Andy Roddick
McMaster University, Anthropology, Faculty Member
- McMaster University, Laboratory for Interdisciplinary Research on Archaeological Ceramics (LIRAC), Faculty MemberWenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Conference & Workshop Grants, Department MemberWenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Post-Ph.D. Research Grants, Department Memberadd
- Ceramics (Archaeology), Anthropology of Learning, Cultural Memory, Anthropology, Anthropology of Knowledge, Anthropology of Peru, and 33 moreAnthropology of space, Andean Prehistory (Archaeology), Archaeological Chemistry, Dwelling Practices and Built Environments, Archaeological Graphics & Illustration, Anthropology of Technology, Ancient Technology (Archaeology), Central & South America (Anthropology), Material Culture Studies, Materiality (Anthropology), Archaeometry, Tiwanaku, Archaeology, Bolivia, Ceramics, Pottery, Ethnography, Landscape Archaeology, portable XRF (PXRF) in Archaeology and Museum Science, Chronographics - visual representation of historical time, Andean Archaeology, Inca Archaeology, Ethnoarchaeology, Ceramic Petrography, Ceramic Analysis (Archaeology), Andes, Aymara, Pottery (Archaeology), Archaeology of Religion, Archaeological Theory, Practice theory, Historical Archaeology, and Jean Laveedit
- I conduct archaeological research on Formative Period cultures of the south central highlands of Bolivia. My ongoing ... moreI conduct archaeological research on Formative Period cultures of the south central highlands of Bolivia. My ongoing work employs ceramic analysis to investigate community organization during the periods prior to the appearance of Tiwanaku, one of the earliest urban centers in highland South America. I have focused my work on the Taraco Peninsula, on the southern shores of Late Titicaca, where I have led excavations, conducted geological surveys, and conducted fine-grained ceramic analysis. My research asks several broad anthropological questions: How did potters learn their craft in the past? How do crafting traditions develop, and how are they maintained? How do the production, distribution and consumption of crafts contribute to the development of community and political identity?
I am currently involved in four projects, all of which continue to explore my interest in crafting traditions, learning, and archaeologies of landscape. The first project, which is funded by a Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) Insight Grant, involves the analysis of Late Formative (200 BC - 400 AD) and Tiwanaku (AD 400-1000) period ceramic collections, in order to explore changes in "communities of practice" across space and time. In this project both McMaster and Bolivian students are helping to explore the changes in skilled potting across time and space through the collection of raw materials (clays and sediments), the analysis of ceramic attributes, and detailed study of pottery and clay using a range of analytical techniques (petrography, LA-ICP-MS (Laser Ablation Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry), and radiography. There are several possibilities for graduate work both in the field and in my Laboratory for Interdisciplinary Research of Archaeological Ceramics (https://www.anthropology.mcmaster.ca/LIRAC).
My second project, which has received funding from McMaster’s Arts Research Board (ARB) and the Wenner-Gren Foundation (http://www.wennergren.org/), consists of working closely with modern potting communities in the Lake Titicaca Basin. With this project, which might be conceived as an "archaeology of the present" (Gonzales-Ruibal 2009), I am exploring the social contexts of learning, embodied techniques, and crafting traditions. Our team, which consists of my co-director Victor Plaza and ethnographer Oswaldo Plaza, is using a range of methods, including interviews, video recording, archival research, and fine-grained ceramic analysis to explore the practices of highly skilled potters and the historical foundations of specialized potting communities in the region.
The third project, which is in its infancy, is a larger collaborative project with Dr. John Janusek (Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University), Carlos Lemuz (Sociedad Arqueológico de La Paz), and Victor Plaza (Director of Tourism and Culture for the municipality of Escoma). In 2012 and 2013 we explored a relatively unknown archaeological region of the eastern Lake Titicaca Basin, and encountered many impressive and well-preserved archaeological sites. In 2014 we initiated the Proyecto Arqueológico de Redes de Interacción Altiplano y Valles Interandinos (PARIAVA), in order to study Late Formative social landscapes and settlements on the eastern side of the Lake Titicaca basin. This project is exciting because it will produce data that may radically change our understanding of larger regional relationships of the South Central Andes. Our long-term plan is to create an umbrella project for regional survey, small-scale excavations, and detailed artifact analysis, all of which offer substantial opportunities for graduate students.
