In Defence of the Knightly Art of the Trumpet
____
Caspar Hentzschel’s
Oratorischer Hall und Schall... der
Rittermessigen Kunst der Trommeten
1620
A diplomatic edition and annotated translation
with an introduction by Peter Downey
0
Published by Peter Downey
2 Lady Wallace Lane
Lisburn BT28 3WT
Northern Ireland
© Peter Downey 1 April 2011
I ndil chuimhne ar m-athair
Gearóid Mac Giolla Domhnaigh
(9ú Eanair 1926 - 9ú Bealtaine 2008)
Frontispiece: Title page illustration from Verzeichnuβ der
Durchleuchtigsten/Hochgebornen Fürsten vnd Herren/
Herren Hanβ Georgen Churfürsten zu Sachsen/ ec. Vnd
Johan Sigmundt Churfürsten zu Brandenburg/ ec. Sampt
andern Fürsten/ Grafen vnd Herren Einzug/ zu Naumburg
auff die Churfürstl. Versamblung/ An. 1614 (Johann
Schultes; Augsburg, 1614) [Staats- und Stadtbibliothek
Augsburg, Signatur 4 Gs Flugschr. 765]
1
Introduction
The Oratorischer Hall und Schall vom löblichen Ursprung, lieblicher Anmuth
und empfindlichen Nutzen der rittermessigen Kunst der Trommeten, which may
be rendered in English as the Oratorical peal and call on the commendable
origin, amiable charm and proper employment of the knightly art of the trumpet,
is an important document in the history of trumpet-playing. It was written by the
Electoral Brandenburg court trumpeter Caspar Hentzschel (fl. 1612-1621) and
published in quarto format by the Electoral Brandenburg court printer Georg
Runge in Berlin, and it bears the date of registration 2 August 1620. The single
surviving copy is preserved in the Musikabteilung of the Staatsbibliothek zu
Berlin – Preuβischer Kulturbesitz in Berlin and bears the shelf number Mus. ant.
theor. H 30. Three sets of handwritten entries indicate a history of ownership.
Two belong to Electoral Brandenburg court trumpeters: Heinrich Jo[a]chim who
was a colleague of the author and who is known to have served at the court
between 1623 and 1631, when he inscribed the colophon
Fear God and love the
art,
And you will have favour from all men; 1
and Johann Christoff Schober[t] junior, who was in service from 1693 until 1713,
when the court musical establishment was disbanded, and who witnessed the
change from the Electorate of Brandenburg to the Kingdom of Prussia in 1701.
2 The third entry, actually a pair of entries, indicates that the book come into the
possession of the scholar and writer Johann Gottlieb Ludwig Carl Dielitz (17811845) in Berlin on 1 January 1817 and it includes a counter-colophon inspired
by enlightenment:
Love God and Science!
Both
are courage and strength That
to you on leaving this life There
will be given the crown. 3
The Oratorischer Hall und Schall was issued during the opening phase of the
Thirty Years’ War in the face of increasingly adverse conditions, and forms a
petition for the promotion of the ‘knightly art of the trumpet’ and the protection
of the trumpeters (and, by extension, timpanists) employed at the aristocratic
and noble courts and in the imperial and free cities of the Holy Roman Empire
by means of the establishment of a formal guild mechanism and the
regularisation of a time-honoured system of apprenticeship training. Its
success, may be measured by the fact that the Imperial Trumpeters’ Guild was
instituted with the confirmation of regulatory articles, most of which had been
articulated by Hentzschel, by the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II at
Regensburg on 27 February 1623.
2
The Historical Background
This was not the first time that the notion of the formation of a trumpeters’ guild
had been raised. Among the outworkings of the Council of Florence (14381445) had been recognition that the calling of the musician (including the
trumpeter), among others, was ‘honourable’ - at least under controlled
circumstances - so that musicians had become eligible to receive Holy
Communion during divine service. In the German lands this quickly led to the
invitation for musicians to consider forming fraternal, regulated associations, as
is certainly the case with respect to the letter from 1458 that was issued by
Count Ulrich V of Württemberg (1413-1480) to ‘the trumpeters, pipers, luteplayers and instrumentalists’ in his lands. 4 Initial attention came to focus on the
replacement of feudal practice in which the musicians employed by one noble,
aristocrat, or free and imperial city could expect to receive ‘ring money’ (coins,
gifts or trinkets) at any court or city that they visited with more the modern
formalisation of their status with salaried positions and associated freedoms.
This is illustrated by the regular policy announcements that issued from Imperial
Diets between 1497 and 1577. 5 It was only in 1548 that attention turned once
more to the formation of fraternal associations with the publication of the
‘Reformation guter Policey’ at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg which included
imperial support for pipers and trumpeters, among others, to form and regulate
guilds or other types of fraternal association; this permission was reissued
during the Imperial Diets in 1551 and 1577. 6
While all of this had been occurring the privilege of maintaining
trumpeters, previously exclusive to the aristocracy and nobility, was gradually
widening and had come to embrace the free and imperial cities, a process that
began in 1426 when the imperial city of Augsburg was awarded the privilege of
maintaining city trumpeters by King Sigismund of the Romans (born in 1368,
King of the Romans from 1410 and Holy Roman Emperor from 1433 until his
death in 1437). Moreover the unique function of the trumpeter in both court
ceremonial and military practice that had historically created some distance
between trumpeters - who were accorded high esteem - and other
instrumentalists, including watchmen-trumpeters in towns and villages, and
trumpeters in irregular cavalry units - who occupied an inferior social position widened as the former increasingly recognised and enjoyed the benefits
accruing from their higher status and their association with the knightly class.
As the courts had changed from itinerant to located and as the aristocracy and
nobility had increasingly invested in court music, initially in the realm of sacred
music through the establishment of court chapel choirs and subsequently in the
growing area of secular music through the development of court instrumental
groups, so too had the court trumpeters managed to extend their remit by
supplying the core personnel of the latter establishments; at some courts
trumpeters assumed responsibility for the choir also. It helped, of course, that
3
for much of the 15th and 16th centuries the central component of the court
musical instrumentarium was the aerophone: the lip-vibrated cornett and
trombone, the reed-vibrated shawm, dulcian, crumhorn, and bagpipe, the edgevibrated transverse flute, and the duct-vibrated recorder.
This position began to change adversely during the second third of the
century as chordophones such as the families of viols and violins
increasingly came to characterise secular court instrumental music and caused
the wind music to move into the background. It is of interest that many of the
musicians responsible for the early dissemination of the new and fashionable
string music from its Italian place of origin were themselves trumpeters.
Although they also brought with them a new ‘Italian style’ of trumpet music –
the trumpet ensemble sonatas and the processional pieces, or Aufzüge – and
thus extended to the trumpet the beginnings of what would become a
meaningful and leading role in composed part-music (as opposed to its
historical engagement in functional music), the result was the gradual
replacement of the trumpeter-musician with the designated instrumentalist in
the instrumental ensembles and the retreat of the trumpeter to the court trumpet
ensemble. A few of the courts, and particularly the Habsburg courts, continued
to invest in the trumpeter-musician, but this soon became the exception rather
than the rule.
16th
In normal circumstances the implications of the change could have been
ameliorated through flexible accommodation, as had happened previously.
However, there were other pressures that caused increasing problems,
including the belligerent encroachment of the Ottoman Empire in the southeastern part of the Holy Roman Empire, the military challenge to Habsburg rule
in the Spanish Netherlands, and the emergence of anti-Habsburg policy in
France, England and elsewhere. Matters came to a head when the internal
religious differences between Catholic, Lutheran and Calvinist, not to mention
the continuing problem with the Hussites in Bohemia, ceased to be contained
within the framework of the Peace of Augsburg (1555) and its maxim cuius
regio, eius et religio. The increasing militarism of the second half of the 16 th
century that had seen marauding groups of mercenary soldiers, cavalry as well
as infantry, in many parts of the Empire, the emergence of opposing alliances
culminating in the Protestant Union (1608) and its counterpart the Catholic
League (1609), the War of the Jülich-Kleve Succession (1609 -1614), and
finally the Defenestration of Prague (1618) and the outbreak of the Thirty Years’
War (1618-1648) all had a devastating negative impact on the court and city
trumpeters. Empire-wide mass-mobilisation of military forces meant that
additional trumpeters were required for the vastly increased numbers of
companies of cavalry at the rate of two trumpeters for each troop of around
sixty-six horse. 7 The result was an influx of untrained and partially-trained,
native and foreign trumpeters, the recruitment into the cavalry of unauthorised
4
town trumpeters, and also the accelerated and only partial training of apprentice
trumpeters in large numbers by unscrupulous court and city trumpeters. If the
implications for the smooth and effective operation of massed cavalry regiments
on the battlefield are obvious enough, the impact on the court and city
trumpeters was severe enough to be viewed by them (and by many of the
aristocrats and nobles they served) as potentially disastrous.
The Oratorischer Hall und Schall
The response of the court and city trumpeters was crystallised in Caspar
Hentzschel’s book the Oratorischer Hall und Schall of 1620, an attempt to
expose and reverse the deterioration, and to expedite the regulation and control
of the art of the trumpeter both formally and legally. The Oratorischer Hall und
Schall comprises twenty-three folios in quarto format. The title-page occupies
the first verso and it is followed on folios Aij-[Aiijv] by a four-page dedication to
King Frederick I of Bohemia (1596-1632), the ‘Winter King’. This was an
unfortunate choice of dedicatee since Frederick, the former Elector Frederick V
Palatine (r. 1610-23) who had been elected by the Protestant Estates of
Bohemia and crowned in Prague on 4 November 1619, would soon be defeated
by the Emperor Ferdinand II (1578-1637), who had already been crowned King
of Bohemia in 1617, at the Battle of the White Mountain on 8 November 1620,
after which he lived in exile and mainly at The Hague.
The main body of the text occupies folios [Aiv]-Eiijv and its thirty-two
pages are organised following the basic humanistic plan of the time. After
presenting an initial rationale for the book on folios [Aiv]-[Bjv], Hentzschel finds
justification for the knightly art of the trumpeter by discussing in turn the ‘three
wisest masters’, respectively the Divine, the Human and the Natural. The
section on the Divine Master occupies folios [Bjv]-[Biijv] and includes sources of
evidence from both the Old and New Testaments of the Bible. This is followed
on folios [Biijv]-[Cjv] by discussion of the Human Masters, beginning with
‘sacred’ masters, renowned trumpeters and patrons who are mentioned in the
Old Testament. In a departure from standard practice in which reference would
be made to the classical Greek and Roman worlds, Hentzschel then engages
in discussion of ‘secular’ trumpeters and patrons master of more recent times
on folios [Cjv]-Ciij. He first describes ‘a book belonging to a trumpeter from
London’ containing trumpet music that was ‘composed [up to] 300 years ago’
and gives the names of trumpeters mentioned in the manuscript. The
interpolation illustrates the extent of the connections between trumpeters in
Western Europe, in this instance between the royal trumpet music of
contemporary England, the early 16th century trumpeting practices of the royal
Scottish court and the late-15th century trumpeting tradition that had arrived
there from Northern Italy. 8 Hentzschel follows it with mention to varying
degrees of accuracy of a number of noble patrons from the 5th century AD to
5
his present-day, the latter of which is achieved with the strategic inclusion of
praise for a possible future employer, King Christian IV of Denmark! A short
paragraph on the Natural Master follows on folios Ciij-[Ciijv] and closes this
section of the book.
Having identified the masters, Hentzschel proceeds on folios [Ciij v]-Diij
to explore the reasons why the art of the trumpeter merited such powerful
patrons and practitioners in the past and to argue the case for its continued
support in the future. He argues for the exclusivity of the art and on its beneficial
participation in the commonwealth as an ‘outward sign’. To do so he draws on
his knowledge of the teachings of Aristotle, his readings from the classical
Greek and Roman worlds (although not as many as would be expected,
perhaps to a particular religious scruple of the author), supplements this with
renewed reference to the Old and New Testaments, and then clinches the
argument by referring to the forms and genres of his contemporary ceremonial
and military music and to the, at that time nascent, engagement of the trumpet
in concerted sacred music. By arguing for the use of musical instruments in
church Hentzschel was both promoting the Lutheran avant garde and also
differing with the Reformed, or Calvinist, tradition of both his dedicatee and his
employer, although it is noteworthy that the monarch and elector held their
adherence to the Reformed Church as personal and without implications for
their Lutheran subjects.
Having satisfied himself as to the essential and civilising effect of the art
of the trumpeter, on folios [Div]-[Ejv] Hentzschel provides justification for the
social separation of the trumpeter from all other musicians and then describes
and attacks the abuses and offences caused by unscrupulous and miscreant
trumpeters. The language is colourful and the Hentzschel’s emotional
engagement in the argument is found in the extent and type of detail that he
supplies. The ground has now been prepared for the final section on folios [Ejv][Eiijv] and the promotion of the necessity for the cultivation of the knightly art
solely by ‘honourable people’ and the argument for remuneration
commensurate with the special status that the court and city trumpeters had
earned through continued faithful service. In this Hentzschel directs particular
attention to the important roles of his former employer, Elector Johann Georg I
of Saxony (1585-1656), and his current lord, Elector Georg Wilhelm of
Brandenburg (1595-1640), in promoting the art and concludes the main text
with the hope that ‘it will come to pass that the honourable, honest and artistic
trumpeter will find his art held in high esteem and not misused’.
The main text is followed by a number of verse compositions by
Hentzschel. A ‘Gebetlein’ follows on folios Eiijv-[Eiv] and takes the form of a
short prayer of supplication on behalf of the art of the trumpeter set in rhyming
octo-syllabic couplets apart from the final line of nine syllables. Another
6
supplication is found on folios [Eivv]-[Fiijv] in the form of the ‘Geistlich Lied’, a
sacred song whose sixteen verses were probably not intended to be sung to
any particular melody since the verse structure is very variable; the ultimate
sources of many of its individual stanzas may be identified and derive from the
corpus of contemporary Lutheran hymnody. Finally, the space remaining on
folio [Fiijv] is filled by the ‘Reymen’, a doggerel verse of five lines in which the
benefits of good salary and booty in the affairs of war are indicated.
The Author
The trumpeter Caspar Hentzschel is an important figure in the history of the
trumpet on account of his articulation of the early 17th-century consensus of the
trumpeters of the courts and the imperial and free cities of the Holy Roman
Empire, that their precarious situation required the formal establishment of a
protective guild as a critical imperative. He is also one of those minor figures in
the history of music whose life story is encountered only very fleetingly and
tantalisingly. Yet the traces that do emerge provide a surprisingly rich insight
into the person behind the name.
Caspar Hentzschel first enters into the historical record in 1612 when he
was appointed as a trumpeter to the Electoral Saxon court in Dresden and
where he was still serving in 1614. 9 If this was his first appointment and if it
followed a ‘normal’ two-year apprenticeship with a master trumpeter and a
further four years as a journeyman, then this would indicate that Hentzschel
was born around 1592. 10 A plausible sketch of his early years may be
attempted in light of incidental details and hints that are included in the
Oratorischer Hall und Schall. He may have been born in Saxony and he may
have served as a boy chorister in a Lutheran church; this is suggested by his
promotion of Lutheran orthodoxy and his dislike for both the Catholic and
Calvinist (or ‘Reformed’) denominations; by his use of the vernacular of Luther’s
translation of the Bible when quoting from it; and by his modelling of stanzas
from a variety of Lutheran hymns in his own Geistlich Lied, a pseudo-hymn that
forms the penultimate part of the Oratorischer Hall und Schall and that was
probably never intended to be sung on account of the disparate nature of its
component stanzas. 11 After his voice broke he may have been apprenticed to
a court head trumpeter (apprentice trumpeters were often selected from the
ranks of former boy choristers); this is implicit in his mention of his master (on
folio CIIJ: see pages 29 and 30), his fierce advocacy of the exclusive role of the
court trumpeter corps in the regulation and training of apprentices and of its
special connection with the aristocracy and nobility.
It is likely that Hentzschel continued to serve at the Saxon court for some
time after 1614 although the paucity of Saxon court account books (the HofeBűcher) from the early 17th century makes this impossible to verify.
Nonetheless, and whether he was employed at Dresden as a mounted
7
trumpeter (a ‘Trompter zu roβ’) on an annual salary of 171 Florins 9 Groschen
or as a household trumpeter (a ‘Trompter zu fuβ’) on 120 Florins, 12 he was a
member of a leading trumpet corps at one of the most forward-looking German
courts. He was certainly present at the Princes’ Day at Naumburg on 30 March
1614 to which the principal delegates, Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony and
Elector Johann Sigismund of Brandenburg (who used the gathering to
demonstrate their brotherly friendship and political unity of purpose) came to
the assembly complete with entourages that included their respective entire
trumpeter corps. 13 He may also have been present at Wolffenbüttel on 4
September 1614 for the wedding of Friederich-Ulrich, Duke of BraunschweigLüneburg to Anne-Sophie, Countess of Brandenburg and Duchess of Prussia.
On such occasions he would have been introduced ‘to the magnificent and
princely music’ style (‘zur prachtigen vnd Fürstlichen Music’) of the at-that-time
peripatetic Kapellmeister Michael Praetorius, including the composer’s
Epithalamium for the lducal wedding, his polychoral concerto ‘Nun lob mein
Seel’ den Herren à 13 &17 mit Trompetten vnnd Heerpaucken’ with which the
concept of the participation of the court trumpet ensemble in composed music
was concretised. 14 He may then have participated in the performance of
Heinrich Schütz’ first composition in the new manner, the polychoral concerto
‘Psalmus 136 à 13 mit Trommeten vnd Heerpaucken: Dancket den Herrn, denn
er ist freundlich’ which may have been composed for the Reformation
Centenary celebrations in 1617. At any rate, it is certain that Hentzschel was a
convinced supporter of the musical participation of the trumpet in concerted
sacred music, in addition to the instrument’s time-honoured functional roles.
As ‘Caspar Hentschel’ he next found employment in the new musical
establishment of Duke Johann Philipp (r.1618-1639) of Saxe-Altenburg at his
court in Altenburg in 1618. His appointment was at an annual salary of 104
Gulden, plus 22 Florins and 6 Groschen for hay and straw and 2 Florins and 6
groschen for horseshoes for his horse. Hentzschel’s salary was larger than the
salaries paid to the other four trumpeters and one timpanist who were also
employed at the court (they each received 96 Florins and the trumpeters, the
same allowances for their horses) and it is most likely that his higher salary
indicates that his role at the court was that of the head trumpeter. 15 Together
with his trumpeter colleagues, he left the Altenburg court in 1620. Hentzschel
then took up employment at the Electoral Brandenburg court at Berlin-Cölln
shortly before the publication of the Oratorischer Hall vnd Schall in 1620, since
he describes himself as a ‘Churf. Brandenb. Hoff- vnd FeldTrommeter’ on the
title-page of the book. In 1910 Curt Sachs noted a now-lost court document
from 1621 in which was recorded the appointment of ‘Henschell, Caspar,
Klarinbläser’ on an annual salary of 300 Reichsthaler; the document must have
been an ex post facto record since, as has been noted, he was already in post
in the previous year. 16 Sachs noted that the court records were very
incomplete; their subsequent history – the deposition of the various archives at
8
Berlin-Dahlem in 1924, their dispersal and loss during World War II, and their
subsequent division between the Western and Eastern zones of Germany and
reclassification on both sides of the East-West divide, before their reassembly
and return to the Geheime Staatsarchiv Preuβischer Kulturbesitz at BerlinDahlem in 1999 – has added significantly to the losses, so that his book is
essential in supplying information from documents that are now otherwise
missing or destroyed. 17
Hentzschel’s annual remuneration of 300 Reichsthaler was very high for
a trumpeter at the court, where the usual salary at this time was more modest
and between 40 and 60 Reichsthaler. The elevated salary may reflect high
regard for Hentzschel’s trumpeting ability - according to Sachs only two other
trumpeters received comparable salaries at this time, the English ‘Klarinbläser’
Lambert Blome (or Bloome) on 220 Florins and Hanns Reimar on 200 Florins,
18 and both were also mentioned in a document dated 1621 - and it may also
owe much to the wish of the new Elector Georg Wilhelm (r. 1619-1640) to put
his own personal stamp on the court musical establishment. During the early
years of his reign Elector Georg Wilhelm appointed a number of other
instrumentalists and singers at similar, and also at much higher, salaries and
emulated a trend begun by Elector Johann Sigismund (r.1608 -1619) to
enhance the prestige of the court through, among other things, the expansion
of the musical establishment and its embellishment through the acquisition of
the services of important musicians and composers at great expense. The
outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War on 23 May 1618 put an end to such activity.
