ISLAM AND ISLAMISATION DEBATE IN FRANCE1 By Oyunsuren Damdinsuren, Senior Lecturer, SIRPA, National University of Mongolia Introduction In recent years, warnings about “islamisation” or “islamic take-over” of Europe have increasingly been heard not only from the speeches of right-wing politicians, but also in print and social media and among general population of Europe. Waves of Islamist terrorist attacks in France, Belgium and Germany and the influx of Muslim refugees in recent years, contributed to the intensification of this debate. In fact, the Muslim share of the population throughout Europe grew about one percentage point a decade, from 4% in 1990 to 6% in 2010. The situation is particularly sensitive in France, where, according to some estimates, the total number of people of Muslim background reached between 5 and 6 million or 8–10% of the population. After the Paris attack of January and November 2015, and Nice attack of July 2016, the French public opinion on Islam has worsened. In a recent survey, 33 per cent of the French people responded that “Islam is a danger and it represents a threat.” This number is 45 per cent among Catholics. The islamisation can be generally described as the process of a society's shift towards Islam. The English synonyms, “islamification”, “muslimization” and “arabization”, have a similar meaning. In popular discourse, the islamisation is understood as Islamic take-over of a country by becoming a majority through immigration and higher birth rate and then imposing Sharia law on everyone. Though the topic of islamisation of France is not widely studied, in recent years numerous researches on Islam in Europe in general and in France in particular, have been conducted. In his 2006 book “L'islamisation de la France” (Islamisation of France) independent researcher Joachim Véliocas analyses Muslim associations and all Islamist trends developing in France and concludes that the islamisation of France is in its early days. He criticizes the main French political parties UMP and PS for subsidizing constructions of mosques with taxpayer money.2 In 2015 Joachim Véliocas published another book, in which he strongly condemns the French mayors who court Islamism, by financing mosques and Islamic institutes.3 Article published in World Affairs magazine, №3/34 (461), Ulaanbaatar 2016. Joachim Véliocas, “L'islamisation de la France”, Godfroy de Bouillon 2006. 3 Joachim Véliocas, “Ces maires qui courtisent l'islamisme”, Tatamis 2015. 1 2 1 Another French scholar Raphael Liogier argues that the notion of islamisation is a myth and he argues that the "Muslim population bomb" that would be ready to break out on three fronts in the birth rate, immigration and conversion is a fantasy.4 In their work, Aziz Al-Azmeh and Effie Fokas seeks to combat generalisations about the Muslim presence in Europe by illuminating its diversity across Europe and offering a more realistic, highly differentiated picture. It contends with the monist concept of identity that suggests Islam is the shared and main definition of Muslims living in Europe. They also explore the influence of the European Union on the Muslim communities within its borders, and examine how the EU is in turn affected by the Muslim presence in Europe. They argue that Muslim identity in Europe should be understood as multidimensional and fluid rather than static.5 In his “The Islamophobia Industry”, US scholar Nathan Lean reflects the rising tide of anti-Muslim feeling in the United States and Europe. Lean tries to explain the minds of the manufacturers of Islamophobia – a highly-organized enterprise of conservative bloggers, rightwing talk show hosts, evangelical religious leaders, and politicians, united in their quest to exhume the ghosts of September 11 and convince their compatriots that Islam is the enemy. Lean uncovers their scare tactics, reveals their motives, and exposes the ideologies that drive their propaganda machine. Situating Islamophobia within a long history of national and international phobias, he unravels the narrative of fear that has long dominated discussions about Muslims and Islam.6 France’s Muslim population Although France is considered to be home to Europe’s largest Muslim population, there is no reliable official statistics. By law, statistics on inhabitants’ racial, ethnic, or religious backgrounds are not collected, and it is prohibited that the businesses ask for such information from job applicants or employees. Thus the estimates about the number of Muslims in France vary greatly among different unofficial sources. Raphaël Liogier, “Le Mythe de l'islamisation: Essai sur une obsession collective”, Seuil 2012. Aziz Al-Azmeh and Effie Fokas, “Islam in Europe: Diversity, Identity and Influence”, Cambridge University Press, 2007. 6 Nathan Lean, “The Islamophobia Industry: How the Right Manufactures Fear of Muslims”, Pluto Press 2012. 4 5 2 Table 1. Various Estimates of the Muslim Population in France Source Date Methodology Estimate Michel Gurfinkiel 1997 Average of different press and academic sources Jean-Pierre Chevènement 1998 Unknown Alain Boyer 1998 2003 Census on immigrants from Muslim countries and French citizens with origins in Muslim countries, plus converts and illegal immigrants Unknown Over 3 million and quite probably over 4 million Approximately 4 million persons of Muslim culture 4.15 million 2004 Unknown Nicolas Sarkozy Ministry of Foreign Affairs Website Source: Brookings Institution, Being Muslim in France, 2016. 