My fourth project is a book co-edited with Dr. Ann Stahl (Department of Anthropology, University of Victoria) exploring the theoretical literature on situated learning. This project grows out of a series of conferences, including a Society for American Archaeology Amerind Foundation Seminar titled "Learning and Doing: Communities of Practice in Scalar Perspective”. This workshop, which is also funded by the Wenner-Gren Foundation (http://www.wennergren.org/grantees/roddick-andrew-paul), assembled a wide number of scholars, including ethnographers, historians and archaeologists, to explore the utility of engaging with the situated learning/communities of practice scholarship across spatial and temporal scales and during times of rapid historical change. We are currently preparing a manuscript with the University of Arizona Press.
My teaching and supervisory interests include: social archaeology, ceramic analyses, archaeometry/ compositional geochemistry, ethnoarchaeology, anthropologies of space and place, and South/Central/North American prehistory.
Current Graduate Students:
Sally Lynch
Daina Rivas-Tello
Sophie Reilly
Daniel Ionicoedit
Constructions of Time and History in the Pre-Columbian Andes explores archaeological approaches to temporalities, social memory, and constructions of history in the pre-Columbian Andes. The authors examine a range of indigenous temporal... more
Constructions of Time and History in the Pre-Columbian Andes explores archaeological approaches to temporalities, social memory, and constructions of history in the pre-Columbian Andes. The authors examine a range of indigenous temporal experiences and ideologies, including astronomical, cyclical, generational, eschatological, and mythical time.
This nuanced, interdisciplinary volume challenges outmoded anthropological theories while building on an emic perspective to gain greater understanding of pre-Columbian Andean cultures. Contributors to the volume rethink the dichotomy of past and present by understanding history as indigenous Andeans perceived it—recognizing the past as a palpable and living presence. We live in history, not apart from it. Within this framework time can be understood as a current rather than as distinct points, moments, periods, or horizons.
The Andes offer a rich context by which to evaluate recent philosophical explorations of space and time. Using the varied materializations and ritual emplacements of time in a diverse sampling of landscapes, Constructions of Time and History in the Pre-Columbian Andes serves as a critique of archaeology’s continued and exclusive dependence on linear chronologies that obscure historically specific temporal practices and beliefs.
This nuanced, interdisciplinary volume challenges outmoded anthropological theories while building on an emic perspective to gain greater understanding of pre-Columbian Andean cultures. Contributors to the volume rethink the dichotomy of past and present by understanding history as indigenous Andeans perceived it—recognizing the past as a palpable and living presence. We live in history, not apart from it. Within this framework time can be understood as a current rather than as distinct points, moments, periods, or horizons.
The Andes offer a rich context by which to evaluate recent philosophical explorations of space and time. Using the varied materializations and ritual emplacements of time in a diverse sampling of landscapes, Constructions of Time and History in the Pre-Columbian Andes serves as a critique of archaeology’s continued and exclusive dependence on linear chronologies that obscure historically specific temporal practices and beliefs.
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Potters in the Lake Titicaca basin produced a wide variety of ceramic styles over the last 3000 years. Archaeologists have drawn on this variety across space and time to track processes such as the development of multicommunity polities... more
Potters in the Lake Titicaca basin produced a wide variety of ceramic styles over the last 3000 years. Archaeologists have drawn on this variety across space and time to track processes such as the development of multicommunity polities during the Late Formative (200 BC-AD 600), the origins and expansion of Tiwanaku (AD 600-1000), the creation and maintenance of political boundaries during the Late Intermediate period (AD 1000-1400), and the strategies of Inca conquest and consolidation (AD 1400-1534). We report on LA-ICP-MS research into Titicaca ceramics and clays conducted at the Field Museum's Elemental Analysis Facility (EAF), and present the first review of raw materials and pottery analyzed from across the region. Ceramic samples from the northern basin include samples from Taraco, Pukara, and neighboring sites, and speak to the diversity of intraregional potting practices during the Late Formative Period. Ceramic samples from the southern basin span the Middle Formative through the Inca periods, and index local and regional practices over two millennia. After presenting our specific case studies, we touch on how shifting scales of locality impact the chemical signatures explored here, the potential for comparative analyses across the region, and future directions for research collaborations.
