institutions Acllacuna Administration Administration, Decimal Census Crime and Punishment Estates, Royal 00 00 00 00 00 00 15_145-Urton.indb ix ix Incas by Privilege Labor Service 00 00 Religion, Ritual, Ceremonies Battles, Ritual Calendar, Ritual Capac Hucha CatequilDance Deities Divination Huaca Islands of the Sun and Moon Music Oracles Pachacamac Religion Temples Ushnu Vilca Worship, Ancestors 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 The Social Realm: Kinship, Gender, Stratiication Acllacuna 00 Ayllu 00 Economy, Household 00 Ethnicity 00 Incas by Privilege 00 Panaca 00 Village Life 00 Wealth 00 Women 00 Worship, Ancestors 00 Arts, Crafts, Engineering and Sciences Architecture Arithmetic Astronomy Bridges 00 00 00 00 3/23/15 3:14 PM x Ceramics Costume Feathers Irrigation Keros Machu Picchu Metallurgy Mining Planning, Settlement Quarrying and Stonecutting Quipus Roads Seafaring Tambos Terracing Weaving and Textiles 15_145-Urton.indb x T H E M AT I C C O N T E N T S 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 Warfare, Expansion, and Relations with the Provinces Conquests 00 Expansion 00 Feasts, State Sponsored 00 Fortiications 00 Rule, Imperial 00 Warfare 00 Spanish Invasion and Conquest Cajamarca Diseases, Foreign Invasion, Spanish Legacy, Inca Vilcabamba Visitas 00 00 00 00 00 00 3/23/15 3:14 PM 304 W O R S H I P, A N C E S T O R and arms were conceived as a complementary unity of societal reproduction. But as the Incas consolidated their control over the Andes, the ideological structure of the conquest hierarchy became a design for imperial dominion—with gendered consequences. The conquest hierarchy, transformed to meet the needs of empire, became the framework for a political—not prestige—hierarchy. Men, not women, illed the growing number of oices in the imperial bureaucracy: men were census takers, the controllers of state storehouses, the judges, the political overseers and middlemen. Another consequence was that “male conquerors,” embodied by the Inca, now the titular husband of all “conquered” women, could claim rights to all women under his rule. Converted to an institution of imperial rule, the “conquest hierarchy” spawned the creation of the most renowned class of women in the empire—the aclla, the Inca’s “chosen women” (see Acllacuna). This transformation bore profound consequences for gender relations and for the meanings and possibilities aforded Andean women. Further Reading Silverblatt, Irene. Moon, Sun, and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Class in Inca and Colonial Peru. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987 ■ I R E N E S I LV E R B L A T T W O R S H I P, A N C E S T O R The relationship with ancestors was a fundamental feature of Inca culture and society. By ancestors we refer not only to historically remembered progenitors, but also to mythical community founders who were said to have brought ayllus (kin-based communities) into existence in the very distant past. Most ayllus were composed of lineages deined by descent from speciic ancestors and joined as a collectivity through common descent from a distant founder. The term ancestor worship refers here to ritualized performances through which living ayllu members expressed their ongoing relationship with community forebears. Because these rites served to display group membership and diferentiate groups from each other, they had important political dimensions. The descendant-ancestor bond was often as much a matter of ailiation as it was of literal descent; outsiders could adopt ancestors as their own by participating in their worship, thus deining themselves as members of the descendant community. Exact genealogical reckoning held importance mainly for ayllu chiefs (curacas) and Inca royalty; common folk simply considered themselves members of an extended kin group originating with a distant founder. In any case, whether reckoned by ailiation or literal descent, ancestors played an active role in the life of the ayllus. Founding ancestors were said to have emerged from underground or, less frequently, to have fallen from the sky. Origin narratives collected by early Spanish chroniclers tell us that the irst human beings journeyed north from Lake Titicaca via underground waterways. Some emerged into daylight from springs, while others came forth from lakes, caves, hilltops, and even the roots of trees. Wherever they emerged, they founded ayllus. The places of emergence were venerated as pacarinas (dawning places); ayllu mummies 15_145-Urton.indb 304 3/23/15 3:15 PM W O R S H I P, A N C E S T O R 305 An Inca mummy is carried on a litter during the feast of the dead. Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno. Edited by John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno, 230/256. Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1980 [1615]. were often interred there as well, thus returning in death to their kindred’s place of origin (see Myths, Origin). Ayllu origin narratives typically end with founding ancestors turning to stone. According to the chronicler Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, the ancestors of the Inca kings, ive brothers and ive sisters, emerged from a cave in Pacariqtambo and set out in search of a place to settle. Eventually they crossed a hill called Huanacauri overlooking the Cuzco valley, site of their future city. On that hilltop one of the brothers, Ayar Uchu, turned to stone and became a very powerful and sacred huaca (shrine). On reaching the site itself, another brother, Ayar Auca, turned into a huanca (large boulder indicating possession of an agricultural locale). The senior brother, Ayar Manco, became the irst