5 to 6 million Muslims Between 4 and 5 million From the above table, it can be seen that the unofficial estimates of the number of Muslims in France range from 3 million to 6 million. In its 2011 study, the Pew Research Center puts the number of Muslims in France at 4.7 million, or 7.5% of the total population of 60 million. It is interesting to note that the Pew Research Center projected about 35% increase in the world’s Muslim population for the next 20 years, rising from 1.6 billion in 2010 to 2.2 billion by 2030. 7 After the World War II, France received millions of guest workers from North Africa to fill its need for cheap workforce to reconstruct its war-torn economy and infrastructure. Thus the vast majority of the French Muslims trace their origins to the so called Maghreb region or former French colonies of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. A 2000 estimate by the French High Council on Integration report classified the number of Muslims in France as follows: Algerians (1.5 million), Moroccans (1 million), Tunisians (500,000), Turks (350,000), other Middle Easterners (400,000), and Sub-Saharan Africans (250,000).8 While Muslims account for no more than eight percent of the French population 7 The Pew Research Center, The Future of the Global Muslim Population 2011. http://www.pewforum.org/2011/01/27/future-of-the-global-muslim-population-regional-europe/ 8 Robert J. Pauly, Jr., Islam in Europe: Integration or Marginalization?, Ashgate 2004. 3 nationally at present, their numbers are increasing at a 3.7 percent rate annually and they are not evenly dispersed geographically. Franco-Islamic communities are located almost exclusively in low-rent housing projects in the suburbs (banlieues) of major urban centers, most notably Paris, Marseille, Lyon and Lille. In terms of number of adherents, Islam is the second largest religion in France after Catholicism. However, Muslims living in France today do not represent a coherent community. They are divided by traditions attached to their countries of origin, by language, and by ethnic background. It is estimated that there are between 1600 and 2000 Muslim associations and mosques in France, which represent a variety of traditions and viewpoints.9 Failed integration policy Just a few weeks after 9/11, on October 6, 2001, an indisputable manifestation of failed integration policy of the French government unfolded. In a long-planned “friendly” soccer match between French and Algerian teams, some young immigrant soccer fans booed the French national anthem “La Marseillaise”, and threw objects at two government ministers. When the French team was leading 4-1, dozens of them ran onto the field of the Stade de France (some of them waving Algerian flags), forcing the cancellation of the game. As some observers feared 10 French public opinion suffered a profound shock, and the event helped Le Pen’s Front National party to gain more votes in the first round of presidential elections in April 2002. As a matter of fact, the “French model of integration” policy left disproportionate concentration of Muslims in the suburbs (banlieu) of a few major cities, namely Paris, Marseille, Lyon and Lille. These neighborhoods are deeply marked by poverty, unemployment, welfare dependence, black markets and broken families. Since 1970s, growth in these banlieues has left some French metropolitan areas with populations that are as high as one-third North African Muslims. In Marseille, which is the closest French city to the North African coastline, 25% of the population are Muslims. In the La Bricarde housing project north of Marseille, more than 85% of its residents have roots in the Maghreb. This “Ghetto Phenomenon” alienates Muslim youth from the rest of the society and makes them vulnerable to Islamic radicalization. For instance, the two Kouachi brothers who killed 12 people at the satirical newspaper Charlie 9 Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, Muslims in Europe: Promoting Integration and Countering Extremism, September 7, 2011. https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33166.pdf 10 Fans force abandonment of watershed France v Alegria match, Monday 8 October 2001 21.53 BST https://www.theguardian.com/football/2001/oct/08/newsstory.sport16 4 Hebdo, on January 7, 2015, were born, raised and radicalized in the 19th arrondissement of Paris.11 In fact, Muslims face considerably worse economic circumstances and higher unemployment rates than the majority of others living in France, both natives and immigrants from other European countries. In January 1999, for example, the unemployment rate in France was 10.2% nationally. But this number stood at 33 % among North African Muslims. The situation is even worse in the banlieues. According to some estimates, unemployment in October 2000 was 20% in Marseille overall and 50% in La Bricarde12. A paper from the Migration Policy Institute concluded that even after a decade of living in France, immigrants are still highly vulnerable on the labor market because of ongoing discrimination and the lack