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Archaeologists working in the Late Formative Lake Titicaca Basin have identified several "transit communities"-villages that benefited from long-distance exchange. Some scholars suggest that such places played a key role in the... more
Archaeologists working in the Late Formative Lake Titicaca Basin have identified several "transit communities"-villages that benefited from long-distance exchange. Some scholars suggest that such places played a key role in the development of the Middle Horizon city of Tiwanaku. In this article, we explore the movement of plant goods into transit communities during both the Late Formative (300 BC-AD 500) and Middle Horizon (AD 600-1100) periods. After presenting the current understanding of transit communities, we summarize previous work on both local plants, including tubers and quinoa, and the presence of maize. We then report on a recent microbotanical study of ceramics recovered from excavations at Late Formative Challapata (in the eastern basin) and a burial from the Middle Horizon occupation at Chiripa (in the southern basin). For the first time we identify lowland tubers in the Lake Titicaca Basin, including yuca, sweet potato, and arrowroot. These findings reveal the critical importance of microbotanical analyses for tracing regional connections and foodways in emergent Middle Horizon worlds, as well as the need for more complex interpretive models for things/plants-in-motion.
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This paper revives a fascinating debate: did a drought start before, during, or after the collapse of the Andean polity of Tiwanaku? Here we present an alternate age model that highlights the real issue: the data from Lake Orurillo, no... more
This paper revives a fascinating debate: did a drought start before, during, or after the collapse of the Andean polity of Tiwanaku? Here we present an alternate age model that highlights the real issue: the data from Lake Orurillo, no matter the age model, are too imprecise to address the question. The authors neglect the significance of four-century error ranges (95% probability) for a drought that lasted a single century, according to their estimates. They are content to treat an imprecise correlation between drought and collapse as a causal relationship. Future efforts will require much greater attention to refining both paleoclimate and cultural chronologies, which is a necessary first step in understanding complex episodes of humaneenvironment interaction.
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In this paper, we develop a genealogy of practice approach for the historical analysis and comparison of Andean ceramic firing. This effort was set in motion by the similarity of two sets of ash mounds observed in the Lake Titicaca Basin... more
In this paper, we develop a genealogy of practice approach for the historical analysis and comparison of Andean ceramic firing. This effort was set in motion by the similarity of two sets of ash mounds observed in the Lake Titicaca Basin of Bolivia, one modern and one from the Late Intermediate Period (A.D. 1100–1450). We eschew an ethnoarchaeological perspective in favor of considering their position within a longer genealogy of potting practice. We argue that a genealogical perspective foregrounds ephemeral evidence that is often ignored in dominant narratives, highlights the emergent nature of practices, and draws attention to subject formation across generations. We examine the extant data for pottery firing in the region, drawing out the genealogy of practices involved in firing facilities and subject formation from the Formative Period (1500 B.C. –A.D. 450) through the present. We then return to the ash mounds, juxtaposing the practices and archaeological traces to consider their historical emergences. These two approaches allow us to begin to map out the particularities of Lake Titicaca Basin production locales and to pose new questions of the social relations associated with ceramic firing contexts.