paramount ruler (Manco Capac); after death his body became a rock and was venerated as the oldest of the royal mummies. Rural ayllus also had their ancestral huacas and huancas. The Huarochirí Manuscript (see Avila, Francisco de) tells how primordial lovers, Anchi Cara from Allauca and Huallama from Surco, turned to stone while making love in a mountain spring that gave rise to their respective irrigation systems. They were worshipped during canal-cleaning festivals with panpipe music and oferings of coca leaves. In the central highlands many ayllus were composed of two groups consisting of original inhabitants called huari and newcomers called llacuaz. The agriculturally oriented huaris directed their veneration mainly 15_145-Urton.indb 305 3/23/15 3:15 PM 306 W O R S H I P, A N C E S T O R at immovable huancas, while the pastoral llacuazes were more focused on portable ancestral stones that accompanied them when they entered the territory. Far from being inert chunks of matter, ancestral stones powerfully condensed the life force of ayllu founders and ensured their permanence. To generalize, Andeans did not think in terms of Western body/soul dualism; all matter had the potential for active life (though not all matter realized this potential). Bodies of the deceased, when properly mummiied, condensed a life force similar to that of the petriied founding ancestors. These ayllu mummies were called mallqui, a term also meaning “a tree complete with its roots” (perhaps alluding to the subterranean sustenance roots that provide for the visible branching tree above ground). Typically, lexed bodies of the dead were wrapped in layers of cloth and placed in caves, burial towers, or shaft tombs. The most important mummies had their own shrines. In 1614, for example, the priest Avendaño located and destroyed Libiac Concharco, the mummiied founding ancestor of the Checras region of Chancay, in the highlands of Lima. The mummy was ensconced in a curtained shrine, wrapped in six layers of embroidered cloth and bedecked with feathers and golden ornaments. People of the region attributed their prosperity to Libiac Concharco, and often carried him from place to place to receive oferings. Mallquis were felt to be essential for the well-being of their ayllus, responsible for seasonal rains and the health and fecundity of people, crops, and herds. Their relationship with the living was a reciprocal one. Like living people, mummies got hungry and thirsty and needed sustenance and care. Fields and pastures were set aside to provide for them. Most ayllus had one or more priests who changed the mummies’ clothing regularly and made sure they received oferings of meat, blood, toasted maize, coca leaves, and maize beer, chicha. Llamas, guinea pigs and, in extreme cases, children, were sacriiced to them. The priests also served as mediums who could communicate with the mallquis, ask for their counsel in times of crisis, and relay their advice to the ayllu (see Oracles). People approached huacas and mallquis as they did chiefs and Inca nobility, with a gesture of obeisance (mocha) that entailed extending the right hand, placing the left hand on the forehead and making a kissing sound with the lips. Collective worship took place before harvest and sowing when ayllu members gathered at their pacarinas, or places or origin. The priest took confessions, one-by-one or collectively, after which the people made oferings, danced, and sang traditional ballads recounting their ayllu’s origin story. Probably these festivals provided a context in which origin myths might be revised and reinterpreted in light of then-current political realities and other changing circumstances. In 1574, the priest and chronicler Cristóbal de Molina observed a puriication festival (Citua) that took place in Cuzco at the beginning of the rainy season (August/September). Richly adorned mummies of deceased Cuzco nobility were placed on golden stools in the plaza in order of seniority. They were joined by the city’s populace, who also sat in rank order. The Inca ruler, together with a high priest, drank chicha (maize beer) from a large golden beaker and poured libations for the Creator, the Sun and Thunder (see Deities; Religion).Then there came a procession of priests bearing yet more mummiied nobility from Upper and Lower Cuzco. They too were seated in rank order, after which everyone set to sharing food and drink, singing and dancing together. The Inca shared chicha with the noble mummies, who consumed it through the persons of their appointed retainer-priests; the mummies in turn sent beakers of chicha to the Inca ruler. This pattern 15_145-Urton.indb 306 3/23/15 3:15 PM W O R S H I P, A N C E S T O R 307 repeated among the rest of the participants; thus the living and dead celebrated together (see Mummies, Royal). Molina and other observers saw these festivals as excess and debauchery, not understanding the profound signiicance of commensality for Andean people (see Feasts, State-Sponsored). Food sharing was the fundamental expression of kinship; to eat and drink together was to partake of the same substance. It was important to include deceased relatives—mallquis—in ayllu commensality; the retainer-priest’s body provided a conduit through which the animating force of food and beverage passed to the mummiied ancestor. The intoxication and intense conviviality that shocked Spanish missionaries occurred in this ritual framework and had the purpose of joining the living and the dead in prosperous, harmonious community. The Spanish conquest was profoundly traumatic for the Andean populace in many respects, not the least of which was the destruction of huacas and mallquis, along