Salaries soon plummeted and the musical establishment was severely
retrenched following the removal of the court to Königsberg in East Prussia and
the emergence of severe financial problems as electoral Brandenburg gradually
became embroiled in the conflict despite the elector’s desperate attempts to
steer a middle course.
Assuming again that he was employed as a trumpeter, a terminus ante
quem for the termination of Hentzschel’s employment in electoral Brandenburg
may be established by another archival document, a copy of the revised
Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 11 May 1630 accompanied by an open letter
from the trumpeters of various courts, including electoral Saxony and electoral
Brandenburg, for the adoption of the privileges at their respective, and other,
courts. 19 Hentzschel’s name is missing from a comprehensive list of the
electoral Brandenburg court trumpeter corps personnel, as may be shown by
comparison with other archival information noted by Sachs and/or preserved in
the Geheime Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Caspar Hentzschel finally
disappears from the historical record at this point in time.
It is apparent from the Oratorischer Hall und Schall that Caspar
Hentzschel had received quite a broad, humanistic education. Apart from the
9
literary skills that he exhibits in the text of the booklet itself, his alreadymentioned background knowledge of biblical and other sacred texts is also
matched by his selection of episodes from a range of ancient and more recent,
historical, geographical and philosophical texts to promote his case. Hentzschel
identifies only one book - Sebastian Münster’s Cosmographia (also known
under the German title Cosmographey) which was first published by Sebastian
Henricpetri at Basel in 1544 and enjoyed seventeen German reprints before
1620 – but other sources may be identified with diminishing degrees of
certainty. For his bible-based arguments Hentzschel employed Martin Luther’s
Biblia das ist die gantze Heilige Schrifft Deudsch extensively, while he probably
consulted various Lutheran hymnals and prayer books to help develop his own
Geistlich Lied and Gebetlein. He knew of, or was at least aware of, Boethius’
De institutione musicae and Vincenzo Galilei’s Dialogo della musica antica, et
della moderna as well as the first volume of Michael Praetorius’ Syntagma
Musicum. In dealing with the ancient world he employed Aristotle’s Politics,
Claudius Aelianus’ Varia Historia, Athenaeus’ Deipnospohistai and Strabo’s
Geographicon, while his examination of the more recent included St Basil’s Ad
adolescentes, Ulrich von Richental’s Chronik des Constanzer Concils and
Theophanes Continuatus’ Chronographia.
The accuracy of the references can be variable and some of the more
obvious deficiencies may be the result of oral transmission between
generations of trumpeters: this is particularly the case in a garbled anecdote
that may have originated in one of the Third, Fourth, or even the Sixth Crusade.
Oral transmission is also the means by which he found out about the ‘famous’
16th-century trumpeters he mentions in the text, yet, although they are
otherwise no longer directly identifiable from the available archival records, their
details accord very well with the more general contextual knowledge that is
available.
Hentzschel does not always choose to deliver his source texts faithfully,
particularly when the original material is devoid of mention of the trumpet. In
such cases he reworks the original and inserts some beneficial reference to the
instrument in it! A good example of this procedure is found in his account of the
sack of Aquileia by Attila the Hun in 452AD: the source text from Münster’s
Cosmographia is embellished with the introduction of trumpeters to produce a
‘walls of Jericho’-type story. Hentzschel even modifies Luther’s translation of
the Bible, for example, by silently substituting ‘Trommet’ for ‘Posaun’ or ‘Horn’
when the two last are in the original texts, or even by conflating different lines
of text. On the other hand, he can also provide surprising accuracy on the most
obscure matters, the best example of which is a very accurate account of a
minor episode in the life of the Byzantine Emperor Theophilus Michael (r.829842 AD). The episode originates in a Greek-language chronicle that is known
today as the Chronographica by Theophanes Continuatus; the 11th century
10
manuscript is an unicum that came from Byzantium and was included in the
collection of the Bibliotheca Vaticana in Rome around 1455 (Cod. Vat. gr. 167);
and the chronicle only became readily available much later with the publication
in Paris of a Latin translation by Franciscus Combesisius O.F.M. in 1685 and
under the title Scriptores post Theophanem. Hentzschel’s ability to retell the
episode is a tribute both to his own background and also to the sophisticated
nature of the trumpeter fraternity and its extensive and rich network of
connections between trumpeters who were separated not only by geography
but also by chronology.
The Annotated Translation
The Oratorischer Hall und Schall has been translated to produce a readable
text in English that retains the flavour of Hentzschel’s the original German.
Comparison of the transcription of the original text, which retains the original
orthography, apart from the umlaut symbol ‘e‘ which has been replaced with the
modern symbol ‘..’, with the translation is facilitated by placement of both texts
in parallel. Both the dedication and main text in Hentzschel’s original are written
in continuous prose. The original foliation has been indicated in the manner of
the time so that, for example, the title page on the unfoliated verso of the first
folio is headed with the indication ‘{[Ajv]}’, while change of folio in the main body
of text is indicated by the insertion of the same type of indication at the point
where it occurs. Although there has been no attempt to replicate the original
make-up of individual lines in the prose, words that have been split and
hyphenated due to change of folio retain the original split in the German text
only; words that have been split and hyphenated due to their straddling two
lines of text on the same folio have been silently united. Some headings have
been introduced into the English translation to help the reader follow the train
of the author’s thought more clearly. The three verse texts are presented in a
similar manner, although the artless layout of the verse - which is to a large
extent the result of the font chosen originally – has been preserved in the
original language but regularised in the translation; intended metrical rhythms
are easy enough to grasp. The translations are followed by an Annotated
Commentary in which the sources of Hentzschel’s various stories and
arguments, and also the possible sources of inspiration for his hymn verses,
are considered at length and in the form of endnotes.
11
Caspar Hentzschel’s
Oratorischer Hall und Schall... der
Rittermessigen Kunst der Trommeten
1620
12
{[Ajv]}
ORATORISCHER
Hall vnd Schall/
Vom
Löblichen vrsprung/
lieblicher anmuth vnd empfindlichen Nutzen
Der Rittermessigen Kunst
Der Trommeten/
Allen
Trommeter Lesterern zur Wiederlegung/
Trommeter Freunden zur Erquickung/
Trommeter Schändern zur Warnung.
Vorfertiget vnd auβgegangen
Von
CASPAR HENTZSCHELN, Churf.
Brandenb. Hoff- vnd FeldTrommetern
anjetzo zu Cölln an der
Sprew.
[Vignette]
Gedruckt zum Berlin/ durch George Rungen/
Anno M. DC. XX.
{Aij}
[Vorrede]
Dem Durchläuchtigsten/
Groβmächtigsten Fürsten vnnd
Herrn/ Herrn FRIDERICO König in Böheimb/
Pfaltzgraff bey Rhein/ vnnd Churfürst/ Hertzog in Bäyern/
Marggraff in Mähren/ Hertzog in Lützelburg vnd Schlesien/
Marggraff in Ober vnnd NiederLausitz/
Meinem gnedigsten Könige
vnd Herrn.
DUrchleuchtigster/ Groβmächtigster König/ Gnedigster Herr. In erwegung meiner
wenigen Person vnd geringen Standes erkenne ich mich nicht allein vor Ewer Kön:
May: vnverdienten Unterthanen/ sondern auch vnwürdigen Diener. Wann ich aber
erkenn vnd bedenck/ mit was Gnaden Ihr Königl: May: sich gegen der Trom̅eterkunst
biβher erkläret/ vnd auch künfftig sich ereignen werde: Alβ wird mein Hertz durch
13
{[Ajv]}
ORATORICAL
peal and call
on the
commendable origin,
amiable charm and
proper employment
of the knightly art
of the trumpet,
For the
rebuttal of all slanderers of the trumpeter,
refreshment of all friends of the trumpeter,
[and] warning of all shamers of the trumpeter.
Written and published
by
CASPAR HENTZSCHEL, ElectoralBrandenburg court- and field-trumpeter,
presently at Cölln-on-theSpree.
[Vignette]
Printed in Berlin by George Runge,
In the year 1620.
{Aij}
Foreword 20
To the most gracious,
most powerful Prince and Master,
Lord FREDERICK, King of Bohemia,
Lord of the Rhine and Elector, Duke of Bavaria,
Margrave of Moravia, Duke of Lützelburg and Silesia,
Margrave of Upper and Lower Lausitz, 21
My most kind King
and Master.
MOst gracious, most powerful King, most kind Lord! When I consider my humble self
and lowly position I realise that before Your R[oyal] H[ighness] I am not only an
undeserving subject but also an unworthy servant. However, when I acknowledge and
identify the grace with which Your R[oyal] H[ighness] has declared yourself in favour
of the trumpeters’ art in the past and has also indicated for the future, then my heart
14
{[Aijv]}
Vorrede
solche von GOTT bescherte/ vnd vom Himmel verliehene Ehr zu allen ehrlichen
löblichen vnd danckbarlichen Thaten erwecket vnd angereitzet. Dannenhero ich mich
vnterfangen/ nicht allein vnsere Kunst/ durch welcher hülffe ich nechst Gott solche
Königl: Gnad erlanget/ zu commendiren, vnd vnsern Kunstgenossen zubefehlen/
sondern auch solch gering vnd einfältig Werck E. Königl: May: zuzuschreiben/ vnd
derselben schutz zubefehlen. Denn weil jhr viel gefunden werden/ die beydes biβher
vnserer Kunst zimlich gewogen/ vnd dieselbe auffs ärgeste schmehen/ so wol auch in
grossem gespött warden auffnehmen/ das sich einer von solcher elenden handlung
zuschreiben vnterstanden/ Alβ erfordert die höchste noth/ mein/ wiewol gering{[Aiij]}schetzig/ jedoch ehrliche vnd gut gemeinete arbeit ein solchen hohen Potentaten
zu vntergeben/ auff dessen gnad vnnd schutz sie sich köndte kühnlich vnd sicher
verlassen. Nu aber in vntertheniger anschawung vnd erkennung E. Kön: May: muβ ich
vn̅ wil auch gerne gestehen/ das mir kein gewünschter Herr von GOtt hette können
bescheret werden/ alβ Ewer Kön: Mayt: darumb ich billich diesem werck obzuligen/
vrsach empfangen: Also wende ich mich in gegenwertigem zustand/ so werde ich
keines weges von meinem vornehmen abgeschrecket/ sondern mit solcher gnedigen
affection gestercket/ das ich mich meines theils höchlichen zuerfrewen. Ja wann ich
dero keines hette vermerckt/ solt mich doch Ihr Kön: May: künfftiger zeit alles gutes
[Aiijv] vertrösten/ da sich Ihr Kön: May: in steten vnd löblichen gebrauch vnserer Kunst
einen rechten Schutzherrn vnd gnedigen erhalter wird ersehen vnd finden lassen. Vmb
solcher vrsach willen/ wiewol diβ Werck kindisch vnd vnnützlich vielen erscheinet/
wollen sich Ihr Kön: May: meines vnterthenigen willen in gnaden annehmen/ vnd zum
besten beförden. Mit welchen E. Kön: May: ich wil vnterthenigst in schutz deβ
Allerhöchsten empfohlen haben. Actum Cölln an der Sprew/ den 2. Augusti, Anno 1620.
E. Kön: May:
Vntertheniger gehorsamer Diener
CASPAR HENTZSCHEL, Churf.
Brandenb. Hoff- vnd FeldTrommeter.
15
{[Aijv]}
is moved and uplifted to honourable, worthy and grateful deeds as the result of such
God-given and Heaven-lent honour. It is on this account that I undertake not merely to
commend our art (so that I might help to obtain, next to Godly, such Roy[al] favour)
and entrust [it] to our comrades-in-art, but also to dedicate such a trifling and simple
work to Y[our] R[oyal] H[ighness] and to entrust patronage for the same. Indeed, it will
be shown very clearly that up to the present day our art has been considerably shaken
and most wickedly abused, as well as subjected to great ridicule, so that a refuge from
such miserable treatment needs to be written by someone. The greatest distress demands
that my, though trifling, {[Aiij]} yet honest and well-meant work be presented to such
a high Authority, whose favour and protection be relied upon boldly and reliably. Now,
however, [and] in subject contemplation and recognition of Your R[oyal] H[ighness], I
must and indeed shall acknowledge that I could not wish for any other Master to be
granted by God than Your R[oyal] H[ighness], to whom I accordingly take the
opportunity to present this work: therefore, in consideration of my present situation, I
pledge that I shall in no way be deterred from my undertaking but will be strengthened
by such kind affection that I may rejoice greatly on my part. Indeed, if I have not yet
remarked upon it, it behoves me to wish Your Roy[al] High[ness] all the best for the
future, {[Aiijv]} that in the continued and honourable employment of our art there may
be recognised and found in Your R[oyal] H[ighness] a true protector and patron. For
that very reason, [and] although the present work may appear childish and awkward in
many respects, may Your R[oyal] H[ighness] accept my humble intention with favour
and respond in good measure. With which I most humbly recommend Your R[oyal]
H[ighness] to the protection of the Most High. Registered at Cölln-on-the-Spree, on 2
August, 1620.
Your R[oyal] H[ighness]'
Most obedient and humble servant,
CASPAR HENTZSCHEL, ElectoralBrandenburg Court- and FieldTrumpeter.
16
{[Aiv]}
Ob ich zwar nicht allein an vielen der Trommeter Kunstverwandten gespüret/ das sie
vorlangest gewündschet/ ein sonderlichen in Druck auβgegangenen Tractat zusehen/
darinn sie von jhrer ankunfft vnd zustand gewissen bericht möchten haben/ sondern
auch selbsten in sonderlicher lust vnnd begierde gestanden/ mich durch fleissiges
nachdencken darinn zubemühen/ vnd durch schreiben in Druck verfertiget/ mit andern
nach art anderer Künste darvon zubesprechen: So bin ich doch daher zurück gehalten/
vnd die Handt ans Werck zu legen abgeschrecket worden/ nicht allein wegen vnserer
gantzen Kunst/ die vielleicht bey vieler Hertzen gedancken möchte in argwohn
genommen/ vnnd dafür angesehen werden/ alβ die was sonderliches vor andern gelten/
vnd auβ mangel der wolgerathenen Nachbawren sich selbsten loben wolten/ von
welchen doch sonst vbel gesaget wird/ das eigen Lob gemeiniglich zu stincken pfleget;
Sondern auch meiner wenigen Person/ derer beydes geringer verstand in Druck
zubeweisen zu vnwürdig/ so wol auch Commen-{[Aiv v]}dationschreiben viel zu
schlecht/ das dadurch eine gantze Kunst solte lobwürdig geachtet vnd gehalten werden:
In erwegung aber vnserer Kunst jetzigen zustands/ welcher in kunfftiger zeit/ wo nicht
eylender rath vnd mittel verschafft/ einer gantzen Kunst eusserstes verderben/
vntergang vnd verachtung zu zuziehen/ drawet/ bin ich etlicher massen auβ
zweiffelnder vnd feiger furcht entrücket/ vnd in meinem vorgesatzten Werck
fortzufahren wiederumb instigiret vnd angereitzet worden.
Denn was man in wolstand/ glück vnd sicherheit schewet zuthun/ das wird in
vbelstandt/ vnglück vnd gefehrligkeit/ ohn alle furcht/ bedencken vnnd schew
vorgenommen. Nun ist aber vnser Kunst jetziger zeit in grosser gefahr/ nicht allein deβ
grossen defects vnd mangels/ dadurch vnverstendige Leute vnser Stand dermassen
verkleinert vnd in verachtung gesetzt wird/ das jhrer wenig in derselben disciplin sich
zubegeben vermeinen/ sondern auch deβ schändlichen Excesses vnd vberflusses/ in
dem auβ vnvollkommener vnterrichtung vnd begreiffung/ so viel stümpler vnnd
hümpler in allen Städten vnnd Dörffern sich finden/ vnd (bona venia) wie Mäusekoth
vnter Pfeffer zu vnsern Consorten begeben/ das ein ehrlicher vnd erfahr-{B[j]}ner
Trommeter seiner Kunst fast möchte schewen tragen. Derowegen weil ich in diesen
meinen Schreiben nicht gesinnet/ groβgelehrtenLeuten arbeit/ in lesung einer Kunst/
derer beschreibung sie wenig erlustiret/ zumachen: Auch nicht vergebliches lob den
Trommetern/ derer gemüther mehr durch eigene Kunst/ als anderer Leute gunst/ zu den
löblichen Mansthaten wird angereitzt zu suchen: Auch nicht andern Musicanten,
welcher brüderliche/ friedliche vnd gesellige Kunstverwandschafft/ wir in hertzlicher
lieb erkennen/ an jhrer Ehr vnnd Lob/ etwas zubenehmen/ Sondern vnser gantzen Kunst
zu jnnbrünstiger anreitzung/ vnnd meinen beystandt/ damit wir vnsere Kunst in
wolstandt erhalten/ vnd der lieben Posteritet vnd Nachkommen/ vollkömmentlich
hinterlassen mögen: Alβ bin ich beydes in guten willen/ meine meinung von dieser
Kunst/ herkom̅en vnd löblichen zustandt/ in öffentlichen Schrifften jederman/ vnnd
besonders vnseren Kunstverwandten zu communiciren, so wol vnzweiffelnder
hoffnung gewesen/ es werde der günstige Leser solches im besten auffnehmen/ vnd mir
keines weges verargen.
Jm anfang aber den grundt wol zu legen/ weiβ ich keine bessere weise/ mittel
vnnd anschläge/ als {[Bj v]} wenn ich dieser Kunst anfänger vnd Werckmeister/ von
dem sie biβ auff vns propagiret vnnd forth gepflantzet worden/ erzehlet werde. Denn
ob man wol sonsten saget/ das Werck lobet den Meister/ so findet sich doch offt das
17
{[Aiv]}
Although it is not just the case that many of the trumpeter brethren-in-art have
considered that they have for a long time wished to see a special treatise appear in print
wherein they might obtain a principled account of their present state and condition, but
also that they have awaited the same with especial enthusiasm and desire so that I might
endeavour to discuss it with others after diligent reflection and publication of a written
study made after the manner of the other arts; nevertheless, I am detained at this point
and hesitate to lay my hand to such a task, not simply in consideration of our entire art
(which might be considered with suspicion by many hearts and thus regarded somewhat
differently from other [arts] in the absence of well-advised friends, who would
themselves be able to praise it, so that it might unfortunately be argued that 'self-praise
be no recommendation'), but also [in consideration] of my lowly self, both [my] modest
ability to prove [the case]in print and [my] unequalness to [the task of] writing a {[Aiv
v]} commendation by means of which an entire art might be considered honourable and
attract support. However, in considering the present state of our art (which will be
threatened with total ruin, decline and contempt in the future unless urgent advice and
remedy be procured) I am to some extent carried away from [this] doubting and
cowardly fear and incited and encouraged to continue once more with my proposed
task.