of resources to help them integrate into society. In short, unemployment remains the biggest obstacle to integration and the biggest impediment to advancement for immigrants and their descendants, whom it affects disproportionately.13 Another manifestation of France’s failed integration policy of its Muslim people is the unbelievably high number of inmates with Muslim origin in the French prisons. They make up as much as 70-80% of inmates in prisons located on urban peripheries, even though they constitute just 15% of urban population. French authorities do not report crime rates by ethnic or religious group, but it is estimated that around 40% of prison inmates in France have a father born abroad, including 25% with a father from North Africa. Those who have a French father, in contrast, account for 75% of all 18-24 year-olds in France yet make up just 38.8% of prisoners in that age group. Muslims are greatly overrepresented in prisons and within the 18-24 year-old age group in particular, they make up only 8.5 % of that age cohort in France, yet 39.9% of all prisoners in the cohort.14 Furthermore, certain measures by French government, aimed at encouraging secularism and reduce societal tensions caused controversy. A 2004 ban on the wearing of religious symbols in schools and a 2011 law prohibiting concealment of the face (wearing full face veils) in public spaces received much criticism and pitted some Muslims against the government. Supporters of the law, including some moderate Muslim groups in France, backed it as a means to reduce tensions in the school system and broader society. But critics of the ban warned that it was essentially a negative instrument that could further alienate Muslims in French society. In July 2015, the Mayor of Cannes, David Lisnard, banned the burkini on public beaches, calling them “the uniform of extremist Islamism.” Since then more than 30 other French municipalities, many of them along the French Riviera, have followed suit. Amnesty International strongly condemned this practice and expressed its concern that “invasive and 11 Rukmini Callimachi and Jim Yardleyjan, From Amateur to Ruthless Jihadist in France Chérif and Saïd Kouachi’s Path to Paris Attack at Charlie Hebdo, January 17, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/18/world/europe/paris-terrorism-brothers-said-cherif-kouachi-charliehebdo.html?_r=0 12 Robert J. Pauly, Jr., Islam in Europe: Integration or Marginalization?, Ashgate 2004, p.39. 13 The Brookings Institution, Being Muslim in France,2016.p.32. https://www.brookings.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2016/07/integratingislam_chapter.pdf 14 Ibid. p.41 5 discriminatory measures such as these restrict women’s choices, violate their rights and lead to abuse.”15 Failed religious policy A 1905 law reaffirmed the French ideal of separation of church and state (laïcité). The law designated Catholicism, Protestantism, and Judaism as recognized religions and laid out means for them to develop representative bodies that might discuss with the French government matters of importance, such as recognition of religious holidays and construction of places of worship. However, it was not until the 1980s that France officially recognized the Muslim faith. The 2003 creation of the French Council of the Muslim Faith (Conseil français du culte musulman, or CFCM) is considered to be one of the most significant efforts to improve relations between French Muslims and the state. Main objectives of the CFCM is to reduce foreign influence on France’s Muslim population and to promote a French brand of Islam that is not in conflict with the values of the republic. Through its cooperation with the CFCM, the French government provides funding and training to imams and has supported the development of more prayer spaces and mosques. The CFCM also discusses with government officials about construction of mosques, observance of religious holidays etc. Since 1980s the French government began to discourage foreign governments from sending imams to France if those individuals did not speak French, knew little about French society, or had extremist tendencies. When this step did not yield adequate results, the government began to demand that mosques appoint imams who had been born or at least educated in France. France wished to secure a body of imams whose views had been to some extent framed in France and in the French language, and to have access to information about their personal histories. In 2010, the French government supported a training program for imams run by mainstream Muslim leaders. 16 For years religious needs of France’s Muslim community have been overlooked. There are only five mosques that were built expressly as mosques. Of 1558 prayer spaces in the country, the vast majority can accommodate fewer than 150 people, and only 20 can hold more than 1000 people. By comparison, there are 40000 Catholic buildings and 957 temples.17 Although Muslims, especially young Muslims are overrepresented in the prison population of France, only 44 clerics fulfill the state’s duty to provide religious consultation. By 15 France: Upholding burkini ban risks giving green light for abuse of women and girls, 25 August 2016. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/08/france-upholding-burkini-ban-risks-giving-green-light-for-abuseof-women-and-girls/ 16 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2010, August 2011. 17 Jonathan Laurence, Islam in France, December 1, 2001. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/islam-in-france/ 6 comparison, the prisons employ 460 Catholic clerics. 18 These people are most vulnerable to Islamic radicalization, as showed the case of Cherif Kouachi, one of the Kouachi brothers who carried out terror attack at Charlie Hebdo in November 2015, was first radicalized in prison by Djamel Beghal, who was serving his sentence for his role in an attempted attack against the U.S. Embassy in Paris in 2001. Another worrying fact that shows the failed religious policy of the French government is the high percentage of French converts to Islam among the recruits to ISIS—20 percent overall and 25 percent of all female ISIS recruits. 19 Islamophobia and discrimination against Muslims A 2011 European report, Intolerance, Prejudice and Discrimination, compared attitudes in eight EU countries (Germany, Great Britain, France, the Netherlands, Italy, Portugal, Poland and Hungary) and found out that in most of the countries a majority believe Islam to be a religion of intolerance. The report concluded that there was “an astonishing extent of distance, suspicion and mistrust towards Muslims and Islam in Europe. Anti-Muslim attitudes exist without Muslims. In fact, also in the eastern European countries, where the number of Muslims is negligible, prejudice against Muslims is quite prevalent.”20 Since 9/11, 2001, there has been an upsurge of various forms of reactionary rhetoric and opposition expressed towards Islam and Muslims. Islamophobia, as a manifestation of fear of an exclusionary Islam, manifests as exclusionary or negatively reactive behaviours with Muslims and Islam as the target.21 Right-wing politicians and their media affiliates carry out vicious campaigns of relentless demonization of Islam and Muslims, in Europe and beyond. The CCIF (Collective Against Islamophobia In France) recorded 905 islamophobic acts in 2015 with an increase of 18.5 % compared to 2014 with 764 such acts22. Incidents became noticeably more violent, peaking after the shooting at the Charlie Hebdo offices in January, and the Paris attacks in November, last year.23 These islamophobic acts mainly consist of desecration of religious sites, as well as attacks against Muslims. The targeting of Muslim citizens who have been raided and put under house arrest, in the context of both a state of emergency and a fight against terrorism, is also worrying. To cite just one example, a Muslim mother was feeding her one-year-old twin daughters, when the police broke into the apartment. Her babies witnessed the 18 Ibid. Jonathan Laurence , Laïcité Without Égalité: Can France Be Multicultural? November 18, 2015. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/france/2015-11-18/la-cit-without-galit 19 20 Andreas Zick, Beate Küpper and Andreas Hövermann, Intolerance, Prejudice and Discrimination: A European Report (Berlin: Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung 2011). http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/do/07908-20110311.pdf 21 Pratt, Douglas. (2015). "Islamophobia as Reactive Co-Radicalization." Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 26 (January): 205-218. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09596410.2014.1000025 22 CCIF (Collective Against Islamophobia In France) Report 2016. http://www.islamophobie.net/sites/default/files/CCIF-Annual-Report-2016_0.pdf 23 Lizzie Porter, How does it feel to be a Muslim in France today?, 11 April 2016. http://www.newstatesman.com/world/europe/2016/04/how-does-it-feel-be-muslim-france-today 7 whole scene: the weapons, the masked policemen, their mother put on the ground. The father was absent and the stipulations of the by-law were satisfied with vague accusations without any evidence. In another incident, an eight-year-old Muslim child was attacked by his teacher for not having respected the minute of silence and to have said "I am not Charlie, I'm with the terrorists". Rather than calling the parents to discuss the case, he was directly reported to the police, even though the child confessed not knowing what a terrorist is. The CCIF is currently processing over 220 cases related to the state of emergency.24 The right-wing politicians widely use Islamophobic rhetoric to gain political support. The Front National (National Front) party once printed on its campaign posters a gloomy prediction: “France will be a Muslim country by 2020.”25 Public opinion polls also show worrying results. A survey conducted by Ipsos in January 2013 found that 74% of French citizens view Islam as "intolerant" and "incompatible" with French values. The survey also found that 70% of respondents said there are too many foreigners in France, and 67% said they no longer feel at home in France.26 A 2012 report conducted by Amnesty International entitled “Choice and prejudice: Discrimination against Muslims in Europe” condemned widespread discrimination against Muslims in Europe. The report particularly criticized laws banning Muslim veils in public spaces, and denounced European politicians for helping to "foster a climate of hostility and suspicion against people perceived as Muslim”. Although France has supported some initiatives to combat discrimination and promote diversity in the area of employment, Amnesty International was concerned that employers are still excluding Muslims from employment on the basis of stereotypes and prejudices, and that this impacts disproportionately on Muslim women. 