with the requirement that the dead receive Christian burial within churches and cemeteries. People grieved for their forebears, bereft of oferings and sufering from hunger and thirst. They found unbearable the idea that their recently dead kinsmen were weighted down by earth or enclosed in cramped niches, and went so far as to surreptitiously remove these beloved cadavers to traditional burial places, and to continue their traditional services behind the missionaries’ backs. Indeed, some of our best information about pre-Spanish burial practices and ancestral rites comes from missionaries who zealously tracked down the would-be mallquis and carried them back for Christian burial. Severing the bond between living Andean peoples and their ancestors dealt a decisive blow to the Inca way of life. Ancestor worship forged connections among the living and the dead that were fundamental to Inca society and culture. Bonds between the living and their dead were physical and communicative, forged through close proximity and commensality. In these collective acts of communication with the dead, the ayllu constituted itself as a moral and political entity at every level—from small rural settlements to the royal lineages of Cuzco. Further Reading Cobo, Bernabé. Inca Religion and Customs.Translated and edited by Roland Hamilton. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1990. Dillehay, Tom D., ed. Tombs for the Living: Andean Mortuary Practices. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. 1995. Gose, Peter. Invaders as Ancestors: On the Making and Unmaking of Spanish Colonialism in the Andes. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 2008. MacCormick, Sabine. Religion in the Andes: Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1991. Ramírez, Susan Elizabeth. To Feed and Be Fed:The Cosmological Basis of Authority and Identity in the Andes. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 2005. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, María. History of the Inca Realm. Translated by Harry B. Iceland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1999. Salomon, Frank, and George L. Urioste, trans. and eds. The Huarochirí Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion. Austin: University of Texas Press. 1991. ■ C AT H E R I N E J . A L L E N 15_145-Urton.indb 307 3/23/15 3:15 PM Z ZUIDEMA, REINER TOM Zuidema (1927–) began his anthropological training with studies of Southeast Asian societies at Leiden University, the Netherlands, in the 1950s. He was a student of two prominent Dutch structural anthropologists of the 1940s and 1950s, J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong and P. E. de Josselin de Jong. Zuidema switched his focus of research to the Andes following Indonesian independence, in 1949. He subsequently moved from Leiden to Madrid, in the early 1950s, to deepen his studies of Spanish sources on the Incas. Zuidema earned his irst PhD at the University of Madrid in 1953 with a dissertation titled La organización social y politica Incaica según las Fuentes Españoles (The Social and Political Organization of the Incas According to the Spanish Sources). His second PhD was awarded at Leiden University in 1964, with a dissertation titled The Ceque System of Cuzco:The Social Organization of the Capital of the Inca. Upon completion of his Leiden dissertation, Zuidema took up his irst teaching post at the University of Huamanga, in Ayacucho, Peru, from 1964 to 1967. He then taught at the Department of Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign in 1967, a position from which he retired in 1994. Zuidema’s research and publications over the years have been heavily inluenced by his close reading of the Spanish chronicles, as well as by his ethnographic experiences in the Ayacucho region of Peru. He trained numerous graduate students who earned PhDs at Illinois with their research in Andean archaeology, ethnohistory and ethnography. Zuidema’s early studies focused on the social and political organization of the Inca capital by way of the ceque (line, orientation) system within the city and valley of Cuzco. Zuidema showed that the basic structures of the ceque system included dual (moiety) and quadripartite (suyu) divisions, which were subdivided into 41 ceque lines along which were organized some 328 sacred sites, or huacas. These structures provided the framework for political, social, and ritual relations and activities among 10 groups of descendants of the Inca kings (panacas), and 10 groups of descendants of non-noble, but privileged, status residents (ayllus) who collectively oversaw state ceremonies and religious celebrations within the capital city. In his 308 15_145-Urton.indb 308 3/23/15 3:15 PM Z U I D E M A , R E I N E R TO M 309 early studies, Zuidema was concerned primarily with the structural properties of the ceque system, particularly as they related to Andean forms and principles of social and kinship organization, as well as certain presumed marriage patterns, which, he thought, were crucial for the reproduction of political relations among the panacas and ayllus over time. His attention increasingly turned to questions concerning the historicity of the ceque system, the place of mythology in rationalizing the structures of the system, and the temporalities of the system as they were realized in what he termed the “ceque calendar.” Further Reading Salomon, Frank. “The Historical Development of Andean Ethnology.” Mountain Research and Development 5, no. 1: 79–98, 1985 Urton, Gary. “R. Tom Zuidema, Dutch Structuralism, and the Application of the ‘Leiden Orientation’ to Andean Studies.” In Structure, Knowledge, and Representation in the Andes: Studies Presented to Reiner Tom Zuidema on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday. Journal of the Steward Anthropological Society 24, no. 1–2: 1–36, 1996. Zuidema, R. Tom. The Ceque System of Cuzco: The Social Organization of the Capital of the Incas. Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1964. ———. El calendario inca:Tiempo y espacio en la organización ritual del Cuzco: La idea del pasado. Lima: Fondo Editorial del Congreso del Perú and Fondo Editorial de la Pontiicia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2010. ■ G A RY U RTO N 15_145-Urton.indb 309 3/23/15 3:15 PM 15_145-Urton.indb 310 3/23/15 3:15 PM Index To come 311 15_145-Urton.indb 311 3/23/15 3:15 PM 312 15_145-Urton.indb 312 INDEX 3/23/15 3:15 PM About the Editors and Contributors THE EDITORS Gary Urton is the Dumbarton Oaks Professor of Pre-Columbian Studies and Chairman of the Department of Anthropology at Harvard University. His research focuses on a variety of topics in pre-Columbian and early Colonial Andean intellectual history, and draws on materials and methods in archaeology, ethnohistory, and ethnology. He is the author of many articles and author/editor of several volumes on Andean/Quechua cultures and Inca civilization. His books include: At the Crossroads of the Earth and the Sky (1981), The History of a Myth (1990), The Social Life of Numbers (1997), Inca Myths (1999), and Signs of the Inka Khipu (2003). A MacArthur Fellow (2001–2005), Urton is the founder/director of the Harvard Khipu Database Project. Adriana von Hagen is an independent scholar and writer who specializes in the archaeology of Peru. Her books (with Craig Morris) include The Incas: Lords of the Four Quarters and Cities of the Ancient Andes, among others. THE CONTRIBUTORS Juan Ossio Acuña is a full professor in the Department of Social Sciences, Pontiicia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Catherine J. Allen is Professor Emerita of Anthropology at The George Washington University, Washington, D.C. Elizabeth Arkush is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh in Pennsylvania. Tamara L. Bray is Professor of Anthropology at Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan. Richard L. Burger is Professor of Anthropology and Archaeological Studies at Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino is full Professor of Linguistics at Pontiicia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Lawrence S. Coben is Executive Director of the Sustainable Preservation Initiative and a Consulting Scholar at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Philadelphia. Noble David Cook is Professor of History at Florida International University, Miami. Noa Corcoran-Tadd is a PhD candidate in Anthropology at Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. R. Alan Covey is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Texas, Austin. 313 15_145-Urton.indb 313 3/23/15 3:15 PM 314 A B O U T T H E E D I TO R S A N D CO N T R I B U TO R S Tom B. F. Cummins is the Dumbarton Oaks Professor of the History of Pre-Columbian and Colonial Art at Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Marco Curatola Petrocchi is Professor of History at Pontiicia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Terence N. D’Altroy is the Loubat Professor of American Archaeology in the Department of Anthropology at Columbia University, New York. Javier Flores Espinoza is a translator and Adjunct Professor of Contemporary Economic History at the University of the Paciic in Lima, Peru. Daniel W. Gade is Professor Emeritus of Geography at The University of Vermont, Burlington. Christine A. Hastorf is Professor of Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley. Peter Kaulicke is Professor of Archaeology at Pontiicia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Steve Kosiba is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Alabama,Tuscaloosa. Heather Lechtman is Professor of Archaeology and Ancient Technology and Director of the Center for Materials Research in Archaeology and Ethnology at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge. Krzysztof Makowski is Professor of Archaeology at Pontiicia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Michael A. Malpass is the Charles A. Dana Chair in the Social Sciences and Professor of Anthropology at Ithaca College, Ithaca, New York. Colin McEwan is Director of Pre-Columbian Studies at Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collections, Washington, D.C. Gordon F. McEwan is Professor of Anthropology at Wagner College, Staten Island, New York. Melissa S. Murphy is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Wyoming, Laramie. Stella Nair is Associate Professor of Art of the Americas at the University of California, Los Angeles. Jean-Pierre Protzen is Professor Emeritus of the Department of Architecture at the University of California, Berkeley. Kylie E. Quave is Visiting Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Beloit College, Beloit, Wisconsin. Susan Elizabeth Ramírez is Neville G. Penrose Chair of History and Latin American Studies at Texas Christian University, Fort Worth. Irene Silverblatt is Professor of Cultural Anthropology and History at Duke University, Durham, North Carolina. Peter Stahl is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Victoria, British Columbia, Canada. Mary Van Buren is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Colorado State University, Fort Collins. Holly Wissler is an Applied Ethnomusicologist in Cuzco, Peru. R. Tom Zuidema is Professor Emeritus of Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. 15_145-Urton.indb 314 3/23/15 3:15 PM