That which appeared to exhibit prosperity, good fortune and security, was
considered and assumed to be without any fear of misdeed, mishap and peril. Now,
however, our art is in great danger, not just from the great defects and errors through
which our position has been greatly diminished and placed in contempt by ignorant
people (who have renounced their little [talent] in the same discipline), but also from
the slanderous excesses and incompetences that arise from imperfect instruction and
understanding [and] that have caused so many bunglers and fools to be found in all
towns and villages who (alas!) compare with our colleagues as mouse dung does with
pepper, so that an honourable and experienced trumpeter {B[j]} almost fears to practise
his art. Therefore, it has not been my intention to produce a work for the most erudite
in these, my writings, by describing an art (which description would give them little
joy); nor to advocate that meaningless praise for their noble deeds be given to the
trumpeters (who care more for their own art than for the favour of others); nor even to
lobby in some way other musicians (whose fraternal, peaceful and social brotherhood
we wholeheartedly recognise) for their praise and commendation. Rather, [it is] to
encourage fervently our entire art so that, with my assistance, we may preserve our art
in prosperity and bequeath it in perfection to the dear posterity and to our descendants.
In this way, it is my good intention both to communicate my understanding of
the origin and honourable state of this art in public writing for everyone, and especially
for our brethren-in-art, and to trust firmly that the kind reader will accept the same
[writing] for the best and not fault me in any way.
[Part 1: The Origin of the Trumpeters’ Art]
However, to lay the ground well at the beginning I know of no better manner,
method and approach {[Bj v]} than to give an account of [the] originators and overseers
of this art, from whom it has been propagated and transmitted to us. For, just as it is
well stated that ‘the work praises the master’, equally so is the contrary
18
gegentheil/ da sich eine jede Kunst jhres Meisters rühmet/ vnd je besser der ist/ von
dem solche Kunst den vrsprung empfangen/ je mehr wird von dem Werck gehalten.
Nun aber ist vnsere Kunst/ nicht von einem Meister allein/ der selten alle
weiβheit gefressen/ Sondern von den allerweisesten drey Meistern erfunden worden/
die nach jhrem wesen in Göttliche/ Menschliche vnd Natürliche getheilet werden.
Denn wenn GOtt etwas thun wil/ so darff Er nicht lange auff Erden rümb
wandern vnd sonderliche Künstler suchen/ die mit jhrer weiβheit vnd Arbeit jhm
beyspringen/ vnd in vorrhat etwan ein Adminiculum, das zu seinem vorhaben dienet/
erfinden müsten/ Sondern Er ist ein weiser HERR/ von dem alle Kunst vnd
geschickligkeit/ wie die kleinen Bächlein auβ dem Brunnen/ die Bäume auβ den
Wurtzeln/ vnnd die Stralen von der Sonnen entspringen: Er ist ein Allmächtiger GOtt/
nach dessen Augen alle Creaturen sich lencken/ durch welches Mund alles Geschöpff
bestehet/ vnnd mit {Bij} dessen Hand die gantze Weltkugel/ als der Ball/ mit des
Menschen Fingern/ wird beweget vnd regieret: Ja Er ist auch ein reicher König/ der
nicht etwa von den Menschen Kindern etwas zu entlehnen benötiget/ sondern was Er
gebraucht in der gantzen Welt/ das thut jhn von seinem HErrn/ Authorem vnd erblichen
besitzen/ veneriren vnnd erkennen: Dannenhero sich dann die Göttliche Majestät selbst
lest vernehmen im 50. Psalm/ Ich wil nicht von deinem Hause Farren nehmen/ noch
Böcke auβ deinen Ställen/ denn alle Thier im Walde sind mein/ &c.
Nun aber lesen wir in heiliger Schrifft/ das wenn GOtt jhm ein sonderlich Werck
zu vollbringen/ vorgenommen/ so seind jhme die Posaunen oder Trommeten darbey zu
sein/ beliebet: Denn was ist grösser auff dieser Welt/ vnd herrlichers im anfang zusehen
gewesen/ als des Gesetzes offenbarung/ da Gott seinen Ewigen vnd gnedigsten willen/
in Zehen Geboten offenbahret/ vnd Schrifftlich auffgezeichnet/ dem gantzen
Geschlecht der Menschen erkläret? Dennoch hat solches ohne den Hall vnd schall der
Trommeten/ nicht beschehen oder verrichtet werden können/ Sondern es meldet der
Text im andern Buch Mosis am 19. vnnd 20. {[Bij v]} Capittel/ das solches mit dem
Thon einer sehr starcken Posaunen oder Trommeten sey geschehen.
Was diβ vor ein Werck sey/ wann GOtt sein Gerichte auff diesem Erdenkreiβ
anstellet/ vnd sich mit seinem schrecklichen eyver/ vber die boβheit der Gottlosen sehen
lest/ solches ist in täglicher erfahrung/ da manchem vor grossen entsetzen/ die Haar zu
berge stehen/ in dem er höret/ das die Gottlosen nicht allein im leben/ mit grewlichen
straffen vntergedrücket/ sondern auch offt mit vnerhörten Todesängsten hingerafft
vn̅ger ssen worden: Gleichwol aber/ wird in der Offenbahrung Johannis am 8. 9. 10. 11.
vnd 12. Capittel/ von den sieben Engeln gesaget/ das sie mit sieben Posaunen oder
Trommeten am ende der Welt/ solch vrtheil Gottes auβruffen vnd proclamiren sollen/
Do dann Gott vor allen dingen vnd andern Instrumenten, jhme das vnsere angelegen
vnd befohlen sein lest.
Wer nicht weiβ/ was die Zukunfft des Richters Jesu Christi sey/ vnd was vor
einen herrlichen vnd Majestätischen Einzug/ erhalten wird/ in dem augenblicklich/ der
hellglentzende Himmel sich wird eröffnen/ mit einem vnversehenden Fewr/ den
Erdboden verbrennen/ mit einem vnerhörten krachen/ das Weltgebäw zerfallen/ alle
vom anfang der {Biij} Schöpffung verstorbenen/ so wol auch domahls noch lebenden
Menschen/ vor dem Richterstuell Christi gestellet/ vnd nach Göttlicher Justitz, das
letzte Vrtheil anhören werden: Das wird ein jedtweder/ der es allhie nicht gemeinet/
19
often to be found, that a given art itself praises its master, and that the better he is from
whom such an art owes its origin, the more will be taken from the work.
Now, however, our art was not invented by one master alone who would be
unlikely to possess all wisdom, but by the three wisest masters, who are distinguished
according to their natures, Divine, Human and Natural.
[The Divine Master]
Now, when God puts His mind to it, He does not need to roam around the Earth
for long in search of remarkable artists who might aid Him with their wisdom and
labour and provide as it were a reservoir of assistance to serve His intentions. Indeed,
He is a wise MASTER from whom all artistry and skilfulness arise, just as the little
streams from the springs, the trees from the roots, and the sunbeams from the sun; He
is an all-powerful God, through whose eyes all the living things are guided, through
whose mouth all creatures are commanded and with {Bij} whose hand the entire globe
is moved and regulated, just like a ball with human fingers; yes, He is also a rich King
who does not need to borrow anything from human children, yet whatever He does
employ in the entire world must venerate and acknowledge, as worldly possession, its
Lord [and] Author; thus the Godly Majesty lets itself be shown in Psalm 50, ‘I will not
accept any bull from your homes, nor a single goat from your folds. For all forest
creatures are mine already’, etc. 22
Now, however, we read in Holy Scripture that, when God wished to accomplish
some special deed, He required that the ram’s horns or trumpets be nearby. 23 What is
greater in this world and is recognised as of more splendid origin than the revelation of
the Law, when God showed His eternal and gracious intention in Ten Commandments
and had these recorded in writing for the entire human race? Nevertheless, that such an
event could not have occurred or been carried out in the absence of the peal and call of
the trumpets is made clear by the text of chapters 19 and 20 of Exodus, which states
{[Bij v]} that this was accomplished to the sound of a very loud ram’s horn or
trumpet. 24
It is difficult to envisage the occasion when God will make His judgement upon
this globe and will expose the malice of the godless (which is experienced daily) with
His terrible zeal, so that many will be dismissed and their hair will stand on end when
they realise that the godless will not merely find repression with horrible punishment
in this life, but will also be dragged away to often unspeakable and terrible mortal
agonies. Nonetheless, in chapters 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 of The Revelation to John, we
are informed about the seven angels with the seven ram’s horns or trumpets who will
announce and proclaim the judgement of God at the end of the world, which shows that
God considers that our [trumpets] be placed and commended before all other things and
before all other instruments. 25
Who is not aware of the coming of the judge Jesus Christ and of how it will happen
at His lordly and majestic entrance that, in the twinkling of an eye, the brightly shining
heaven will be split open, the earth will be consumed by an unprecedented fire, the
edifice of the world will collapse with a tremendous crash, and all who have died since
the beginning of creation, {Biij} as well as those who are still among the living, will be
placed before the seat of judgement of Christ and will listen to the Last Judgement
according to Godly Justice? 26 (That which everyone will certainly discover and have
sight of will not be considered here.)
20
sichtbarlich zubefinden vnd anzuschawen haben: Dannenhero diβ vnser Instrument sich
abermahl selig zu preysen/ das von dieser Offenbahrung/ keines weges wird
auβgeschlossen/ sondern vnter die vornembsten requisita, von dem Himlischen
Præcone Paulo, in der 1. an die Thessalonicher am 4. recensiret, der vns die Post
solcher massen anmeldet; Denn er selbst der HERR wird mit einem Feldtgeschrey vnd
stimme des ErtzEngels/ vn̅ mit der Posaunen Gottes ernieder kommen/ vnnd die Todten
in Christo werden aufferstehen zu erst: Darnach &c.
Ja was wollen wir vom Ewigen leben sagen/ da Gott solche claritet vnnd
herrligkeit bereytet/ das auch Paulus sich in der 1. Corinth. am 2. Capittel darff hören
lassen: Es hats kein Auge gesehen/ auch kein Ohr gehöret/ &c.
Das wir aber auβ diesem FrewdenPancket/ der Trommeten Instrument nicht
verwerffen/ solches giebt vns Gott in dem trostreichen Gleichnüβ des Jüdischen
Jubelfestes Augenscheinlich zu {[Biij v]} spüren. Denn wie im 3. Buch Mosis am 25.
Capittel/ das ErlaβJahr oder Jubelfest wurde mit Trom̅eten durchs gantze Land
angekündiget/ das sich jederman seiner freyheit trösten vnd vorsichern könt: Eben also
wann wir in jener Welt werden von aller dienstbarkeit dieses sündlichen/ trübseligen
vnd sterlichen Lebens befreyet sein/ so sol der gantze Saal deβ Himmels vom
Frewdenklang der Trommeten erschallen.
So denn Gott bey solchen allen vnserer Trommeten sich angemasset/ der solchs
von keinemMenschen wil oder darff lernen vnd begehren/ Wer wolte nicht sagen/ das
die Trommeten von Gott erfunden? Von Gott biβ daher erhalten? Vnd von Gott Ewigen
bestandt erlangen werden? Scheinet also fast vnvonnöten zu sein/ viel mehr von den
andern WerckMeistern zu melde̅/ die diesem Herrn leichtlich weichen/ vnnd jhm nicht
zu gleichen begehren. Aber vmb mehrer nachrichtung willen/ haben wir vns auch vnter
den Menschen/ nicht allein in Geistlichen/ sondern auch in Weltlichen Ständen/
vornehmer Anfänger vnd Werckmeister zu rühmen.
Was die Geistlichen belanget/ so finden wir nicht allein vor der Sündfluth im 1. Buch
Mosis am 4. Capitel/ den Jubal/ der mit seinen Tromme-{[Biv]}tenschall in solchem
ansehn gestanden/ dz daher alle fröligkeit des jubilirens/ wurde intituliret vn̅
angedeutet/ Sondern auch nach der Sündfluth von Moysen dem anfänger Jüdischer
Policey/ biβ zu derselben vntergang/ sein viel vornehmer Männer gefunden worden in
der Kirche/ die sich des Wercks angenommen/ vnnd es mit fleiβ getrieben: Dann im 3.
Buch Moysis am 23. Capit. haben die Kinder Isräel auβ Gottes befehl/ am siebenden
Tage den Sabbath angeblasen/ vnd als die ersten Trommeter dem höchsten
KriegesObristen auffgewartet. Im 4. Buch Moysis am 23. Capitel/ ist die löbliche vnd
Rittermessige Kunst/ von dem Könige aller Könige/ vnd HERRN aller Herren geblasen
worden. Im 29. Cap. des 4. Buchs Moysis/ seind Trommeten dermassen im Volck
auffkommen/ das auch daher ein Trommetenfest ist angeordnet worden. Im 31. Cap.
Des 4. Buchs Moysis/ führte Pinehas die Trommeten in seiner Hand/ als er auch mit
seinen heiligen vnnd Geistlichen Kleidern bedeckt war/ vnd wieder die Midianiter
gestritten. Im 4. Buch Moysis am 10. Capitel/ befihlet Gott Moysi/ zwo Trommeten
von gedichten Silber zu machen/ vnd hat die Form wie sie gestalt sein/ vnnd auch blasen
sollen/ jhnen angezeiget vnd vorgebildet.
21
At that time, this instrument of ours will once more be blessed to glorify this Revelation
and will by no means be excluded, since it will be employed for the appointed action
that was recounted by the holy herald Paul in chapter 4 of 1 Thessalonians, where he
informs us of the duty so clearly: ‘At the signal given by the voice of the Archangel
and the ram’s horn of God, the Lord himself will come down from heaven; those who
have died in Christ will be the first to rise.’ 27
Indeed, what do we need to state concerning this eternal life that God has clarified
and splendidly prepared except what Paul has himself let us know in chapter 2 of 1
Corinthians: ‘What no eye has seen and no ear has heard,’ etc. 28
To ensure that we do not we exclude the instrument of the trumpet from this
celebration, God has provided us with an obvious example in the comforting parable of
the Jewish Feast of {[Biij v]} Rejoicing. Thus it is recounted in chapter 25 of Leviticus
that the Year of Remission - or Jubilee - was proclaimed throughout the entire land with
trumpets so that everyone could be comforted and assured of his freedom. 29 Similarly,
when we in this world are freed from all the servitude of this sinful, miserable and
mortal life, the entire vault of heaven shall reverberate to the joyous sound of the
trumpets.
Since God has Himself assembled our trumpets for all such [occasions], is there
anyone who could deny
- that trumpets were invented by God,
- that they have been maintained by God until now, and
- that they will be granted eternal continuation by God
after having understood and considered such things? It is surely superfluous to add
that this Lord has given freely and much more extensively than the other overseers,
who cannot be counted as His equals. However, [and] to obtain additional
information, we must also sing the praises of distinguished human inventors and
overseers in both the religious and also the secular states.
[The Human Masters in the Religious State]
Regarding those in the religious state, we not only discover prior to the Great Flood,
in chapter 4 of Genesis, [the man] Jubal 30 who was held in such esteem with his
trumpet-call {[Biv]} that all jubilation in public rejoicing has since been named after
him, 31 but also that following the Great Flood, from the time of Moses the founder of
the Jewish Law until its downfall, many distinguished men have been found in the
Church who have taken up this work and promoted it with diligence. Indeed, [we learn]
- in chapter 23 of Leviticus that the children of Israel blew the Sabbath upon
the seventh day at the command of God, 32 while
[- in chapter 10 of Numbers] the chief trumpeter waited upon the highest military
commander; 33
- in chapter 10 of Numbers that the praiseworthy and knightly art was [directed]
to be sounded before the King of kings and LORD of lords; 34
- in chapter 29 of Numbers that trumpets were featuring to such an extent in
public that a Feast of Acclamations was instituted; 35
- in chapter 31 of Numbers that Pinehas had the trumpets in his hand when he
was also wearing his holy and sacred robes and while he was waging war on the
Midianites; 36
- in chapter 10 of Numbers that God commanded Moses to make two trumpets
of pure silver and specified and described the form in which they were to be fashioned
and also how they were to be sounded; 37
22
{[Biv v]} Im Buch Josua am 6. Capitel/ seind die Kinder Isräel vmb Jericho/ sieben Tage
mit Trommeten herümb gegangen vnd geblasen/ do dann durch schickung Gottes/ die
Mawren eingefallen/ vnd die Stadt eingenommen vnd erobert worden.
Im Buch der Richter am 6. Capit. als Gideon der Fürst in Isräel wider die
Midianiter gekrieget/ da haben die Trommeter ein starck Feldtgeschrey gemacht/
das der Feind ist auβgerissen/ vnd nicht gewust was sich für ein grewlich gethön
erhoben.
Im Buch der Richter am 7. Cap. hat Gideon 300. Trommeten bey sich gehabt/
da er wieder die Feinde der Mydianiter gestritten/ Er hat auch einem jeden insonderheit
die Trommeten in die Hand gegeben/ vnd selbsten mitvntergeblasen.
Im 1. Buch Samuel am 13. Cap. hat der König Saul vor frewden die Trommeten
blasen lassen/ vnd die Philister geschlagen vnd vberwunden.
Im 2. Buch Samuel am 2. Cap. hat der berümbte Held Joab/ alβ er mit den
Kindern Israel frieden gemacht/ die Trommeten geblasen. Item im 18. Capit. hat Joab
die Trommeten blasen lassen/ das sich das Kriegsvolck samle.
Im 1. Buch der Könige am 1. Cap. als König {C[j]} David seinen Sohn den
Salomon zum Könige krönen lieβ/ haben die Trommeter / das die Erde erbäbete/
geblasen. Im 2. Buch der Könige am 19. Capit. da Jehu ist zum Könige gekröhnet/
seind die Trommeten mit allen kräfften geblasen worden. Im 2. Buch der Könige am
11. Cap. da Joas König worden/ haben die Trommeter neben der VocalMusic stehen/
vnnd jhre zahl offt blasen müssen.
Im Buch Nehemiæ am 4. Capit. haben die Trommeter bey auffrichtung der
Tempels sein/ vnd als Nehemiæ das fundament geleget/ vnnd den Tempel angefangen/
blasen müssen/ damit die arbeyter/ welche alle Kriegsleut gewesen/ vnd stets Spieβ
vnnd Schwerdt bey sich getragen/ auch so weit von einander gestanden/ das sie durch
kein ander mittel als der Trommeten schall/ haben zusammen bracht werden können/
sich herzu gefunden.
Im 149. vnd [1]50. Psalm/ auβ befehl des Königlichen Propheten Davids/ ist
Gott der HERR mit Trommeten/ Posaunen/ Cymbeln/ Paucken/ Geigen/ Pfeiffen
vnnd allerley Instrumenten, gelobet worden/ wie auch noch heut bey vns in der Orgel/
Posativen/ Regalen/ Lauten vnnd andern Instrumenten, die Trommete geblasen wird:
Hab also {[Cj v]} hiermit kürtzlichen die ankunfft vnnd vrsprung der Trommeten vnd
dero Werckmeister/ so in heiliger Göttlicher Schrifft zubefinden gewesen/ angezeiget.