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The Late Formative period immediately precedes the emergence of Tiwanaku, one of the earliest South American states, yet it is one of the most poorly understood periods in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin (Bolivia). In this article, we... more
The Late Formative period immediately precedes the emergence of Tiwanaku, one of the earliest South American states, yet it is one of the most poorly understood periods in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin (Bolivia). In this article, we refine the ceramic chronology of this period with large sets of dates from eight sites, focusing on temporal inflection points in decorated ceramic styles. These points, estimated here by Bayesian models, index specific moments of change: (1) cal AD 120 (60-170, 95% probability): the first deposition of Kalasasaya red-rimmed and zonally incised styles; (2) cal AD 240 (190-340, 95% probability): a tentative estimate of the final deposition of Kalasasaya zonally incised vessels; (3) cal AD 420 (380-470, 95% probability): the final deposition of Kalasasaya red-rimmed vessels; and (4) cal AD 590 (500-660, 95% probability): the first deposition of Tiwanaku Redwares. These four modeled boundaries anchor an updated Late Formative chronology, which includes the Initial Late Formative phase, a newly identified decorative hiatus between the Middle and Late Formative periods. The models place Qeya and transitional vessels between inflection points 3 and 4 based on regionally consistent stratigraphic sequences. This more precise chronology will enable researchers to explore the trajectories of other contemporary shifts during this crucial period in Lake Titicaca Basin's prehistory. El período Formativo tardío precede inmediatamente a la emergencia de Tiwanaku, uno de los estados más antiguos de Sudamé-rica, sin embargo, es una de las épocas menos comprendidas de la cuenca sur del Lago Titicaca (Bolivia). En este trabajo refinamos la cronología cerámica de este período con amplios conjuntos de fechados de ocho sitios y nos enfocamos en los puntos de inflexión temporales de los estilos de cerámica decorada. Estos puntos, estimados con modelos de Bayes, marcan momentos de cambio espe-cíficos: (1) 120 cal dC (60-170, 95% probabilidad): primera deposición de estilos Kalasasaya de borde rojo e inciso sectorizado; (2) 240 cal dC (190-340, 95% probabilidad): una estimación tentativa de la deposición final de vasijas de Kalasasaya inciso sector-izado; (3) 420 cal dC (380-470, 95% probabilidad): deposición final de vasijas de Kalasasaya de borde rojo; y (4) 590 cal DC (500-660, 95% probabilidad): primera deposición de los "redwares" tiwanacotos. Estos cuatro límites modelados anclan una cronología actualizada del Formativo tardío que incluye la fase del Formativo tardío inicial, un hiato decorativo identificado recientemente entre los períodos del Formativo medio y tardío. Estos modelos ubican a Qeya y a las vasijas transicionales entre los puntos de inflexión 3 y 4 a partir de secuencias estratigráficas consistentes regionalmente. Esta cronología más precisa permitirá a los inves-tigadores explorar las trayectorias de otros cambios contemporáneos durante este período crucial en la prehistoria de la cuenca del Lago Titicaca. Palabras clave: cuenca del Lago Titicaca, período Formativo Tardío, modelos bayesianos, secuencia de cerámica decorada, puntos de inflexión temporales
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In this article, I argue for the merits of a future-oriented ethnoarchaeology that engages recent critiques of ethnoarchaeology and underscores the material traces of our own practices. I develop such an approach by discussing the recent... more
In this article, I argue for the merits of a future-oriented ethnoarchaeology that engages recent critiques of ethnoarchaeology and underscores the material traces of our own practices. I develop such an approach by discussing the recent work of the Proyecto Ollero Titicaca Sur, an archaeological, ethnographic, and historic project that explores ceramic craft production in the Lake Titicaca basin, Bolivia. This research was originally framed as an analogy-driven ethnoarchaeological project, connecting dynamics of pottery production with research into crafting communities in the deeper past. However, ongoing work has revealed a community defined not just by the material traces of a historical tradition but also by differential and "arrested" futures. This plurality of futures includes the often-unacknowledged relationship of the ethnoarchaeologist to a larger landscape of development. The Future of Ethnoarchaeology There have been a number of critical reflections on the future of ethnoarchaeology in recent years. Some argue that ethnoarchaeology cannot be salvaged (Gosselain 2016), while others suggest conceptual re-framings that might keep its strengths while avoiding
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In this paper, we examine the development of a Middle Formative (800–200 BC) village and a Late Formative (200 BC–AD 475) political center at the site of Kala Uyuni on the Taraco Peninsula, Bolivia. Traditional political economy models... more
In this paper, we examine the development of a Middle Formative (800–200 BC) village and a Late Formative (200 BC–AD 475) political center at the site of Kala Uyuni on the Taraco Peninsula, Bolivia. Traditional political economy models rely on the spatial distribution of archaeological sites documented through site survey to define and explain the appearance of political centers. Recent scholarship on ‘depositional histories’ offers a framework for interpreting the dynamic and contingent political histories of such places using rich, stratigraphically excavated data. Our approach sheds new light on the diversity of practices and internally complex political processes that contributed to the transformation of Kala Uyuni from village to political center. We argue that serious attention to such ‘depositional histories’ has the potential to transform larger archaeological narratives in the region, and contribute to a more subtle understanding of the development of political landscapes.