27 CONCLUSION The desperate socio-economic conditions and their failed integration into French society, alienate many Muslims, creating favorable grounds for Islamic radicalization and extremism. On the other hand, it can be seen that islamophobia and discrimination are on the rise. Right-wing politicians use islamophobic rhetoric to gain political support among the public. Due to failed integration and religious policy French public opinion on Islam has significantly worsened in recent years. 24 CCIF (Collective Against Islamophobia In France) Report 2016. http://www.islamophobie.net/sites/default/files/CCIF-Annual-Report-2016_0.pdf 25 The Brookings Institution, Being Muslim in France,201, .p.15. https://www.brookings.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2016/07/integratingislam_chapter.pdf 26 Stéphanie Le Bars, La religion musulmane fait l'objet d'un profond rejet de la part des Français, Le Monde | 24.01.2013. http://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2013/01/24/la-religion-musulmane-fait-l-objet-d-unprofond-rejet-de-la-part-des-francais_1821698_3224.html#CQtRFh53tdjsIxDA.99 27 Amnesty International Report, “Choice and prejudice: Discrimination against Muslims in Europe”, 2012. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/EUR01/001/2012/en/ 8 Thus, instead of overlooking socio-economic and religious problems related to Muslim minority, the French government needs to acknowledge the existence of these issues and address them with the meaningful participation of Muslim community. Furthermore, like many other European countries, France needs to include racial, ethnic, or religious backgrounds in official statistics to better cope with these issues. Though the threat of islamisation of France seems to be a myth at the moment, without uprooting its underlying causes, it may become a reality. REFERENCE In English: 1. Aziz Al-Azmeh and Effie Fokas, “Islam in Europe: Diversity, Identity and Influence”, Cambridge University Press, 2007. 2. Nathan Lean, “The Islamophobia Industry: How the Right Manufactures Fear of Muslims”, Pluto Press 2012. 3. Robert J. Pauly, Jr., Islam in Europe: Integration or Marginalization?, Ashgate 2004. 4. Pratt, Douglas. (2015). "Islamophobia as Reactive Co-Radicalization." Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 26 (January). http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09596410.2014.1000025 5. Lizzie Porter, How does it feel to be a Muslim in France today?, 11 April 2016. http://www.newstatesman.com/world/europe/2016/04/how-does-it-feel-be-muslimfrance-today 6. Andreas Zick, Beate Küpper and Andreas Hövermann, Intolerance, Prejudice and Discrimination: A European Report (Berlin: Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung 2011). http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/do/07908-20110311.pdf 7. Amnesty International, France: Upholding burkini ban risks giving green light for abuse of women and girls, 25 August 2016. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/08/france-upholding-burkini-ban-risksgiving-green-light-for-abuse-of-women-and-girls/ 8. The Brookings Institution, Being Muslim in France,2016.p.32. https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/integratingislam_chapter.pdf 9. Jonathan Laurence, Islam in France, December 1, 2001. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/islam-in-france/ 10. Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, Muslims in Europe: Promoting Integration and Countering Extremism, September 7, 2011. https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33166.pdf 11. The Pew Research Center, The Future of the Global Muslim Population 2011. http://www.pewforum.org/2011/01/27/future-of-the-global-muslim-population-regionaleurope/ 12. U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Terrorism 2010, August 2011. 13. The Guardian, Fans force abandonment of watershed France v Alegria match, 8 October 2001. https://www.theguardian.com/football/2001/oct/08/newsstory.sport16 9 14. Rukmini Callimachi and Jim Yardleyjan, From Amateur to Ruthless Jihadist in France Chérif and Saïd Kouachi’s Path to Paris Attack at Charlie Hebdo, January 17, 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/18/world/europe/paris-terrorism-brothers-said-cherifkouachi-charlie-hebdo.html?_r=0 In French: 1. Joachim Véliocas, “L'islamisation de la France”, Godfroy de Bouillon 2006. 2. Joachim Véliocas, “Ces maires qui courtisent l'islamisme”, Tatamis 2015 3. Raphaël Liogier, “Le Mythe de l'islamisation: Essai sur une obsession collective”, Seuil 2012. 4. Jonathan Laurence , Laïcité Without Égalité: Can France Be Multicultural? November 18, 2015. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/france/2015-11-18/la-cit-without-galit 5. CCIF (Collective Against Islamophobia In France) Report 2016. http://www.islamophobie.net/sites/default/files/CCIF-Annual-Report-2016_0.pdf 10