Was aber die Weltlichen belanget/ so sollen sich ehrliebende Trommeter frewen/ nicht
allein jhrer Kunst gemeinet/ vnd sehr alten verwandten/ derer als vielen vnbewust/ ich
etliche von einem Trommeter zu Londen in Engelland/ mit welchem ich gute
freundschafft gehalten/ in seinem Buch gesehen/ Dieweil sie die Feldtstücken vnd
Sonaden, vor 300. Jahren gemacht/ mir billich zu rühmen vnnd mit nahmen hieher
zuziehen gedüncket/ Alβ:
Signour Peter Ursinus, hat stets 12. Diener auff seinen Leib gehabt/ vnd ist ein
Componist, Vocalist vnnd Instrumentist des Bapsts Pauli III. gewesen.
Signour Nicola. Scotti von Neapolis.
Signour Claudius Nysor von Mantua.
Signour Octavius Alto.
Signour Basilius Meijor.
Signour Wilibaldus Pausor.
23
{[Biv v]} - in chapter 6 of Joshua that the children of Israel walked around Jericho
sounding trumpets for seven days, after which of which the walls collapsed through
God's intercession and the town was captured and conquered; 38
- in chapter 7 of Judges that, at the time when Gideon the Prince of Israel was
fighting the Midianites, the trumpeters blew a powerful signal that caused the enemy to
flee since they did not understand what had given rise to such a horrible noise; 39
- in chapter 7 of Judges that Gideon had three hundred trumpeters in his
company when he fought the Midianite foe and that he also had each man given in his
hand a trumpet so that it could be blown intermittently; 40
- in chapter 13 of 1 Samuel that King Saul had the trumpets blown in celebration
when the Philistines had been fought and defeated; 41
- in chapter 2 of 2 Samuel that the celebrated champion Joab had the trumpets
blown when he made peace with the children of Israel; 42
- in chapter 18 of the same that Joab had the trumpets blown to cause the
warriors to assemble; 43
- in chapter 1 of 1 Kings that the trumpeters blew so [powerfully] that the earth
shook when King David had his {C[j]} son Solomon crowned king; 44
- in chapter 9 of 2 Kings that the trumpets were blown powerfully when Jehu
was crowned king; 45
- in chapter 11 of 2 Kings that during the reign of King Jehoash the trumpeters
stood next to the choir and their number had to sound often; 46
- in chapter 4 of Nehemiah that the trumpeters were required to be present at
the rebuilding of the Temple and, as Nehemiah laid the foundation and the Temple was
enclosed, they had to blow so that the workers (all of whom were warriors who kept
spear and sword beside them at all times and who were also widely dispersed) could be
brought together and assembled in one spot by no means other than the call of the
trumpets; 47 and
- in Psalms 149 and 150 that God the MASTER is to be praised by command
of the royal prophet David with trumpets, ram’s horns, cymbals, timpani, strings, pipes
and with all sorts of instruments in much the same way as we nowadays blow trumpets
together with organs, positives, regals, lutes and other instruments. 48 In this way {[Cj
v]} the arrival and origin of the trumpets and of their overseers as is to be found in Holy
Scripture has been summarily indicated.
[The Human Masters in the Secular State] 49
Regarding the secular [state], honour-loving trumpeters should rejoice, not
merely for the sake of their own art and for their very old brotherhood (of which much
is obscure), that I have seen a number [of trumpet pieces], in a book belonging to a
trumpeter from London in England with whom I have a good friendship.50 Since the
cavalry signals and sonatas were composed [up to] 300 years ago, it seems to me that
it is appropriate to extol [them] and identify [their creators] by name, that is to say:
Signor Peter Ursinus, who always had twelve personal servants and who was a
composer, singer and instrumentalist to Pope Paul III;
Signor Nicola Scotti from Naples;
Signor Claudius Nysor from Mantua;
Signor Octavius Alto;
Signor Basilius Meijor;
Signor Wilibaldus Pausor. 51
24
Diese wie ich gelesen/ auch bericht vnd fleissige nachforschung gehabt/ haben die
Kunst gemehret {Cij} vnd verbessert/ auch dieselbe jhren Nachkommen/ wol
zuverwahren vnd auffzuheben anbefohlen.
Nicht allein sag ich/ haben sich vnsere Kunstgenossen/ als jhres gleichen zu
frewen/ sondern es ist viel besser vnnd löblicher zuwissen/ das sich auch Königliche/
Fürstliche/ vnd andere Potentaten dieser Kunst sehr angemasset: Inmassen ich denn den
König in Dennemarck/ so wol auch andere Fürsten/ Graffen vnd Herren/ auch etliche
von Adel auff der Trommeten/ Feldtstücken/ Sonaden, vnnd andere sachen mehr blasen
hören.
So seind auch zu Rom Anno 1200. vber die 60. Trommeter/ so vom Jüdischen
Geschlecht gewesen/ vnd dem Tarquinio Prisco Röm. Käyser auffgewartet/ als er mit
den Persianern grossen Krieg geführet/ vnd die Trommeter alle/ auff das der Feind von
dem Thon oder schall/ verzage vnd erschrecke/ vorne angestellt.
Anno Christi 454. da der Hunnen König Attila, die Stadt Aquileiam oder Aglar,
lange zeit belägert/ vnd nicht gewinnen können/ hat er vber die 300. Trommeten blasen
lassen/ vnd die Stadt rings vmbher gestürmet/ da worden die in der Stadt verzagt/ von
dem gethön vnd geschrey derselben/ vnnd gaben dem Könige die Stadt auff.
{[Cij v]}
In der Cosmographia Sebastiani Münsters/ in seinem 5. Buch von Italia/ eine
Stadt Helicæ, alβ die Bürger vnbarmhertzig mit jhren Nachbaren den Jonibus, auch
andern frommen Menschen mehr gehandelt/ hat sie Gott hinwiederum̅ heimgesucht/
vn̅ durch den Theophili Balbi Käyser/ mit schweren Kriegen/ straffen vnd züchtigen
lassen/ in dem er mit einem mächtigen Kriegesvolck darvor kommen/ vnnd die
Trommeten in der Nacht blasen lassen/ vnd durch solch gethön die Schlangen/ Ratten/
Mäuse vnd andere Their/ auβ der Stadt getrieben/ welches/ als es die Bürger gesehen/
seind sie erschracken/ darauff der Käyser die Stadt eingenommen/ vnd ausser den
Weibespersonen/ so jhnen gefallen/ alles erschlagen.
Anno 1400. Ist der Bapst zu Rom nach Constantz auff das Concilium gezogen/
vnd 24. Trommeter mit sich genommen/ da mir auch zu Florentz ward gesaget von
einem Trom̅eter/ das sein Groβvater Melchior Sico, hette Johan̅ Hussen den ErtzKätzer/
wie sie jhn nennen/ verbrennen setzen.
Anno 1548. Ist der Marggraff auβ Tyroll nach Florentz/ seine gescheffte
zuverrichten/ gezogen/ dessen sich der Groβhertzog von Florentz gefrewet/ jhn auch
herrlich vnd wol empfangen/ Da nun Taffel {Ciij} gehalten/ vnd die Florentinische
Trommeter mit jhren Sonaden sich hören lassen/ hat der Marggraff auβ Tyroll/ solche
beliebung darob empfunden/ vn̅ den Groβhertzog zu Florentz/ jhme auch mit solchen
zuverehren/ angelanget/ welchs/ da es jhm freundlich abgeschlagen vnd versaget
worden/ hat er also balden zwene Jungen (als Johann Levire, eines Pfaffen Sohn/ wie
man spricht/ von Jβbruck/ vnd Simon Raudnern/ eines Schulmeisters Sohn zu
München) diese Kunst zu lernen auffgedinget/ vnd Tausent Ducaten Lehrgeldt von
jhnen gegeben. (NB.) (Wenns noch so were/ würde gewiβlichen/ diese löbliche Kunst
der Trom̅eter/ nicht nach Brod gehen/ vnd also mit Füssen getreten/ sondern in höhern
ansehen vnd bessern werth/ geachtet vnnd gehalten werden[.]) Da nun diese
auβgelernet/ vnd die löbliche Kunst begriffen/ Ist Johann Levir in Malta gezogen/ vnd
darinnen Todes verfahren. Simon Raudner/ aber hat auff einmahl zu Inβpruck
25
These [people], as I have discovered through commentary and diligent investigation,
have improved and perfected the art so that they should be well {Cij} remembered and
celebrated by their successors.
[Concerning Royal and Noble Patronage]
I do not propose that it is only our brethren-in-art who should rejoice as the
equals [of the above-named trumpeters], for it is much better and more honourable to
know that royal, princely and other rulers have claimed this art very much for
themselves: I count among them the King of Denmark as well as other princes, counts
and lords, not to mention some of the nobles, who have a preference for hearing cavalry
signals, sonatas and other things blown on the trumpets.
So it is also recorded in Rome in the year 1200 of the sixty trumpeters of the
Jewish race who served the Roman King Tarquinius Priscus [and how], when he was
waging a great war against the Persians, he placed all of the trumpeters in front [of the
army] so that the enemy would lose heart and be startled by the sound and call. 52
In the year of Our Lord 454, 53 when Attila, the king of the Huns, had been
besieging the town of Aquileia (or Aglar) for a long period and had been unable to gain
victory, he had more than three hundred trumpets blown and attacked the town from all
sides, with the result that those in the town despaired of the peal and cry of the same
and surrendered the town to the king. 54
{[Cij v]}
In the Cosmographia by Sebastian Münster, in the [section of the] fifth book
that deals with Italy, there is mention of a city called Helicae, whose citizens treated
their neighbours the Jonii and other peaceful people so mercilessly that God visited
them and punished them with a terrible war through the agency of Emperor Theophilus
Balbus. He came upon them with a mighty host and had the trumpets blown during the
night, the sound of which caused the snakes, rats, mice and other creatures to flee the
city. The sight of this so terrified the citizens that the emperor was able to capture the
town and, apart from the womenfolk, put everyone to death as it pleased him. 55
In the year 1414, 56 the Pope travelled from Rome to Constance for the Council
accompanied by twenty-four trumpeters. 57 Indeed, I have also been told by a trumpeter
from Florence that his grandfather, Melchior Sico, witnessed the burning of Jan Hus,
the ‘Arch-heretic’ as he was known. 58
In the year 1548, the Count of Tyrol travelled to Florence to carry out his
business, on account of which the Grand Duke of Florence was pleased to receive him
well and with due honour. 59 Now, when they were {Ciij} at table and the Florentine
trumpeters performed their sonatas, the Margrave of Tyrol gained such pleasure from
this that he wished to honour the Grand Duke of Florence with something. Knowing
that such [a presentation] would be refused and denied him politely, as an alternative
he had two youths - Johann Levire, a parson's son (as they say) from Innsbruck, and
Simon Raudner, a schoolmaster's son from Munich - apprenticed there and then to learn
this art and provided an apprenticeship fee of one thousand ducats for them. 60 (NB. If
only this could be the case at the present time, this honourable art of the trumpeter
would certainly not be pursued for [scraps of] bread and also kicked around, but would
be respected and supported with higher regard and better estimation.) Now, when these
completed their apprenticeships and took up the praiseworthy art, Johann Levire went
to Malta where he remained until his death. 61 Simon Raudner, however, had at one
26
12. jungen/ vnter welchen meines Lehrherrn Groβvater einer gewesen/ zu lernen
angenommen/ vnnd also Italien/ Deutschlandt vnd andereLänder/ mit Trommetern
erfüllet/ vnnd dieselben bey Fürsten vnd Herren bekandt vnd angenehm gemacht.
Solte nun einer gefunden werden/ der vmb sol-{[Ciij v]}cher Werckmeister
willen/ diese Kunst nicht veneriret, so wird er gewiβ nicht allein von allen verstendigen
Menschen/ vor thörlich geachtet/ Sondern auch auβ der vnvernüfftigen Natur
vberwunden/ vnd seines frevels vberwiesen werden. Denn ob gleich die Natur bey
dieser Kunst/ auch sehr grossen fleiβ anwendet/ vnnd dieselbe den Menschen
angenehm zu machen sich bemühet/ beydes durch liebliche formirung Menschliches
klanges der in diesem Instrument besser alβ in keinem andern lautet/ vnd gleichsam ein
vnvernünfftigs geschöpff redent macht/ so wol auch in den wesen dieses wrecks/ das
von Natur alβ ein rechtes Ertz klinget nur von anschlagen/ da sonst ander Instrument
viel adminicula bedürffen/ ehe sie den klang bekom̅en: Dennoch hat sie vns mehr auff
diese Leut gewiesen/ die von der Natur sein angereitzet worden viel bey dieser Kunst
zuthun.
Nun möcht einem wundern/ was doch solche Leute diesem Instrument
obzuliegen/ vnd dasselbe so mächtig zubefördern beweget? Aber wenn man bedencket
was vor eine liebliche/ süsse vnd angenehme gabe Gottes es ist/ so wird man sich nicht
mehr wundern vnd befrembden/ sondern/ daβ es billich in acht zunehmen/ erkennen
vnd bekennen müssen. {[Civ]} Denn gleich wie das gemeine Pöbelvolck nicht gerne
künstliche stück anhöret/ sondern nur an gemeinen vnd gleich auβgehenden Liedern
gefallen träget: Also sein im gegentheil vornehme Potentaten der rechten Music
ergeben/ vnd je Kunstreicher Melodeyen sie bekommen/ je mehre sie darob ein anmuth
empfangen.
Dannenhero Hyppomachus, als sein discipul mit der Pfeiffen anfieng zu leuren/
vnnd durch vnförmlicher weise/ bey dem gemeinen Volck/ grosse Her vnd lob erlanget/
da schlug er jhn mit dem Bakel, vnd sagte/ das er gewiβ der Läyen gunst mit jrrthumb
vnnd falschen Instrumenten erlanget/ die grössere Kunst nicht leicht favorisirteten.
Nun aber/ ob gleich vnsere Kunst von vielen wird miβbrauchet/ die daher leuren
vnnd döhnen/ das sie den Hirten vnd Heherr bläsern der Säwen/ als einem Trommeter/
ehnlicher scheinen: Jedoch wenn wir vnsere Putreselle, Allstandare, Acawale,
Cawalche vnd Auget, neben den Toccetten; Sonaden, Serosoneten vnd Clarien ansehen/
vnd artlich gebrauchen wollen/ so wird fürwar solche kunst vnd Musicalische zier/
darinnen gespüret/ das auch darüber jhr viel in die verdacht der Nigromantia kommen
vnd gelangen. Denn das wir solchs nicht {[Civ v]} beweisen auβ vnsern Stücken/ die
wir billich in geheim behalten/ vnd nicht in alle Bierschencken auβbreiten lassen/ so
müssen wir der Trommeter gethön vor eine rechte Musicalische Kunst erkennen/ wann
wir nur der vhralten art ansehen/ welche bey den Jüden im gebrauch gewesen/ vnnd mir
von einem alten Jüden zu Padua in Italia communiciret vnd mitgetheilet worden/ den
ich billich gegleubet/ vnd auch daher setzen/ vnd iedermänniglich zuerkennen geben
wollen.
27
time twelve youths apprenticed to him in Innsbruck (my master's grandfather among
them) and thus filled Italy, Germany and other lands with trumpeters who were admitted
and taken into service by princes and lords. 62
[The Natural Master]
Now, should there still be found {[Ciij v]} anyone who did not revere this art
despite the evidence of such overseers, it is certain that he would not merely be
considered to be foolish by all understanding people but would also [be judged] to be
prejudiced by an unreasonable nature and dominated by his [own] shamelessness. This
is because Nature is also employed with great application in this art and is concerned
to make it agreeable to humanity, both through delightful formation of human sounds which ring clearer on this instrument than on any other and also cause an unreasonable
creation to speak - and in the essence of the action - that following Nature, its true
teacher, sounds only by striking, whereas other instruments require much assistance
before they can produce the sound: it is in this way that we have been shown by [the
example of] these people that they were greatly encouraged by Nature to invent this art.
63
[The Philosophical Case for the Trumpeters’ Art]
Now it may be asked ‘Why have such people been attracted to this instrument and why
has the same [instrument] been promoted so powerfully?’ However, when it is
considered what a delightful, sweet and pleasant gift of God it is, there is no more need
to wonder and to be disconcerted since it is only proper that [the trumpeters’ art] be
taken care of, recognised and acknowledged.
{[Civ]}
Indeed, just as the ordinary people prefer not to listen to artistic pieces but are
accustomed to common and simple popular songs, the contrary also holds: that
distinguished authorities are disposed towards proper music and the richer the melodies
they experience the greater the charm they receive on that account. 64
So it was that, when his disciple started to drone on the pipe in a casual manner
and received great honour and praise from the common folk, [his teacher]
Hyppomachus hit him with the stick and said that he had obtained the common peoples'
favour with a deceptive and false instrument that did not easily favour the higher art. 65
[The value of the Trumpeters’ Art]
Now, if our art becomes misused by many then it will give the impression of
grinding and droning regardless of whether it is blown by shepherds and gamekeepers
on the pig[‘s skin] or by a trumpeter [on a trumpet]. But, if we consider our [cavalry
signals] Boots and Saddles, To the Standard, Cavalry March, Mount-Up and The
Watch, never mind the Toccatas, Sonatas, Sarasinettas and Clarino[-playing], and seek
to have them employed with artistry, there will be found in them such creativity and
such musical ornament that, moreover, many may suspect the involvement of some
form of magic. To ensure that we do not permit such [common people] to learn {[Civ
v]} our pieces, we maintain them in private and refuse to permit them be displayed in
every beer-cellar. 66 Therefore we must recognise the trumpeter’s sound as a true
musical art, even if we only consider the very ancient type that was employed by the
Jews and has been communicated to me by an old Jew from Padua in Italy (whom I
certainly trust), and that is set down here for all to discern.
28
Auβ welchen vrsachen solch Instrument gewiβlich nicht kan vor ein loses vergebliches
vnd vnnützes Werck geschätzet werden/ sondern ist von ie-{D[j]}dermenniglichen/ biβ
daher in nötigem gebrauch gehalten/ vnd vor nützlich in Göttlichen vnd Weltlichen
geschefften erachtet worden.
Dann warumb hat Gott nicht allein im Alten Testament der Trommeten
gebrauch/ in seinem Tempel vnd gemein verordnet/ Sondern es wird auch noch in
vnsern Kirchen/ da keine Papisten vnd Melancholische eyverKöpffe sitzen/ die alles zu
Boltzen drehen wollen/ vnd nach jhrem langweiligen gehirn mehr sehnens/ als
seufftzens erwecken/ die löbliche Ceremonien behalten/ das vnter den Orgelschlagen/
neben Geigen/ Lauten vnnd andern Instrumenten/ auch die Trommeten consoniren?
Gewiβlich nicht vmb wollust willen/ das etwan die hertzen solten verführet/ vnnd
vppiger Weltfrewden begierig werden/ sondern viel mehr/ das der Mensch
auffgewecket/ vnd sein Lebensgeister ermuntert werden/ mit lust vnd hitziger andacht/
GOttes wolthaten auβ seinem Wort zu erkennen/ vnnd mit danckbahrem gemüth
zuerzehlen.