Anthropological research in recent decades has become increasingly multi-sited, envisioning the local as an iteration of world-systemic processes, and following the movement of people, things and ideas across the typical boundaries of... more
Anthropological research in recent decades has become increasingly multi-sited, envisioning the local as an iteration of world-systemic processes, and following the movement of people, things and ideas across the typical boundaries of sites. This review essay examines four edited volumes concerned with such mobility and dislocation. The cultural anthropological volumes engage with the strengths and perceived weaknesses of multi-sited ethnography, the advantages of following people and themes across space, and the definition of sites by topic rather than by place. The archaeological collections move beyond typologies that have constrained archaeological investigations of movement through the study of the material practices that constituted social landscapes of mobile and settled peoples. Although the reviewed volumes offer important methodological distinctions and theoretical engagements, all four provide numerous ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological views of the delocalization of anthropological research, including claims for the utility of collaborative partnerships, the following of paths across space and time, and the reconsideration of the fixity and
centrality of contemporary, historic and prehistoric places.
centrality of contemporary, historic and prehistoric places.
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Within the last 15 years archaeologists have developed a ‘dwelling’ perspective in studies of prehistoric landscapes. This research takes a critical approach to time, highlighting the temporality of practices in both daily life and... more
Within the last 15 years archaeologists have developed a ‘dwelling’ perspective in studies of prehistoric landscapes. This research takes a critical approach to time, highlighting the temporality of practices in both daily life and longer-term processes. In this article I investigate temporalities of the Middle (800–200 BC) and Late Formative (200 BC–AD 500) periods on the Taraco Peninsula (Bolivia), drawing on data produced by the Taraco Archaeological Project. Particular attention is paid to long-term landscape tempos, place-making and the intertwined rhythms of technical practice. I end with a brief discussion of the temporal changes that correspond with the urbanization processes seen at the Middle Horizon (AD 500–950) center of Tiwanaku.
Based on more than a decade of research on the Taraco Peninsula, Titicaca Basin, Bolivia, we discuss the role of memory, tradition and ancestral participation from the earliest settled communities to the founding and influence of the... more
Based on more than a decade of research on the Taraco Peninsula, Titicaca Basin, Bolivia, we discuss the role of memory, tradition and ancestral participation from the earliest settled communities to the founding and influence of the Tiwanaku order. We examine the shifting role of social memory vis-à-vis public ceremonies, pottery and food production. While the earlier phases give a sense of familial community and the construction of place through ancestor veneration, the later phases suggest stronger lineage commemoration, with families acting as gravitational forces in the burgeoning political developments. Our diachronic study on the Taraco Peninsula tracks these practices illustrating the movement along a discursive–non-discursive continuum, with some practices brought to the surface and politicized.
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This chapter aims to integrate archaeological and ethnoarchaeological research on ceramic production in the Lake Titicaca basin. Drawing on over 60 years of scholarship exploring the early stages of ceramic manufacture, we examine the... more
This chapter aims to integrate archaeological and ethnoarchaeological research on ceramic production in the Lake Titicaca basin. Drawing on over 60 years of scholarship exploring the early stages of ceramic manufacture, we examine the acquisition of clays at quarries and the subsequent processing of these raw materials. Investigations into clay quarries have often focused on the availability of raw materials appropriate for pottery production. This research has included pedestrian survey for clays and sediments, and geochemical and mineralogical work on the quality of clays (Bishop et al. 1982; Neff et al. 1992). While such work is unquestionably useful (and unfortunately still rare in some regions), the dynamic nature of clays makes defining historic and prehistoric sources difficult. As a result, many archaeologists have considered these early technical stages through other means. For instance, research on prehistoric ceramics has long included careful analysis of ceramic pastes—the mixture of the aplastic inclusions and the plastic clay components of ceramics (for a good summary, see Arnold 2000). These findings have permitted for variability in local recipes to be correlated with regional and sometimes local deposits. In this work some have deployed sophisticated analytical tools in the laboratory to examine the techno-functional aspects of particular technological choices at quarry sites. This research has tended to focus on the relative performance of particular materials under a range of conditions (Bronitsky and Hamer 1986; Skibo et al. 1989; Summerhayes 1997).