Denn lesen wir doch von Alten/ das sie bey den Todtenbegengnüβ/ Trommeten/
Schallmeyen vn̅ Pfeiffen/ wie auch noch heutiges Tages bey vns/ im Kriegswesen/
vblich vnd bräuchlich/ haben erklingen lassen/ vnnd sich mit andacht der zukünffti{[Dj v]}gen Aufferstehung vnnd seligen zustands erjnnert/ da wir in Himlischer
Cantorey/ die schönen JubelGesänge anhören werden. Was meinestu denn/ wan̅ wir in
der Kirche vns erjnnern der Himlischen frewden/ da wir tausentmahl besser frolocken
sollen geniessen: Solte der nicht zur andacht beweget/ vn̅ mit hertzlichen begierden/
das Wort von zukünfftiger Seligkeit anzuhören/ verursacht werden?
Dannenher wann David im 47. Psalm/ Gott fehret auff mit jauchtzen/ vnd der
HERR mit hellen Posaunen/ rc. Item, im 81. Singet frölich/ Gott der vnser stärcke ist/
Jauchtzet dem GOtt Jacob. Nehmet die Psalmen/ vnd gebet her die Paucken/ liebliche
Harffen mit Psaltern: Blaset im NewMonden die Posaunen/ in vnserm Fest der
Laubrüst/ rc. Im 98. Psal. Jauchtzet dem HERRN alle Welt/ singet/ rühmet vnd
29
When Aaron held the Office
When they set out
When they fought
It is for these reasons that it is clearly impossible to consider such an instrument
as a shallow, futile and pointless work, but rather as one that has been maintained {D[j]}
in essential employment up to the present [time] and has been considered appropriate
in [both] sacred and secular affairs.
[The use of the trumpet in concerted sacred music]
Indeed, why is it that God not only regulated the use of the trumpet in His temple
and community in the Old Testament but also still maintains the commendable
ceremonies in our churches in which there are no popish and melancholic zealots (who
simply twist everything around and prefer instead to raise complaints and moans with
their irksome minds) so that, in addition to the playing of the organ, the trumpets
resound in the company of strings, lutes and other instruments? Certainly not to wish
voluptuousness through which the hearts are seduced and become eager for luxuriant
and worldly pleasures, but rather so that humanity may be aroused and its spirit
invigorated with joyous and passionate worship so that the kindness of God, expressed
in His [own] words, may be recognised and acknowledged with thankful disposition. 67
So it is that we also read that in former times they permitted trumpets, shawms
and pipes to ring out during funerals (just as they are customary and traditional in
military matters nowadays) and through worship reminded themselves of the {[Dj v]}
coming Resurrection and holy state when we in the heavenly choir will be able to hear
the beautiful songs of rejoicing. 68 Does this mean then, [that] when we remind
ourselves of the heavenly joy while in church, we shall therefore delight in it a thousand
times better? Should it not be the case that, during worship, [only] the word of the
coming holy condition should be heard with sincere desire?
On this point, when David says,
- in Psalm 47[, verse 5], "God is gone up to shouts of acclaim, Yahweh to a
fanfare on the ram’s horn", etc; 69
- similarly in [Psalm] 81[, verses 1-3],"Sing for joy to God our strength, shout
in triumph to the God of Jacob. Strike up the music, beat the tambourine, play the
melodious harp and the lyre; blow the trumpet for the new month, for the full moon, for
our feast day", etc; 70
- in Psalm 98[, verses 4-6], "Acclaim Yahweh, all the earth, burst into shouts
of joy and sing! Play to Yahweh on the harp, on the harp to the sound of instruments;
30
lobet: Lobet den HErrn mit Harffen/ mit Harpffen vn̅ Psalmen/ mit Trommeten vnd
Posaunen/ Jauchtzet vor dem HERRN dem Könige/ rc. Im 150. Psalm/ Lobet den
HERren in seinem Heiligthumb/ Lobet jhn in der feste seiner macht/ Lobet jhn in seinen
Thaten/ Lobet jhn in seiner grossen Herrligkeit/ Lobet jhn mit Posaunen/ rc. Saget/ So
wil er mit solchen Instrumenten nichts anders als die hertzen zur andechtigen danck{Dij}barkeit bewegen. So nun in dem Hause Gottes von den Trommeten/ so viel gutes
gestifftet vnnd auβgerichtet wird/ Was wollen wir dan̅ von WeltlichenStänden vnd
Policeyen sagen/ da solche täglich gebraucht werden? Dann wenn es in einer Stadt oder
Land soll also stehen/ das im selben das höchste Guth regieret/ so muβ man auch
eusserliche mittel haben/ ohne welche der Heyde Aristoteles saget/ das daβ höchste
Guth nicht könne vollkommen sein.
Nun aber/ ob gleich mancher der eusserlichen mittel/ an Ehr/ Gesundheit vnd
Reichthumb vollauff vnd gnug wil haben/ so muβ er doch ohne der Trommeten vnnd
andern Instrumenten/ Hall vnd schall/ solches alles in vnscheinbahren vn̅
vnansehnlichen zustandt geniessen: Den̅ wie die Trommeter mit jhren Musiciren, nicht
allein Fürsten vnd Herren an jhren Einzügen/ groβ zulauff erwecken/ auch im
Kriegswesen/ Roβ vnd Man̅/ hertzhafftig/ frölich/ vn̅ ein herrliches ansehen machen:
Auch nit allein die Melancholische̅ Bürger vo̅ jhrer betrübten Complexion entledigen/
vnnd jhre Natur in frischem vn̅ muntern wesen erhalten/ sondern auch alle fröligkeit
erfüllen vnnd vollkommen machen: Eben also/ wenn Trommeter mangeln/ so müssen
grosseHerrn jhre zukunft/ in grosser still vn̅ schlech-{[Dij v]}ten ansehen vollbringen/
Es kan auch kein Cornet Reuter/ ohne Trommeter ins Feldt geführet werden. Ja die
Vnterthanen/ werden in Städten verdrossene Leute/ die zu keinen Männlichen Thaten
lust können bekommen/ vnnd alle fröligkeiten werden gleichsam wie die Sonne mit
trüben Wolcken verfinstert.
Als ein junger Gesell in der Stadt/ des Empedoclis Wirth/ wolte mit blosser
Wehr vberlauffen vnd entleiben/ da sol Empedocles seinen Thon erklingen lassen/ vnd
diesen Jüngling also balden von seinem bösen vornehmen/ abwendig gemacht habe̅.
Also kan ein Trommeter im Felde/ ein gantz Lager durch seine fleissige wacht vnd
Thon der Trommeten/ erhalten.
Also wann Pythagoras bey Nacht/ in der er die Gestirn am Himmel erforschet/
einen Jüngling antrifft/ der ein Hauβ wolt anstecken/ darinn seine Amasien sich mit
einem andern verborgen/ da lest er sein Pfeifflein hören/ vnd macht diesen Buler vnd
eyvernden Löwen/ zu einem sanfften Schaff.
Ja was noch Trommetenklang/ bey der Musicliebenden hertzen/ vor wirckung
haben/ wie sie bey Fürstlichen Einzügen/ die vnterthenige zu sehr bestürtzet/ Mannes
gemüther zur kühnheit enttzün-{Diij}det/ vnd die betrübten Menschen auβ dem finstern
Melancholeythal auff die grün Elysia der fröligkeit begleytet/ das wil ich einem jeden
selbst zu probiren vnd zuerforschen/ der solche Kunst jemals recht gehöret vnd
verstanden/ heimgestelt haben. Sonderlich können solches am besten bezeugen/ die sich
in Kriegshändeln versucht/ vnnd dieses in steter krafft/ in rechtem ernst empfunden
vnnd gefühlet haben.
31
to the sound of trumpet and horn, acclaim the presence of the King" etc; 71
- in Psalm 15O [, verses 1-3], "Praise God in his holy place, praise him in the
heavenly vault of his power, praise him for his mighty deeds, praise him for all his
greatness. Praise Him with fanfare of trumpet," etc; 72
he is doing no more than inciting the hearts to pious thanksgiving {Dij} with [the
employment of] such instruments. Therefore, since so much good can be established
and achieved in the house of God through the trumpet, should we not then say that the
same[musical instrument] should be employed on a daily basis in worldly affairs and
policies? Indeed, if the greatest good reigns in a town or country then it must be
accompanied by an outward sign, without which the pagan Aristotle says that the
greatest good cannot be perfect. 73
[The Trumpeters’ Art as an Aristotelian ‘outward sign’]
Now, however, although a significant component of the outward sign will
indeed consist of honour, health and wealth, all of these will be enjoyed in [an]
unremarkable and unappetising condition in the absence of the peal and call of the
trumpet and of other instruments. 74 After all, the trumpeters with their musical
performances do not only give princes and lords great prestige during their entrance
processions, but they also instil courage, joy and a glorious aura in [both] horse and
man in time of war. Additionally, they do not simply rid melancholic townsfolk of their
troubled complexion and keep their nature in a fresh and lively state, but they also cause
all [occasions of] happiness to be [both] fulfilled and perfect.
Nevertheless, if trumpeters be lacking, great lords will have to meet their destiny
in great silence and poor {[Dij v]} regard. Moreover, no Cornet-rider can be followed
in the field without a trumpeter. 75 Indeed, the subjects will become unwilling folk in
the towns who will be unable to rejoice in valiant deeds, and all happiness will become
obscured, just as the sun is by thick clouds.
[Human masters from the ancient Greek and Roman world] 76
When an infuriated young journeyman in the town attempted to set upon and
kill a guest of Empedocles, his evil intention was banished from this youth as soon as
Empedocles burst into his song. In the same way, a trumpeter in the field can guard
an entire encampment through his diligent watch and [the] sound of the trumpet.
Again, when Pythagoras was studying the stars in the heavens one night and
encountered a youth who was intent on setting fire to a house, in which his beloved
was concealing herself with another [rival], he transformed this paramour and jealous
lion into a gentle sheep when he let him hear his little pipe. 77
Indeed, in considering once more the effect that the sound of the trumpet has on
music-loving hearts during princely entrances - that {Diij} the subjects are inspired to
good, the minds of men are inflamed to bold deeds, and the troubled people are
transported from the dark valley of melancholy to the green Elysium of joyfulness - I
will probe and examine the same a little further to prove that such an art deserves to
be listened to properly and comprehended. Indeed, this may be best attested to through
examination of the affairs of war, in which it will be found and experienced in
constant power and true zeal.
32
Denn wie Basilius Magnus selbst von Timotheo Phrygio meldet/ das wann er
seinen Thon erhaben/ so sey der König Alexander gleichsam mit rasendem gemüth zum
Kriege auffgemuntert worden/ wenn er aber den Thon nachgelassen/ so sey König
Alexander der gelindigkeit/ gantz williglichen ergeben gewesen: Eben also wann wir
im Krige mit vnsern Ohren/ nicht auff der Feinde drawungen vnnd der geschlagenen
winseln/ sondern der Trommeten hellen klang mercken thun/ da fänget das Hertz an zu
treiben/ da seind alle Glieder zur Schlacht geschickt/ Da fangen an
die Pferde zu schnauffen/ da hört man gantz keine klage/ vnd wird der Feind offt gantz
zitternt gemacht.
Vmb solcher vrsach willen/ wird jederman nicht allein viel von vnser Kunst an
jhr selbst halten/ son-{[Diij v]}dern auch dieselbe wol vber andere Instrument setzen
vnd heben. Denn ob wir gleich keine Musicanten sonsten verachten/ die fürwar
sonderliche Künstler seind/ vnd wegen jhrer geschickligkeit/ billich in Ehren zu halten:
Jedoch/ weil andere Werckzeuge der Music, nicht allzeit zu männlichen Thaten vnd
Tugenden dienen/ welches jetzundt in Kriegswesen von der Trommeten gerühmet
worden/ sondern offt der Menschen hertzen zu Weibischer wollust/ Bulschafft vnd
andern vppigkeiten reitzen/ so möchten billich etzliche Praler in sich schlagen/ vnd sich
nicht so sehr in der Music vber vnsere Kunst vn̅ Consorten erheben.
Es lassen sich zwar jhr viel bedüncken/ vnser Instrument sey nur zur
leichtfertigkeit gemacht/ vnd nicht in Ehrensachen zu nutzen: Weil aber solches auβ
oberzehlten vrsachen/ falsch genugsam erscheinet/ als ist auff solche Calumnien vnd
opinion, viel zu antworten/ vnvonnöthen. Denn das vnsere Kunstverwanten mit jhrer
Kunst bey vielen ehrliebenden Leuten in verdacht der leichtfertigkeit kommen/ solchs
ist keines weges der Kunst vnd ehrlichen Trommetern/ sondern den vngerahten/
vntüchtigen vnd verterbten hertzen/ etlicher Teiffelskinder zuzumessen/ die mit jhrem
losen leben/ ande-{[Div]}ren ehrlichen Trommetern/ einen schandtfleck anhengen/ wie
in allen Künsten gebräuchlich. O wie kränckt einem ehrlichen Trommeter solche
schmach/ die er von anderer wegen leyden/ vnd/ das sie leyder vnter vns gefunden
werden/ dulden muβ.
Solche Gesellen haben zwar die gnade von Gott/ das sie etwa eine Sonada,
Auffzug/ oder Feldstück blasen können/ auch wol etwa einen Zug oder etliche in
Vngarn/ Niederland vnd Franckreich gethan. Wenn sie aber nach Hofe in bestallung
genommen/ vnd sich nun einmahl satt gessen vnnd getruncken haben/ fangen sie alle
vngelegenheit an/ mit lästern/ schmehen/ vnnd verachten jhren Nechsten/ Pralen vnnd
rühmen auch/ wie sie vor etliche 20. oder 30. Jahren Trompter gewesen/ viel Feldtzüge
gethan/ Reissen sich auch wol gar vmb die Oberstestelle/ vnd vmb die Narren Kappe.
Wann sie nun nichts auβrichten vn̅ erlangen kön̅en/ da fangen sie vnter der
gantzen Gesellschafft vineinigkeit an/ liegen vnd triegen/ von einem hie/ vom andern
dort/ biβweilen haben sie auch schlaghändel/ da denn Niemand mehr schläge/ schimpff
vnd spott darvon träget/ als diese vnglücks Vögel/ da bekommen sie bald Maulschällen/
da werden sie gescholten/ geschmeht/ auch wol gar Wehrloβ ge-{[Div v]}macht/ vom
Hofe abgeschaffet vnd zum Teuffel gejagt/ bringen auch manchen ehrlichen Trommeter
neben jhnen/ in vngelegenheit.
Ja ob sie gleich im Elend sehr wieder zum Creutz kriechen/ vnnd nach
auβgestandenem hunger vnnd kummer/ sich etwa mit einem Vater vnser zu Gott
33
Indeed, [Saint] Basil the Great himself reports of Timotheus Phrygius that,
when he raised his sound, King Alexander [the Great] was accordingly incited into
battle with a furious rage, but when he relaxed the sound King Alexander willingly and
totally submitted to mildness. 78 Similarly, our ears do not cringe at the threats and
blows of the enemy when we are in the fray, but they notice instead the bright call of
the trumpets in such a manner that the heart is urged on, the ranks all advance into the
fray, the horse begin to snort heavily, scarcely any complaint is heard and the enemy is
often made to tremble with fear.
[On the Exclusivity of the Trumpeters’ Art]
It is for such reasons that no-one [else] should take anything at all from our art
for themselves, {[Diij v]} but should rather elevate and set the same far above any other
instrument. Of course, we do not wish to scorn any other musicians who may also be
true artists and who of course deserve to be honoured for their dexterity; nevertheless,
since other musical tools are not always suited to serve the noble deeds and virtues in
the affairs of war that are glorified nowadays by the trumpets, but often provoke men’s
hearts to effeminate voluptuousness, to love affairs and to other sensualities, they
should simply restrict any exhibition to their own area of expertise and refrain from
imitating our art and our ensembles in their music. 79
Of course, there are many who would consider that our instrument is only suited
to frivolity and not to employment for matters of honour. However, since the
aforementioned evidence makes it abundantly clear that such [a consideration] is
entirely false, it is not necessary to respond in detail to such calumny and opinion.
Indeed, if our brethren-in-art with their skill do come under suspicion of frivolousness
by many honour-loving people this is in no way to be blamed on the art and on
honourable trumpeters, but rather on the ill-bred, incompetent and troubled hearts of a
handful of Devil's children who, with their loose living, {[Div]} append a stain on other
honourable trumpeters, as happens in all arts. O! How such disgrace offends an
honourable trumpeter that he must endure misfortune on account of others who are
unfortunately to be found among us. 80
[Against Untrained and Partially-trained Trumpeters]
Such journeymen have indeed been favoured by God to the extent that they can
perhaps blow a sonata, a processional piece or a cavalry signal; they may even have
participated in a war-train or two in Hungary, the Netherlands or France. 81 However,
once they have been appointed at court and have eaten and drunk their fill they cause
total turmoil with slander [and] abuse and hold their colleagues in contempt; they also
fulsomely boast that they have been trumpeters for perhaps twenty or thirty years [and]
that they have participated in many war-trains; sometimes they even raise themselves
to the highest position - and to the fool's cap!
When they can now achieve and gain nothing, they breed dissention among the
entire brotherhood; they lie and deceive this one here and that one there; they sometimes
even cause people to come to blows; then, when nobody can bear any further blows,
affront and derision from these miserable fowl, they receive slaps on the face and are
scolded [and] abused; they are even rendered powerless, {[Div v]} are banished from
court and are sent to the Devil, dragging down with them many honourable trumpeters.
Indeed, when they then crawl back to the Cross in apparent distress and, having
endured fasting and penance, seem to turn towards God to some degree with an Our
Father and become more holy and [thereupon] appeal to Our Lord God and
34
bekehren vnd frömmer zu werden gedencken/ vnnd vnsern HErrn Gott vmb weitere
dienstbestallung anruffen vnd bitten thun/ jedoch so es beschicht/ vn̅ sie jhrer bitte
gewehret/ vnd wiederumb mit Dienste versehen werden/ auch wie gehorsamblich vnnd
danckbarlich sich gegen Gott vnnd jhrem Nechsten erzeigen/ nicht wissen solten/ da ist
das letzte erger als das erste.
Derowegen/ damit wir durch anderer miβhandlung
nicht verunglimpffet werden/ so wollen wir vns hiermit abgesondert haben/ nicht allein
von diesen Gesellen/ sondern auch zum vberfluβ/ von allen vnvollkommenen
Trommetern/ in dem vnsere Kunst wird vnscheinbar gemacht/ beydes durch etliche
Trommeter/ die kaumb halb auβgelernet/ so wol auch durch Hauβleut/ die mit jhren
blasen auch von den ärmesten Leuten/ sich müssen verachten lassen.