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With the dire consequences of climate change looming, archaeologists recognize the importance of communicating their findings on ancient landscapes and the threats that face vulnerable populations.
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Op Ed. published in the National Post, October 25, 2017.
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Archaeological science is a critical area of current archaeological practice. Analyses of ancient DNA from the teeth of long-dead ancestors, isotopes found in the remains of broken pottery, and the chemical signatures from flakes of... more
Archaeological science is a critical area of current archaeological practice. Analyses of ancient DNA from the teeth of long-dead ancestors, isotopes found in the remains of broken pottery, and the chemical signatures from flakes of obsidian are radically altering our understanding of the past. Unlike the pervasive fieldwork-based narrative of archaeology, these major discoveries take place far away from the trenches in the clean, well-lit laboratories of major academic institutions. Yet these discoveries are no less impactful, causing in some cases radical shifts in the kinds of stories we tell. Indeed the archaeological scientist is, much like the fieldworker, engaged in the craft of archaeology (sensu Shanks and McGuire 1996).
In this issue of Then Dig we explore encounters with the past in the context of archaeological science. From the abstract expressionist appreciation of ceramic thin sections, to the treasure hunt for phytoliths under a microscope, to the severe precautionary costumes of the Clean Room, we investigate the aesthetic, the multisensorial, and the profound in archaeological science.
In this issue of Then Dig we explore encounters with the past in the context of archaeological science. From the abstract expressionist appreciation of ceramic thin sections, to the treasure hunt for phytoliths under a microscope, to the severe precautionary costumes of the Clean Room, we investigate the aesthetic, the multisensorial, and the profound in archaeological science.
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The third entry in the series dedicated to The Senses and Aesthetics of Archaeological Science. Responses follow from co-editors of the issue, Andrew Roddick and Colleen Morgan.
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Presented at the 60th annual meeting of the Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, January 2020
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Dr. Kostalena Michelaki founded the laboratory for Interdisciplinary Research of Archaeological Ceramics (LIRAC) in 2006, thanks to funding by the Canadian Foundation for Innovation. She established this facility to examine the... more
Dr. Kostalena Michelaki founded the laboratory for Interdisciplinary Research of Archaeological Ceramics (LIRAC) in 2006, thanks to funding by the Canadian Foundation for Innovation. She established this facility to examine the relationships between technology, society and the environment, through the archaeometric analysis of technological choices made by people in the production and use of ceramics. Scholars working in LIRAC, and in associated McMaster research centers such as the Brockhouse Institute for Materials Research and the McMaster Institute for Applied Radiation Sciences, have analyzed materials from North and South America, the Near East, and the Mediterranean. In this talk we explore three research projects—the Neolithic and Bronze Ages in Calabria, Italy, Late Woodland Ontario, and Formative Period in the Lake Titicaca Basin, Bolivia—to highlight the successes of LIRAC, and reflect on some of the challenges associated with analytical approaches in what might be called a social geoarchaeology. What unites these regionally diverse case studies is their application of geochemical and mineralogical methods to both explore questions of provenance but also underlying social practices. Our paper demonstrates the shared view that embedded within ceramic objects is a record of human decisions that constituted a range of social practices.