Was die vnvollkommenen Trommeter belanget/ so seind solche die jenigen/ die von
den jenigen/ {E[j]} so etwan 2. 3. 4. ja auch wol 12. oder 24. Jungen auff ein mahl/
darzu kaum ein halb: oder wenns hoch kömpt/ ein Jahr gelernet/ vnd etwa 20. 30. oder
40. Gülden von einem genommen/ wie es auch noch in Franckreich vnd Niederland der
gebrauch/ das sie einander/ vmb einen guten Abendtrunck lernen/ ich wil geschweigen
anderer Länder/ sonderlichen aber Deutschlandes/ da jhr gleicher gestalt viel seind/
wenn man sie Examiniren solte/ sie bekennen müsten/ das sie nicht Trommeters
gebrauch gehalten. Weil aber nicht allein solche Lehrbuben müssen gewertig sein/
welches ich selber gesehen/ das sie auβ dem Felde/ oder vom Musterabdanckplatz/ nach
Hause geschickt werden/ sondern auch die Meister wenig lob verdienen/ vnd sich von
andern rechtschaffenen Trommetern/ müssen verachten lassen. (Wiewol es mancher
gering achtet/ sie gedencken wann sie nur das Geldt haben/ die Jungen mögen lernen
was sie kön̅en/ Exerciren sich auch wol nicht ehe/ mit jhren Discipulis, alβ wenn sie
die Nase begossen/ vnd blind/ toll vnd voll sein. Auch haben der meiste theil diese
gedancken/ wenn sie 1. 2. 3. oder auch wol mehr Jungen annehmen/ ich bin jtzt Alt/
lebe nicht lange mehr/ das Geldt ist mir auch noch gut mit/ du wilst sie lernen/ sie
mögen sehen/ wie sie {[Ej v]} forth kom̅en/ sie mögen passiret werden oder nicht/ was
frage ich darnach: Vber das/ habe ichs so weit bracht/ das ich mein lebenlang zu bleiben/
Welches sich denn hernacher/ wenn man etwa auff einem Beylager/ im Felde/ oder
sonsten zusam̅en kömpt/ auβweiset/ da man kein Putreselle, ich wil geschweigen/ eine
Sonada, oder was anders blasen kan.)
So erfahren wir/ das es auch mit solchen GeldNarren vnnd geitzigen Gesellen/
so die Kunst also verhümpeln vnnd verstümpeln/ gemeiniglich nach dem allgemeinen
Sprichwort zu gehen pfleget/ wie ein ding herkömpt/ also gehets auch wieder dahin/
Leicht gewonnen/ leicht zerronnen.
Also was die Hauβleut betrifft/ so können wir sie nicht an Ehren vnd Leben schelten/
sondern müssen sie billich vor Ehrliche Leute passiren lassen. Weil aber gewisse
Vrsachen vorfallen/ vmb welcher willen/ sie nicht vnter vnsere Kunst werden gerechnet
vnd angenommen/ als wird vns jhr schlechtes vnd vnvollkommenes blasen/ kein
verstendiger Mensch zumessen.
Denn wer ein rechter Trommeter ist/ der lest sich nicht auff einem Thurn/ ober
in einen solchen Vogelbawer setzen/ sondern er ist ein freyer Künstler/ der seinen klang
kan beydes nach weite der offe-{Eij}nen lufft auβlassen/ So wol auch nach gelegenheit
der Fürstlichen Zimmer/ mit arthlicher stimm moderiren.
request another appointment, it becomes clear once their request has been met and they
35
have been provided with yet another position that they do not know how to be thankful
and submissive to God and to their colleagues - and the last is more wicked than the
first!
For this reason, [and] in order to shield ourselves from other maltreatment, it is
our wish that we separate ourselves not just from these journeymen, but, to crown it all,
from all the imperfect trumpeters in whom our art is degraded (both the trumpeters who
are hardly half-trained as well as domestic servants who show through their blowing
just why they [are] among the most miserable people) and who must be held in
contempt.
In the case of the imperfectly-trained trumpeters - by which is meant the type of
people who are among those who {E[j]} may have studied in the company of perhaps
two, three, four, or perhaps even twelve or twenty-four [other] apprentices, for barely a
half or, at most, a whole year, for which each paid twenty, thirty or forty gulden (which
is still common practice in France and the Netherlands), with the result that each learned
merely a good night-cap (I will be silent about countries other than Germany although
they share much in common) - so that, when it is wished to examine them, they are
forced to admit that they did not follow trumpeters’ custom. 82 As a result, not only
must such apprentices be prepared for banishment from the field or from the recruitment
yard back to their homes (this I have myself witnessed), but also the teachers should
themselves earn little praise and must be held in contempt by other upright trumpeters.
(Although it may appear a little petty, they have considered only the money and have
left the youths to learn what they could, and they have also perplexed their colleagues,
just as a runny nose can cause blindness and complete irritation. Moreover, the majority
of these have considered when they took on one, two, three, or even more apprentices,
"I am old now and haven't much longer to live. I can certainly do with the money. You
wish that they learn? They will discover when they {[Ej v]} present themselves [for
examination] whether they may be passed or failed. Why should I care?" Moreover, it
has been my lifelong experience - and one that may well continue - that, upon arriving
for a wedding, on the field, or at some such gathering, it has been patently clear that
such [people] cannot play 'Boots and Saddles', let alone a sonata or the like.)
So we find that the art is so bungled and mutilated by such money grabbing
and greedy journeymen that the common proverb may be invoked which states that
something goes as it comes: "Easy won, easy lost".
[On Restricting the Trumpeters’ Art]
In the case of the domestic servants, we cannot preach to them about honour
and life, but they must simply give way before honourable people. Although certain
occasions will occur now and then when those not in our art will be needed and
employed, there must be no question of any reasonable person equating their poor
and imperfect blowing with our art. 83
He who is a true trumpeter refuses to allow himself to be placed in a tower or in
some other aviary because he is a free artist who can both project his sound across a
great distance in the open {Eij} air and also moderate with an artful voice in the
Princely Chamber when the occasion arises. 84
36
Daher wenn vns wird vorgeworffen/ das die Trommeter in Stuben keine lust
können machen/ sondern die Ohren dermassen beschweren vnd vbertäuben/ das man
vber viel Meilen von jhnen zusein begehren solte: So schieben wir solches in Bosen/
nicht allein denen/ die vnser miβbrauchen vnd solches begehren/ sondern auch den
vnerfahrnen Trommetern/ die des Instruments nicht mechtig sein/ vnnd nach
gelegenheit der orths gebrauchen können.
Denn wie dieses beydes eine Vrsach ist/ des vbelklanges: Also wenn vns auch
wird vorgeworffen der schade/ der nicht allein den Trommetern entstehet/ in dem er
sein Gehirn verderbt/ sondern auch den Zuhörern/ der gantz wüste wird gemacht/ so
geben wir solches gleicher massen/ schuldt dem Trommeter/ der nicht der rechten griff
erfahren ist/ so wol auch den anwesenden/ die solches klanges miβbrauchen.
Nun möchte einer wol sagen/ Was hilfft dichs dann/ das du davon rhümest/
wirstu von solchem lob auch Essen können? Weiβe mir einen Trom-{[Eijv]}meter/ der
jemals ist Reich worden? Hier auff muβ ich/ wiewol schmertzlich vnnd seufftzendt/
zwar bekennen/ das bey den meisten vnnd auch ehrlichen Trommetern/ diese Kunst fast
betteln gehet. Denn gleich wie jener Kunstreicher Musicant, in der Insul Jasso viel
Zuhörer hatte/ die mit allem fleiβ sein Kunst in acht nahmen/ biβ auff die Stunde/ da
man solte zur Mahlzeit gehen vnnd Fisch abholen. Als nun die Freβglocke geleutet
wurde/ da lieff alles darvon/ vnnd lieβ die Music im stich/ biβ auff einen tauben Mann/
der die Glocke nicht gehöret. Zu diesem tritt der Musicant, vnnd thut sich bedancken/
das er jhm so fleissig zugehöret/ vnnd seiner Kunst Ehr angethan. Als aber der taube
Narr mercket/ das man die Freβglocken geschlagen/ da lest er auch diesen
Instrumentisten mit seiner Kunst vnd abdanckung fahren/ eylet zur Mahlzeit/ vnnd
dencket seinen Bauch darfür zu füllen: Eben also/ ob gleich manche müssen bekennen/
die Kunst sey zu loben vnd zubelohnen/ so liegt jhm doch der Bauchgott mehr im
hertzen/ vnd macht sie abwendig/ das man gute Künstler/ in Armuth vnnd Betteley lest
stecken.
Weil aber solchs nicht allein auch andern Künstlern wiederfehret/ sondern auch
offt ein fehlschlag {E iij} thut/ in dem mancher Potentat sich anders beweist/ vnnd viel
spendiret. So sol keiner das Hertz fallen lassen/ sondern jmmer das beste erwarten/ vnd
neben dem/ was Athenæus vom Amebæo in Griechenland meldet/ das er Täglich hat
können 600. Krohnen verdienen/ jhme was droben vom Marggraffen auβ Tyrol gesaget/
das nemblich/ derselbe der löblichen Kunst zu Ehren/ damit sie in jhren esse vnd
ansehen erhalten/ vnd als ein Rittermessiges/ löbliches/ vnnd hohen Potentaten/
angenehmes vnnd gefelliges Werck/ auff vnsere Nachkommen propagiret, forth
gepflantzet/ vnd bey denselben erhalten werden möchte/ auff zwene Jungen/ Tausent
Ducaten spendiret vnd angewendet/ vor Augen bilden.
Ja was der Churfürst zu Sachsen/ mein gnedigster Herr/ bey derselben biβ
anhero gethan/ vnd ob Gott wil/ künfftig thun wird/ sich erjn̅ern thun. Ja das ich anderer
Potentaten/ Fürsten vnnd Herren geschweige/ so muβ ich in vnterthenigster
danckbarkeit/ von meinem gnedigsten Churfürsten vnnd Herrn rühmen/ erkennen vnd
bekennen/ das er seine gnedigste affection, so er zu der Trommeten vnd deroselben
Kunstverwandten/ tragen thut/ biβ anhero gnugsam zuerkennen gegeben/ vnnd in allen
{[E iij v]} gnaden sich gegen vns erkläret/ vnnd noch zuthun erbotten.
37
From that, when it is complained to us that trumpeters can cause no pleasure
indoors, but burden and overwhelm the ears so much that it would be preferable to be
very many miles away from them, we blame the malicious for this - not merely those
who abuse our [art] and covet it, but also the unskilled trumpeters who are not masters
of an instrument that can be employed according to the layout of the place.
Indeed, there is one cause on both counts: poor performance. Therefore, when
we are reproached with the hurt that not only is it the case that trumpeters are people in
whom their minds have been corrupted, but also that their listeners are entirely
uncivilised, then we respond to such in a similar manner and blame the trumpeter who
has not developed the proper control [of the instrument] as well as the people who
distort the sound.
[On the Proper Remuneration of the Trumpeter]
Now you may well ask 'How will that which you wish for help you, will such
praise supply you with food? Can you show me a trumpeter {[Eijv]} who has ever
become rich?' On this point I must with sadness and regret indeed confess that for the
majority (and including the most honourable trumpeters) this art almost goes hand-inhand with begging. There is a parallel in the [story of the] artistic musician who had
many listeners on the island of Jasus, who paid attention to his art with great diligence
until the hour when they should go for dinner and collect fish [from the market]. Now
as soon as the dinner-bell was rung they all went away and left the music in the lurch,
except for one hard-of-hearing man who had not heard the bell. The musician went to
him and thanked him for listening to him so diligently and for giving his art honour.
However, as soon as the hard-of-hearing fool realised that the dinner-bell had been
rung, he too hurried to dinner to fill his belly and left the instrumentalist to continue
with his art with resignation. 85 Likewise, and although it must be acknowledged that
many recognise that the art should be praised and rewarded, they nevertheless place
more emphasis on the belly-god than on the heart so that good artists find themselves
placed in poverty and beggary.
Of course, this is not unique [to trumpeters] and it also happens to other artists; it
is also often the result of to a failure {E iij} to follow the example of the Authority that
knows better and spends enough. 86 Therefore, no heart should fall into despair but
should always hope for the best and be mindful not only of that which Athenaeus related
about Amoebeus in Greece (that he could obtain six hundred crowns per day), 87 but
also that which was recounted earlier about the Margrave of Tyrol (who wished to
glorify the honourable art through his thoughts and deeds so that he promoted it as a
knightly, honourable work pleasing and appropriate to high authority) so that [the art]
may be propagated and promoted to our descendants and that it may [again] be
possible for one thousand ducats to be spent and made good use of for two apprentices.
Indeed, it is worth considering what the Elector of Saxony, my most kind Lord,
has done for the same up to the present and, God-willing, will do in the future. 88
Although I am omitting [mention of the support from] other Authorities, Princes and
Lords, I must yet recognise, acknowledge and praise with most submissive
thankfulness, my own most kind Elector and Lord [of Brandenburg], who in his most
kind affection has given significant support to the trumpet and to its brotherhood up to
the present, and has in all kindness announced to{[E iij v]} us that he is prepared to
continue to do the same [in the future].
38
Was nun denen vnnd mir geschehen/ das kan einem andern ehrlichen/ auffrichtigen
vnnd Kunsterfahrnen Trommeter/ wann er seiner Kunst nicht miβbrauchen wird/ auch
wol wiederfahren.
Wil nun einen jedtwedern Kunstverstendigen/ der sich biβweilen schmiegen/
dücken vnnd bücken muβ/ zu geruhen/ GOtt vor Augen zu haben/ seiner Kunst recht
zugebrauchen: Die vnerfahrnen vn̅ vnvollkom̅enen aber/ Gott vmb verzeihung zu
bitten/ gnade zu begehren/ vnd sich in jhrer Kunst/ zu vben vnnd zu bessern/ gantz
trewlichen vermahnet/ Wie dann auch meine wenige Person/ einen jeden guten
Gesellen/ sonderlichen aber/ rechtschaffenen Trommetern/ recommendiret vnnd
empfohlen. Den günstigen Leser aber/ diese meine mühe/ in keinem vnguten/ auff- vnd
anzunehmen/ sondern mir zum besten zu deuten/ gebeten haben.
Gebetlein
EHr sey Gott in dem höchsten Thron/
Und Jesu Christo seinem Sohn/
{[Eiv]} Dem Heilgen Geist in gleicher Her/
Von welchen kömmet alles her/
Gewalt/ Reichtumb/ Her vnd auch gunst/
Dem danck ich auch vor meine Kunst/
Vor gfunden Leib vnd alle Gab/
Die ich vom HERRN empfangen hab/
Ich bitt HERR dich demütiglich/
Du wolst darbey erhalten mich/
Dieweil du mich mit deiner Hand/
Hast geordnet in diesen Standt/
Du wollst mir auch die gnade gebn/
Das ich kan nach deim Willen lebn/
Niemand verfuchschwentz oder heuchl/
Auch niemand heimlichen vorschmeuchl/
Gleich wie die Welt es jetzt thut treibn/
Vnd König David thut von schreibn/
In dem hundert vnd ersten Psalmn/
Die Heuchler/ soll man all zermalmn/
Vnd die Fuchβschwentzer treiben auβ/
Auff das gereignigt werd Gotts Hauβ/
Wie die Wort auch lauten mehr/
Dem lieben Gott sey Preiβ vnd Ehr/
Der wolle ein Christlich Hertze gebn/
Das wir bey jhm auch Ewig lebn/
Vmb vnsers HERRN Christi Namen/
Wer das begert/ sprech von hertzn Amen.
39
[Hope for the Future of the Trumpeters’ Art]
My hope then is that it will come to pass that the honourable, honest and
artistic trumpeter will find his art held in high esteem and not misused. 89
Therefore, every art-understanding person (who may have had to cringe, stoop
down and be humbled on occasion) should now endeavour, bearing God in mind, to
have his art used correctly; on the other hand, every untrained and imperfect person
should be encouraged to ask God for forgiveness, to request grace, and to practise and
better himself in his art in good faith, in the way that I, in all modesty a good
journeyman and moreover a righteous trumpeter, have recommended and
commended. [Finally,] the gracious reader is asked to receive and approve of this, my
effort, without any offence and to think only the best of me.
A Little Prayer
Praised be God in the highest throne 90
and Jesus Christ His son;
{[Eiv]} The Holy Spirit, as co-equal lord,
from whom came everything here,
power, wealth, might and also favour.
I thank him also for my art,
for my given body and for all the gifts
that I have received from the LORD.
I humbly ask you, LORD,
that you will also support me,
since it was you who formed me
in this state with your hand;
[that] You will also give me the grace
to live according to your will,
without sly fox or hypocrite
and also without stealthy cheat.
As the world now tries to promote
that which King David did when he
wrote in Psalm one hundred and one,
‘The hypocrites shall all be crushed
and the sly foxes driven out’,
so will the house of God be cleansed.
As the Word thus proclaims again,
‘Praise and glory to the dear God’
who wishes to show a Christian heart
that we may live with Him forever.
He who seeks in Our Lord Christ’s
name, speak from the heart. Amen.
40
{[Eivv]}
Ein Geistlich Lied.
1.
CHristus der HERR sey hochgelobet
vnd gebenedeyet/ der vns durch sein
bittern Todt/ vom ewigen Todt gefreyet/ hilfft auch noch/ das der Sünden
Joch/ sich nicht zu vns Geselle/ durch
deine Gnad/ gieb hülff vnnd Rhat/ behüt vns für der Helle.
2.
Auff dich allein HErr Jesu Christ/
thu ich hoffen vnd bawen/ ich weiβ das
du mein Helffer bist/ fest thu ich dir vertrawen/ weil du mich O Gott/ auβ mancher noth sichtbarlich thetst auβführen/
auch meiner Feinde Rhat machstu zu
spott/ kein vnglück durfft mich rhüren.
3.
Singen wil ich auβ hertzen grundt/
{{F[j]} vnd deinen Nahmen preysen/ Dieweil
du O Gott alle stundt/ mir hülffe thust
beweisen/ mir dein Huld vnnd Gnad/
auch hülff vnd Rhat/ kein mal thust abschlagen/ wie ich dann bereyt/ solches allezeit/ habe thun drauff wagen.
4.
Pfleg ich dann vndanck zubeweisen/
vor deine Gaben/ die ich von dir O heiliger Geist/ ohn zahl empfangen habe/
So wende von mir/ Ich schrey zu dir/
alle meine Sünde/ auff dz ich mit rechter maβ/ ohn vnterlaβ/ mich danckbarlich erzeigen köndte.
5.
Allein O HErr ohn deine Gnad/ kan
ich nichts auβrichten/ O heiliger Geist
gieb hülff vnd Rhat/ Das ichs kan erdichten/ was Lob dir/ was Rhum dir
gebührt/ der heiligen Dreyfaltigkeit zu
{[Fjv]} Ehren/ dan̅ ich wol weiβ/ das du heiliger Geist/ mich kanst weisen vnd lehren.
41
{[Eivv]}
A Holy Song
1.
Christ the LORD be praised on high and glorified, 91
who through his bitter death
freed us from everlasting demise,
help us now that the yoke of sin
be not placed on us journeymen,
through your grace give us help and advice,
[and] prepare us for holiness.
2.
92
In you alone Lord Jesus Christ
I place my hopes and dreams,
I know you are my helper,
I firmly place my trust in you and you, O God,
have brought me from much need;
you have put my evil council to shame,
[and] have not let me suffer any misfortune.
3.
93
I will sing from the bottom of my heart
{F[j]} and praise your name,
since you, O God, show me help at every hour
[and] never refuse me your favour and mercy,
as well as [your] assistance and counsel
that I have readily sought at all times on that account.
4.
I take care then to expel ingratitude
for your numerous gifts that I have
received from you, O Holy Spirit;
So take from me, I cry to you,
all my sins, so that I may rightfully [and]
without fail show myself grateful.
5.
Alone, O Lord, without your mercy
I can achieve nothing;
O Holy Spirit give [the] help and counsel
so that I can discover
what praise [and] what glory is due to you,
for I well know
{[Fjv]} that you, Holy Spirit, can direct and teach me
how to praise the Holy Trinity.
42
Reiche mir deine Hülff/ laβ bey mir
deine gunst/ weil ich hie leb auff Erden/
bleiben/ auff das ich möge mein Kunst/
bey Fürsten vnd Herrn treiben/ bey Herren Höfen vnnd auch im Feld/ oder wo
es sich mag schicken/ O HErr so es dir
gefelt/ so muβ mirs wol glücken.
Hin vnd her auff dieser Erd/ muβ ich
weil ich leb mich schwingen/ biβ das ich
endtlich meinen lauff/ das End davon
thu bringen/ da dann Kunst vnd gunst/
alles vmbsonst/ bald wird sein verschwūden/ so tröst ich mich doch/ das der lebet
noch/ so heilen wird mein Wunden.
6.
7.
8.
Ewig in dieser betrübsten zeit/ weiβ
{Fij} ich/ kan ich nicht bleiben/ Ich weiβ aber
eine bessere Frewd/ so mir mein GOtt
wird geben/ Durch seinen Sohn/ den
Gnaden Thron/ mir vnd allen Gleubigen schencken/ der sich auch vor mich gedültiglich/ ans Creutz hat lassen hencken.
9.
Nim nicht von mir O höchster Gott/
das/ so du mir gegeben/ laβ mich auch
nicht werden zu spott/ in meinem gantzen Leben/ durch meine Kunst/ die ich
vmbsonst/ von dir erlanget habe/ hilff
das Täglich/ ich demütiglich/ dir dancke vor solche Gabe.
10.
Teuffel vnd Todt/ zwar fürcht ich
nicht/ wan̅ ich dich nur kan haben/ auch
die jenigen allzumahl/ so mir fälschlich
nachtraben/ So bistu doch bereyt/ mit
hülff allzeit/ die Feinde abzukehren/ vnd
{[Fijv]} stürtz die Gesellen/ die nicht wöllen/ daβ
sich mein Glück sol mehren.
43
6.
Extend to me your help.
Let me have your favour while I live here on the Earth,
so that I may pursue my art for princes and lords,
at lordly courts and also in the field,
or wherever it may be fitting,
O Lord as it pleases you so
must it indeed be beneficial for me.
7.
To and fro upon this world must I wander while I live,
until when I finally come to the end of my course
when art and favour, all free of charge,
will quickly disappear.
Thus I still console myself
that it will yet happen that my wounds will be cured.
8.
I know that in this troubled time I cannot live forever;
{Fij} I know however a better pleasure
that my God will give me,
who will present the merciful throne
to me and to all the faithful,
through his son, who meekly allowed
himself to be hung on the cross for me.
9.
Do not take away from me, O highest God, 94
that which you have given me.
Let me also not fall into derision during my entire life
on account of my art that I have received from you freely.
Help [me] so that I may humbly thank you
daily for such a gift.
10.
Indeed I fear neither Devil nor death,
nor those who falsely pursue me all too often,
if I can only have you.
For you are always ready with help
to sweep aside the enemy
{[Fijv]} and to crush the journeymen
who do not wish that my luck be increased.
44
11.
Schmertzlich hab ich erduldet viel/
wol von meinen Feinden allen/ Du hast
sie Herr doch allzumahl/ gestürtzt/ das
sie seind gefallen/ in die Grube so sie mir
machten mit begier/ mich zustossen hinunter/ Aber du O Gott/ macht sie all
zu spott/ durch dein Zeichen vn̅ wunder.
12.
Christum sie nicht recht ruffen an/
seinen Nahmen auch nicht preisen/ von
dem sie alle Gaben han/ vnd jhnen guts
beweisen/ Mit gsundem Leib/ Kinder
vnd Weib/ errettet auβ der Hellen/ darumb du Christ/ Wer du nur bist/ mit
danck thu dich einstellen.
13.
Hilff du O Herr Gott alle stundt/
{Fiij} das ich daran gedencke/ vnd ich dir
danck von Hertzen grund/ vor die Gnadenreich Geschencke/ vor meine Kunst/
vnnd deine gunst/ so ich empfangen habe/ von deinem Sohn/ dem GnadenThron/ auch vor alle gabe.
14.
Erleucht mein Hertz O gütiger Gott/
das ich danckbarlich mich erzeige/ auch
zu dir Gott/ in aller Not/ mein Hertz
vnd Ohren neige/ laβ mich auch forth/
zu deinem Wort/ mit allem fleiβe kommen/ auff das mir die Gabe so ich von
dir habe/ nicht wieder werde geno en.
15.
Letzlich wil ich gebeten han/ die so an
die Kunst seind gebunden/ das sie Gott
auch vor Augen han/ allAugenblick vn̅
stunden/ Ruff jhn stets an/ fleug vnglück/ bleib darvon/ vnkeuschheit vnnd
{[Fiijv]} Wein thu meiden/ auch hüt du dich/ das
du ja nicht/ Niemands Ehr thust abschneiden.
45
11.
Sadly have I endured much from all of my enemies,
but you, Lord, have always dashed them
and they have fallen into the pit.
Thus they have looked upon me
with the desire to shove me down,
but you, O God, treat them with scorn
through your sign and marvel.
12.
95
They do not call upon Christ,
nor do they praise his name,
from whom they receive every gift
and to whom they should show righteousness.
The healthy body, children and wife
are all delivered from the Light,
for which you, Christ,
because of who you are,
should be presented with thanks.
13.
You have helped, O Lord God, at all times 96
{Fiij} that I can remember
and I thank you from the bottom of my heart
for the gracious gifts,
for my art and for your favour,
and also for all the gifts
that I have received from your Son,
the throne of grace.
14.
Light up my heart, O gracious God,
that I show myself thankful
and to you, God,
bow my heart and ears in every emergency.
Henceforth let me come to your word
with all haste, that I may never forget
the gift that has been given to me by you.
15.
Lastly will I pray for the art
that it will always be bound,
that it has God in mind,
every second and hour,
and calls on him always,
avoids impurity and drunkenness;
{[Fiijv]} [and] also that you be on your guard
lest you cut off honour from anyone.
46
16.
Lob/ Ehr Preiβ sey Gott allein/ vor
seine Göttliche gnade/ der mach vns vnsere Hertzen rein/ das wir nutzen vnnd
nicht schaden/ der Tromptern jhr Ehr/
je lenger je mehr/ so lang du lebst auff Erden/ auch verschwiegen vnd still/ Thu
was dein Herr wil/ du wirst gerühmet
werden.
Ein Reymen.
Zug vnd Wacht/
Scharmützel vnd Schlacht/
Vnfriede vnd Streit/
Gute Bezahlung vnd Beuth/
Macht frische Kriegsleut.
47
16.
97
Praise, honour, extol God alone
for his godly mercy that purifies our hearts
so that we make use of and do not harm
the honour of the trumpeter.
Ever longer [and] ever more,
as long as you live on the earth,
do what your Lord wills discretely and silently
[and] you will receive honour.
A Rhyme
Campaign and watch,
Skirmish and battle,
Strife and conflict:
Good Pay and spoils
Make keen warriors.
48
Annotated Commentary
The colophon is found at the top of the blank verse of the first folio: ‘Heinrich.
Jochim./ Fürchte GOTT vnnd Liebe Die Kunst,/ So hastu beÿ allen Menschen gunst.’
The printed title page is found on the verso of the first folio. For his service at the court,
see Curt Sachs, Musik und Oper am kurbrandenburgischen Hof (Julius Bard, Berlin,
1910/r. Georg Olms, Hildesheim & New York, 1977), p.160.
2
Schober[t]’s signature - ‘Johann Christoff Schober/ König_ Preussischer [ge]stalter
Cammer/ Hoff und Felt Trompetter’ or ‘Johann Christoff Schober[t], established Royal
Prussian Chamber, Court and Field Trumpeter’ - is found in the bottom quarter of the
title page on the verso of the first folio and is inscribed around and over a vignette. For
his service at the court, see Sachs, Musik und Oper, p. 188.
3
Dielitz made two manuscript entries. The first, on the first recto and below Heinrich
Joachim’s colophon, is a light-hearted tribute to the former owner:
Johann Gottlieb Ludwig Carl
Dielitz.
Liebe Gott und Wissenschaft!
Beide werden Muth und Kraft
Dir verlassen zu diesem Leben,
Dort die dir zu Krone geben.
Anno Christi 1817.
The second, more formal entry supplies a more precise date and a location. Iit is entered
in the void to the right of the printed title on the first verso and it reads ‘Möge der
kunftige Besitzer dieses Merksams dasselbe, alβ eine Curiosität, mit Sorgfalt bewahren;
damit ab auch noch kunftigen Geschlechtern zur einblichen Ammuth darein moge!
Berlin, den 1sten Januar, 1817. Dielitz.’, that is, ‘May the future owner of this
remarkable [book] carefully protect the same as a curiosity; moreover may future
generations also be able to see the insightful charm it contains! Berlin, 1 January 1817.
Dielitz’.
4
See the transcription of this letter in favour of ‘die Trompeter, Pfiffer, Lutenschleher
vnd spillut’ in ‘Beilage I. Samstag vor Misericord, Den Trompetern, Pfeiffern vnd
Lautenschlägern wird vom Grafen Ulrich von Württemberg “ihre gemachte
Gesellschaft bestetigt”’, in Josef Sittard, Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters
am Württembergischen Hofe 1458-1793 (2 vols., Stuttgart, 1890-1891/r. Georg Olms,
Hildesheim & New York, 1970), I (1458-1733), pp. [321]-324.
5
See in Johann Jakob Schmauss and Heinrich Christian Freiherr von Senckenberg,
(eds.), Neue und vollständigere Sammlung der Reichs=Abschiede, Welche von den
Zeiten Kayser Conrads des II. bis jetzo auf den Teutschen Reichs=Tägen abgefasset
worden...In Vier Theilen. (Koch; Frankfurt-am-Main, 1747/r. Otto Zeller; Osnabrück,
1967), II, pp. 32 (from 1497), 48 (from 1498), 80 (from 1500), 344 (from 1530), 602
(from 1548), and III, pp. 394 (from 1577).
6
For the 1548 document, see Schmauss and Senckenberg, Neue und vollständigere
Sammlung, II, pp. 602-606, especially the final section ‘xxxvii Von
Handwercks=Söhnen, Gesellen, Knechten und Lehr=Knaben’ concerning ‘Leinweber,
Barbierer, Schäfer, Müller, Zöllner, Pfeiffer, Trummeter, Bader’ on pp. 605-606; for
the reissue of 1551 see Ibidem, II, p. 623, for that of 1577, see Ibidem, III, pp. 397-398.
The regulations not only extended the rights of association already obtained by weavers,
barbers, shepherds and millers (who had already formed their own guild systems) to
pipers, trumpeters and village quacks (who did not yet have them), it also extended to
1
49
all of these eligibility for their elders and children as long as these too satisfied the usual
criteria of honourable birth, trade and nature.
7
On the size and personnel of the standard Imperial cavalry troop, see the regulations
connected with the Reuter-Bestallung of 1570 in Ibidem, III, p. 323.
8
See endnotes 50 and 51, for more on this now-lost music manuscript book.
9
Dresden, Staatsarchiv: Loc. 8684. Musterung des Churfürstl[ichen] Sachischen
reiβigen Hof-Gesindes...A 1570-1653, fol. 205v. This document is a digest in summary
form of information that has been extracted from a variety of other, more detailed, court
account books, many of which are now lost.
10
The practice employed during the second half of the 16th century may be conveniently
exemplified by that of the Ducal Württemberg court at Stuttgart. During the 1550s
trumpeter apprentices there were mainly selected from former choirboys. They were
trained by the head-trumpeter, Heinrich Widekind, for a period of around three years,
after which they normally spent a further three years as journeyman before obtaining a
position in the court trumpet corps. During the 1550s, however, the incoming Duke
Christoph (1515-1568) had the court trumpeter corps increased from 2-3 personnel to
6-8 and this resulted in the training of apprentices in groups of 4-6 and appointment to
the trumpeter corps immediately after release from apprenticeship. For more on
Stuttgart, see Gustav Bossert, ‘Die Hofkantori unter Herzog Christoph (1550-72)’,
Württembergische Vierteljahrshefte für Landesgeschichte. Neu Folge VII (1898), pp.
124-167, idem, ‘Die Hofkantori unter Herzog Christoph von Würrtemberg’,
Monatshefte für Musik-Geschichte XXXI (1899), pp.1-14, and also Josef Sittard, Zur
Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters, I, p. 13.
11
The Geistlich Lied is found on fols. [Eivv]-[Fiijv].
12
Court records occasionally distinguish between the trumpeters according to their
particular modes of employment at this time. Electoral Saxony and Electoral
Brandenburg divided their corps into ‘stationary’ trumpeters (whose functions centred
on the actual court itself) and ‘mobile’ trumpeters (who functioned as messengers for
the court and who received allowances for the maintenance of a horse); in maritime
nations such as Denmark there was the further subgroup of the ‘ships’ trumpeters, or
‘Schiffs Trommeter’, who served at sea. At some courts, for example, the Imperial court
at Vienna, another distinction was made between ‘Tubicines non Musicales’ and
‘Tubicines Musicales’, that is, between court trumpeters who served only for
trumpeting duties and court trumpeters who performed on other instruments also: see
in Ludwig Ritter von Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis
1867 (Beck’sche Universitäts-Buchhandlung; Vienna, 1869/r. Georg Olms;
Hildesheim & New York, 1976), pp. 129, 130-1 and passim. The ‘musical’ trumpeters
were often also identified by use of a designation similar to that used at the Archducal
court at Graz, ‘Instrumentist und Trommeter’: see in Helmut Federhofer, Musikpflege
und Musiker am Grazer habsburgerhof der Erzherzöge Karl und Ferdinand von
Innerösterreich (B. Schott’s Söhne; Mainz, 1967), p. 188 (the entry on ‘Paradis, Jacob’)
and passim.
13
See the Verzeichnuβ Der Durchleuchtigisten/ Hochgebornen Fürsten vnd Herren/
Herren Hanβ Georgen Churfürsten zu Sachsen/rc. Vnd Johan Sigmundt Churfürsten zu
Brandenburg/rc. Sampt andern Fürsten/ Grafen vnd Herren Einzug/ zu Naumburg auff
die Churfürstl. Versamblung/ An. 1614. (Johann Schultes; Augsburg, [1614]): Staatsund Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, call-number 4 Gs Flugschr. 765), fols. Aijv, Aiij and
passim.
50
14
The work is printed in the Gesamtausgabe der musikalischen Werke von Michael
Praetorius, xx (Kallmeyer; Wolfenbüttel, 1936), pp. 40-79. The quotation is found in a
note printed at the end of the partbook for Bassus 3. Chori: see the facsimile in ibid.
15
Karl Gebler, Musik am Altenburger Hofe am Anfange der 17. Jahrhunderts,
Altenburger Heimatblätter, Jahrgang V, Number 11 (1936), 84
16
See in Sachs, Musik und Oper, p.160.
17
The call numbers that Sachs employed and mentioned in the Vorwort to Musik und
Oper, on pp. 7-10, have subsequently been changed in a radical manner so that there is
a clear need for a back-reference catalogue to facilitate the location of surviving musicoriented documents and associating them with those that are now only known through
Sachs’ lucky decision to print them as the Beilage I: Regesten of his study, on pp. [199]231. It is still possible to recover some of the individual connections while working on
the archival documents: for example, documents listed by Sachs under the heading
‘Hausarchiv Rep. XIX, Pers. Spec.’ may be found under the call number ‘GStA PK,
I.HA Rep. 36 Hof- und Güterverwaltung’ when they have survived.
18
At this time one Reichsthaler was worth one-and-one-half Florins.
19
Berlin-Dahlem, Staatsarchiv Preuβischer Kulturgeschichte, GStA PK, I.HA Rep. 36
Hof- und Güterverwaltung, Nr. 2430, [documents] 23-31.
20
Although the section heading ‘Vorrede’ is not printed until the verso of folio Aij,
where it appears as the header, it is clear that the foreword begins on the recto of the
same folio.
21
Caspar Hentzschel dedicated his book to Elector Frederick V of the Palatinate, who
is better known as the ‘Winter King’. Frederick (1596-1632) was elected King of
Bohemia on 26 August 1619 by the Bohemian section of the Evangelical Union which
had previously announced its unilateral deposition of King Ferdinand II of Bohemia.
Following the latter’s election as Holy Roman Emperor on 28 August 1619, Emperor
Ferdinand II immediately assumed the offensive and decisively defeated the Bohemians
at the Battle of the White Mountain near Prague on 8 November 1620. Frederick
continued the struggle until he was exiled at the end of 1624, when he lost the Palatinate
to Duke Maximilian I of Bavaria and eventually settled in exile in The Hague.
22
Psalm 50: 9-10 Biblical references are made with reference to three languages and
to their respective key publications: in Latin to the Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam
Versionem (2 vols, Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1985) [= Vulgate] which,
punctuation apart, is essentially identical with the Clementine Bible, or Biblia Sacra
Vulgatae Editionis (Aldus, Rome, 1592/ r. as Bibliorum Sacrorum Iuxta Vulgatam
Clementinam Nova Editio (Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, Rome, 1951)), which was in
use in Catholic areas of the Holy Roman Empire in the early 17th century [= Vulgate];
in German to Martin Luther’s Biblia das ist die gantze Heilige Schrift Deudsch (Hans
Lufft, Wittemberg, 1534/r. Taschen, Köln, 2003) and also to his revised Biblia das ist
die gantze Heilige Schrift Deudsch auffs new zugericht (Hans Lufft, Wittemberg,
1545/r. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1983) [=Biblia Germanica], which
differs in many respects from the modern text Die Bibel (Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft,
Stuttgart, 1985) [= Die Bibel]; and in English to The New Jerusalem Bible (Darton,
Longman & Todd, London, 1985) [= New Jerusalem Bible]. Biblical citations of
chapter and verse numbers are made here according to the modern English-language
usage found in the New Jerusalem Bible, from which are also taken the Englishlanguage translations of biblical quotations included by Hentzschel.
23
This and the following paragraphs provide an interesting example of the employment
and manipulation of biblical quotation to promote a partisan cause. Hentzschel’s
biblical quotations are taken from the Biblia Germanica, in which there is mention of
51
either the ‘Dromete’ or the ‘Posaun’ depending on which of the two nouns ‘ḥaṣoṣerah’
[ ] צצךor ‘shophar’ [ ] פ, respectively, is met in the source Hebrew text at a given
point. The two terms are treated as interchangeable by Hentzschel, who considers them
as literal equivalents that both represent the brass instrument without valves, node-holes
or keys that is called in English the ‘trumpet’. Therefore he both modernises
‘Drom[m]ete’ to the term ‘Trommet’ more usual in his time and he also replaces the
noun ‘Posaun’ with ‘Trommet’ in an inconsistent manner despite the (for us at least)
different organological meaning. In the present instance Hentzschel includes both
terms. It is clear that the two terms are interchangeable for him and, by extension, for
his German-speaking contemporaries. In taking this course Hentzschel is following
both Martin Luther’s and also enduring orthodox Lutheran practice. It is unfortunate
that, especially for non-German speakers, there has been a tendency to translate the
noun ‘Posaun’ consistently and at face value as the brass instrument with a double-slide
mechanism that is called in English the ‘trombone’, which has given rise to many
putative assertions regarding the spiritual associations of this particular instrument in
the Renaissance and Baroque eras. This is doubly unfortunate, since German
translations of the Bible have consistently continued to indicate the noun ‘Posaun’ as
cognate with the instrument known in English translation as the ‘ram’s horn’. The term
‘ram’s horn’ is employed in the present translation for clarity.