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The Late Formative period immediately precedes the emergence of Tiwanaku, one of the earliest South American states, yet it is one of the most poorly understood periods in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin (Bolivia). In this article, we... more
The Late Formative period immediately precedes the emergence of Tiwanaku, one of the earliest South American states, yet it is one of the most poorly understood periods in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin (Bolivia). In this article, we refine the ceramic chronology of this period with large sets of dates from eight sites, focusing on temporal inflection points in decorated ceramic styles. These points, estimated here by Bayesian models, index specific moments of change: (1) cal AD 120 (60-170, 95% probability): the first deposition of Kalasasaya red-rimmed and zonally incised styles; (2) cal AD 240 (190-340, 95% probability): a tentative estimate of the final deposition of Kalasasaya zonally incised vessels; (3) cal AD 420 (380-470, 95% probability): the final deposition of Kalasasaya red-rimmed vessels; and (4) cal AD 590 (500-660, 95% probability): the first deposition of Tiwanaku Redwares. These four modeled boundaries anchor an updated Late Formative chronology, which includes the Initial Late Formative phase, a newly identified decorative hiatus between the Middle and Late Formative periods. The models place Qeya and transitional vessels between inflection points 3 and 4 based on regionally consistent stratigraphic sequences. This more precise chronology will enable researchers to explore the trajectories of other contemporary shifts during this crucial period in Lake Titicaca Basin's prehistory. El período Formativo tardío precede inmediatamente a la emergencia de Tiwanaku, uno de los estados más antiguos de Sudamé-rica, sin embargo, es una de las épocas menos comprendidas de la cuenca sur del Lago Titicaca (Bolivia). En este trabajo refinamos la cronología cerámica de este período con amplios conjuntos de fechados de ocho sitios y nos enfocamos en los puntos de inflexión temporales de los estilos de cerámica decorada. Estos puntos, estimados con modelos de Bayes, marcan momentos de cambio espe-cíficos: (1) 120 cal dC (60-170, 95% probabilidad): primera deposición de estilos Kalasasaya de borde rojo e inciso sectorizado; (2) 240 cal dC (190-340, 95% probabilidad): una estimación tentativa de la deposición final de vasijas de Kalasasaya inciso sector-izado; (3) 420 cal dC (380-470, 95% probabilidad): deposición final de vasijas de Kalasasaya de borde rojo; y (4) 590 cal DC (500-660, 95% probabilidad): primera deposición de los "redwares" tiwanacotos. Estos cuatro límites modelados anclan una cronología actualizada del Formativo tardío que incluye la fase del Formativo tardío inicial, un hiato decorativo identificado recientemente entre los períodos del Formativo medio y tardío. Estos modelos ubican a Qeya y a las vasijas transicionales entre los puntos de inflexión 3 y 4 a partir de secuencias estratigráficas consistentes regionalmente. Esta cronología más precisa permitirá a los inves-tigadores explorar las trayectorias de otros cambios contemporáneos durante este período crucial en la prehistoria de la cuenca del Lago Titicaca. Palabras clave: cuenca del Lago Titicaca, período Formativo Tardío, modelos bayesianos, secuencia de cerámica decorada, puntos de inflexión temporales
In this chapter, we explore relations among mobility, political landscapes, and senses of home in the Lake Titicaca Basin. We explore these relations in regard to some of the finely-carved stone sculptures found in Pre-Columbian sites... more
In this chapter, we explore relations among mobility, political landscapes, and senses of home in the Lake Titicaca Basin. We explore these relations in regard to some of the finely-carved stone sculptures found in Pre-Columbian sites across the region. These objects have entranced visitors, explorers, and archaeologists for generations. We suggest that these sculptures were considered vital, and in some cases, powerful beings. Monolithic stone sculptural traditions spanned a long history dating from the Middle Formative (800-200 BC) through the end of the Tiwanaku period (AD 500 – 1000). Our emphasis here is the broad Formative period (800 BC – AD 500). The styles of these monolithic stone sculptures shifted over generations and varied by region. While many sites in the basin housed relatively large monoliths, others emphasized smaller architectural panels or eminently portable stone personages (e.g., ‘lightning stones’). We focus on a few case studies to approach this variability and, specifically, to engage the reciprocal notions of mobility and home that help define their biographies.