24
The New Jerusalem Bible mentions the ‘ram’s horn’ in 19: 13 and the ‘trumpet’ in
19: 16, 19: 19 and 20: 18. The Vulgate employs the noun ‘bucina’ in the four equivalent
entries. The Biblia Germanica employs the German noun ‘Posaune’ in the three latter
places, but omits the noun in 19: 13; this is rectified in Die Bibel with the insertion of
the noun ‘Widderhorn’ at this point.
25
The Biblia Germanica includes mention of ‘Posaunen’ but not of ‘Trommeten’ in
The Revelation to John, the Vulgate mentions the ‘tuba’, while the New Jerusalem
Bible refers to the ‘trumpet’ throughout.
26
Hentzschel is referring to 1 Corinthians 15: 51-52 and 2 Thessalonians 1: 6-10 at
this point.
27
1 Thessalonians 4: 16. The Biblia Germanica mentions ‘Posaunen’ here (which
Hentzschel correctly quotes)’ the Vulgate employs the noun ‘tuba’ and the New
Jerusalem Bible has ‘trumpet’.
28
1 Corinthians 2: 9
29
Leviticus 25: 9-10. The Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaune’ in this passage, the
Vulgate has ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible has ‘trumpet’.
30
In Genesis 4: 21 Jubal is described as ‘Von dem sind herkomen die Geiger und
Pfeiffer’ in the Biblia Germanica, the Vulgate describes him as ‘pater canentium cithara
et organo’ and the New Jerusalem Bible as ‘the ancestor of all who play the harp and
pipe’. Tradition derives his name from the Hebrew term ‘Yobel’, that is, ‘trumpet’.
31
See Genesis 4: 21
32
Leviticus 23: 24 Luther’s translation in the Biblia Germanica reads ‘Am ersten tage
des siebenden monden/ solt jr den heiligen Sabbath des blasens zum gedechtnis halten/
da jr zusamen kompt’, the Vulgate text has ‘mense septimo prima die mensis erit vobis
sabbatum memorabile clangentibus tubis et vocabitur sanctum’ and the New Jerusalem
Bible reads ‘The first day of the seventh month will be a day of rest for you, of
remembrance and acclamation, a sacred assembly’.
33
Numbers 10: 1-4 The Biblia Germanica introduces ‘zwo Drometen’ in this famous
passage - famous for trumpeters at least. This passage also includes the information that
when both trumpets were employed the entire community was summoned, whereas use
of a single trumpet caused only the leaders of the people to be summoned.
52
Numbers 10: 9 Hentzschel’s text includes the error ‘von dem Könige aller Könige’
which should read ‘vor dem Könige aller Könige’.
35
Numbers 29: 1 Hentzschel uses the noun ‘Trommetenfest’ (literally ‘Feast of the
Trumpets’), replacing the term ‘drometentag’ (or ‘Day of the Trumpets’) which is found
in the Biblia Germanica at this point, which the Vulgate describes the feast as a ‘dies
clangoris…et tubarum’ and the New Jerusalem Bible as ‘The feast of Acclamations’.
36
Numbers 31: 6 Hentzschel uses the noun ‘Trommeten’ here. The Biblia Germanica
employs ‘Halldrometen’, the Vulgate uses ‘tubas’ and the New Jerusalem Bible reads
‘trumpets’. See endnote 19 also.
37
Numbers 10: 2-10 Hentzschel uses the noun ‘zwo Trommeten’ in verse 2. The Biblia
Germanica employs ‘zwo Drometen’, the Vulgate uses ‘duas tubas’ and the New
Jerusalem Bible reads ‘two trumpets’.
38
Joshua 6: 13-20 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here. A variety of musical
terminology is employed in this chapter. The Biblia Germanica refers to the instrument
variously as ‘Halliars horn’, ‘Posaunen’ and ‘Halliars posaunen’, the Vulgate includes
the nouns ‘iobeorum bucinas’, ‘bucinas’ and ‘tubae’, and the New Jerusalem Bible in
its turn employs the nouns ‘ram’s-horn trumpets’, ‘trumpets’ and ‘ram’s horns’ in the
respective places.
39
Judges 7: 19-22 Hentzschel incorrectly indicates chapter 6. He also uses the noun
‘Trommeter’, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaunen’ throughout the
passage, the Vulgate includes ‘bucinis’ in verses 19 and 22 and ‘tubas’ in verse 20, and
the New Jerusalem Bible employs ‘horns’ throughout the same passage.
40
Judges 7: 16 Hentzschel uses the noun ‘Trommeten’, whereas the Biblia Germanica
employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate uses ‘tubas’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that
each of the three hundred warriors was given a ‘horn’.
41
1 Samuel 13: 3-4 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica
employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate uses ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that
‘Saul had the trumpet sounded’.
42
2 Samuel 2: 28 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica
employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate uses ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that
‘Joab sounded the trumpet’.
43
2 Samuel 18: 16 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica
employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate uses ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that
‘Joab then had the trumpet sounded’.
44
1 Kings 1: 39-40 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeter’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica
indicates that the priest-musicians ‘bliesen mit der Posaunen’ at this point, the Vulgate
indicates that the priest-musicians ‘cecinerunt bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible
notes that ‘they sounded the trumpet’.
45
2 Kings 9: 13 Hentzschel erroneously indicates chapter 19. Hentzschel also uses
‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate has
‘tuba’ and the New Jerusalem Bible mentions the ‘trumpet’.
46
2 Kings 11: 14 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeter’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica
employs ‘Drometen’, the Vulgate has ‘tubas’ and the New Jerusalem Bible mentions
‘trumpeters’.
47
Nehemiah 4: 10-14 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia
Germanica mentions ‘Posaunen’ at this point, the Vulgate has ‘bucina’ and the New
Jerusalem Bible mentions the presence of ‘a trumpeter’ who would sound at times of
danger.
48
Praise of God with ‘Paucken’ and ‘Harffen’ alone is mentioned for Psalm 149 in the
Biblia Germanica, while ‘Posaunen, ‘Psalter’, ‘Harffen’, ‘Paucken’, ‘Reigen’, ‘Seiten’,
34
53
‘Pfeiffen’ and ‘Cymbeln’ are added in Psalm 150. The term ‘Trommeten’ is absent
from the Biblia Germanica in both psalms. The Vulgate includes among the
instrumentarium in Psalm 150 the term ‘tubae’ in the Liber Psalmorum iuxta
Septuaginta emendatus (the translation from the Greek version) and the term ‘ bucinae’
in the Liber Psalmorum iuxta Hebraicum translatus (the translation from the Hebrew
text). The New Jerusalem Bible refers to the ‘fanfare of trumpet’.
49
Hentzschel immediately follows his discussion of the use of the trumpet in the Old
Testament and mention of the names of some famous biblical trumpeters with a section
concerning a selection of famous trumpeters and trumpet-associated events in the
Christian era. This is an interesting progression since it would have been more logical
(and also more time-honoured) to have considered similar events and equivalent
trumpeters in the Classical Greek and Roman worlds first. This material (much less that
would be expected, however) is reserved until much later in the book, at a point where
the author introduces Aristotelian ideas. Perhaps Hentzschel was also motivated by
religious scruples that caused him to delay his contemplation of pagan masters of his
‘God-given’ trumpeters’ art: see endnote 56 below.
50
This trumpeter may be identified with the ‘Lambert Blome, Klarinbläser’ employed
at the Electoral Brandenburg court in 1620-1621 (see the Foreword, p. 6, above,
endnote 51 below, and Sachs, Musik und Oper, p. 160) who belonged to a trumpeterinstrumentalist dynasty from Pavia. Variously named ‘Brume’, ‘Browne’ or ‘Broome’,
the members of this dynasty first entered Scottish royal service around 1508; some
entered English royal service around 1513, possibly as early as 1509 (see Henry Cart
de Lafontaine, The King’s Musick (Novello, London, 1909), pp .3-4), and three attained
the rank of Sergeant Trumpeter there. The antiquity claimed for the trumpet book is
probably exaggerated but there are clear implications for both the notion of a
paneuropean trumpeting tradition and the involvement in it of the insular periphery
much earlier than previously expected: see my ‘On sounding the trumpet and beating
the drum in 17th-century England’, Early Music, xxiv/2 (May 1996), p. 273, and,
especially, Alexander McGrattan, ‘Italian wind instrumentalists at the Scottish royal
court during the 16th century’, Early Music, xxix/4 (November 2001), pp. 534-551, in
particular p. 538.
51
I have not been able to locate elsewhere the names of these trumpeter-composers.
Surprisingly, none of them figure at either the Scottish court, where Lambert Blome’s
trumpet-playing ancestors and their Italian companions had taken up their first
employment in these islands, or subsequently at the English court; on this see endnote
50 above. It is possible that the surname ‘Pausor’ in the final entry may be a corruption
of ‘de Pasii’, in which case there may be a connection with the Italian trumpeter
‘Vincentino de Pasii’ who took up employment at the Scottish court in 1503 and whose
surname indicates that he came from the town of Pasi in Tuscany: see in McGrattan,
Italian wind instrumentalists, p 536. Similarly, the penultimate name ‘Basilius Meijor’
may identify a trumpeter related to one or more of the trumpeters variously listed with
the surnames ‘Mayer’, ‘Mayr’ and ‘Meier’ in the court establishments at Vienna,
Stuttgart, Munich, Copenhagen and Berlin in the course of the 16th century; many of
these were certainly related and some at least came from Northern Italy, whence the
Scottish court had obtained its trumpeters.
There is a faint possibility that the trumpeter ‘Peter Ursinus’ may have come
from Northern Europe and that ‘Ursinus’ is a translation of ‘Baer’, or ‘bear’. Since there
is no record of a singer named as ‘Peter Ursinus’ or a variant of that name among Pope
Paul III’s chapel choirs, if he actually existed he must have served in another papal
musical ensemble: see Franz Xavier Haberl, Bausteine für Musikgeschichte III: Die
54
Römische “schola cantorum” und die päpstlichen Kapellsänger bis zur mitte des 16.
Jahrhunderts (Breitkopf & Härtel, Leipzig, 1888/r. Georg Olms, Hildesheim-New
York, 1971), especially the personnel lists on pp. 109-130. It is more likely that ‘Peter
Ursinus’ served in the the pope’s private service (‘servizio segreto’) at Castel Sant’
Angelo in Rome where the papal trumpet ensemble and windband were maintained. A
complete account of this musical establishment has yet to appear. A study was
announced in 1925 but apparently failed to appear: see Alberto Cametti, ‘I musici di
Campidoglio ossia “Il concerto di trombone e cornetti del Senato e inclito Popolo
Romano” (1524-1818)’, Archivio della reala Societa Romano di Storia Patria, xlviii,
pp. 95-135, with the announcement in note 1 on p. 107. A general overview is provided
by a more recent booklet and while this study is too short to present the necessary
detailed personnel lists it does include transcriptions of a number of documents from
the time of Pope Paul III (r 1534-1549) that relate to these musicians and show them to
have been employed as singers and/or trumpeter-instrumentalists: see Luisa Giusto
Carmassi, I Musici di Castel Sant’ Angelo, (Tipografia Porziuncola S Maria degli
Angeli, Assisi, [1962]), pp. 70-2. Comparison with one of the reproduced documents
that concerns the appointment of the trumpeter-instrumentalist (‘musico e suonatore di
tromba’) Giovanni de Nigris as a supernumerary in the chamber and at the Castel Sant’
Angelo (‘nella Camera e in Castel S. Angelo’) it is clear that Hentzschel’s description
of the employment of Peter Ursinus is representative of the norm in this papal musical
establishment throughout the 16th century and that attracted a monthly salary of seven
gold scudi (‘sette scudi d’oro’): op. cit., pp. 71-2, and is then likely to have some factual
basis. Closer identification of Peter Ursinus would require a comprehensive archival
examination at Rome.
52
The story related by Hentzschel in this paragraph seems to confuse an ancient Roman
leader with an event from the age of the Crusades and requires much unravelling to
uncover the most likely original event. There is no exact match with any particular
historical event and Hentzschel’s identification of the trumpeters as Jewish may be a
creative embellishment rather than a historical reference: see endnote 54 below for
another instance of the same. There was an ancient Roman leader called Tarquinius
Priscus but he was not an emperor: he was the fifth of the seven kings of ancient Rome,
reigned from 616 BC until 578 BC and founded the alien royal dynasty of the Tarquinii.
Tarquinius Priscus was probably a native of Etruria, although some ancient
writers claimed that he was a refugee from Corinth: see Livy, Ab urbe condito libri,
Book I, Chapter 34 (website at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/livy/liv.1.shtml#34,
accessed on 3 January 2009). He began to transform Rome into a powerful state and
reorganised the army by doubling the strength of the cavalry (and possibly doubling the
size of the infantry also), but it was his successor Servus Tullius (reigned 578-534 BC)
in whose major military reform that there was the creation of ‘two centuries of
hornplayers and trumpeters’ (‘cornicines tubicinesque, in duas centurias distributi’):
see Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann J. Müller (eds.), Livy - Ab urbe condito libri
(20 books in 10 volumes, 1885 ff.), Vol I, Book I, Chapter 43, p. 210, or Aubrey de
Sélincourt (trans.), Livy – The Early History of Rome (Penguin, London, 1971), p. 81
(website at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/livy/liv.1.shtml#43, accessed 3 January
2009). Tarquinius Priscus did not wage war on the Persians as his belligerency was
restricted to the neighbouring Latins and Sabines on mainland Italy. Hentzschel may
have mixed into his story a faulty recollection of a passage in the, for him, recently
published Syntagma musicum by Michael Prætorius in which the seventh Roman King
Tarquinius Superbus (reigned 534-510 BC) and the Persian King Cambyses II (reigned
529-522 BC) are both mentioned in the context of a chronological reference to the
55
ancient Greek philosopher and mathematician Pythagoras, who (Prætorius notes)
’flourished in the age of King Cambyses II of the Persians, in the year of the world
3434, at the same time as Tarquinius Superbus, the last King of the Romans, 528 years
before the birth of Christ (which occurred in the year of the world 3962)’ (‘Vixit autem
Pythagoras Cambysis II. Monarchæ Persarum seculo, Anno mundi 3434. Tarquinio
superbo, ultimo Romanorum Rege, rerū potito, ante Christum (quipped Anno mundi
3962) natum 528 annis’): see Michael Prætorius, Syntagma musicum I (Wittenberg
1614/r. Bärenreiter, Kassel-Basle, 2001), p 171.
There was also a different ancient Roman leader, a general with the slightly
different name Tarquintius Priscus who campaigned in Spain with Pompey the Great
(106-48BC) against Quintus Sertorius (c. 121-72BC) in 80 BC before becoming
involved in Pompey’s downfall, but without any association with trumpeters it is
unlikely that Hentzschel is referring to him: see Frontinus, Stratagemata, Book II,
Chapter 5 ( website at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/frontinus/strat2.htm, accessed
on 3 January 2009).
Three pieces of information - the year ‘1200 [AD]’, the city of ‘Rome’ and a
campaign against‘the Persians’ – seem to indicate the Crusades, none of which actually
embarked from Rome but all of which resulted from papal proclamations issued from
the Eternal City. The Muslim rulers of the Holy Land against whom the wars were
prosecuted were described variously at the time as Saracens, Arabs, Turks and
Egyptians, but they were often referred to collectively as ‘Persians’, for example, when
Pope Urban III proclaimed the First Crusade at Clermont in November 1095: see
Thomas Asbridge, The First Crusade – A New History (Free Press, London, 2004), p.
33. While no crusade was launched in 1200 AD, two were announced on either side of
it.
The Fourth Crusade was proclaimed on 15 August 1198 and embarked in 1202
and provides two good candidates for identification with his leader: either Enrico
Dandolo (c.1108-1205), Doge of Venice from 1192, who masterminded the diversion
from the Holy Land by way of Cairo to Constantinople by way of Zara (now Zadar in
Croatia) in furtherance of the Venetian interest; or Count Baldwin of Flanders (1171ca. 1205), one of the military leaders of the crusade who took the cross on 23 February
1200 and was crowned Latin Emperor Baldwin I of Constantinople in 1204. The Fourth
Crusade was viewed as the harbinger of the Second Coming by Pope Innocent III
(c.1160-1216) who, powerfully influenced by the Exposition on the Apocalypse by
Joachim of Fiore (c.1132-1202) in which the Age of the Sixth Seal was indicated to end
around 1200 and be followed by the final Seventh Age of the Holy Spirit around 1230,
employed apocalyptic and eschatological exegesis in his diplomacy, as did those with
whom he communicated. Innocent III proclaimed the Fourth Crusade with vivid
trumpet imagery, stating that ‘the Apostolic See cries out, and like a trumpet it raises
its voice, eager to arouse the Christian peoples to fight Christ’s battle and to avenge the
injury done to the Crucified One’ (‘clamat adhuc apostolica sedes et quasi tuba vocem
exaltat, excitare cupiens populos Christianos ad prælium Christi bellandum et
vindicandam injuriam Crucifixi’): see Jonathan Phillips, The Fourth Crusade and the
Sack of Constantinople (Jonathan Cape, London, 2004), p. 5 (English translation), and
Jacques-Paul Migne, Innocentii III Romani Pontificis Opera Omnia…Tomus Primus (=
Patrologiae Latina…Tomus CCXIV) (Garnier Fratres, Paris, 1890), p. 308 (original
Latin text).
The crusade embarked from Venice in October 1202 with the main body of
crusaders on board the ships of the Venetian fleet. The chronicler Robert of Clari
described the event and noted that the Doge, in particular, was on board a galley which
56
was ‘all vermilion and it had a canopy of vermilion samite spread over him, and there
were four silver trumpets trumpeting before him and drums making a great
noise…When the fleet set out from the harbour of Venice…it was the finest thing to
see that has ever been since the beginning of the world. For there were fully a hundred
pairs of trumpets, of silver and of brass, all sounding at the departure, and so many
drums and tabors and other instruments that it was a fair marvel’ (‘toute vermeille, et si
avoit quatre buisines d’argent devant lui qui buisinoient et tymbres qui grant goie
demenoient…Et quant li estoires parti du port de Venice, et…dromons et ches rikes nes
et tant d’autres vaissiaus, que ch’estoit le plus bele cose a eswarder qui fust tres le
commencement du monde, car il y avoit bien chent paire de buisines, que d’argent que
d’arain,qui toutes sonnerent a l’esmovoir, et tant de tymbres et tabours et autres
estrumens, que ch’estoit une fine merveille‘): see Edgar Holmes McNeal (trans.),
Robert of Clari – The Conquest of Constantinople (University of Toronto Press,
Toronto-Buffalo-London, 1996), p. 42 (English translation), and Jean Dufournet (ed. &
trans.), Robert de Clari – La Conquête de Constantinople (= Champion Classiques,
Série « Moyen Âge » 14) (Honoré Champion, Paris, 2004), p. 62 (original French text).
Clari also recounted the critical event at the start of the first siege of Constantinople in
July 1203, the attack on the city from across the Bosphorus when the Crusaders ‘had
the trumpets sounded, of silver and of brass, fully a hundred pair, and drums and tabors
more than a great many’ (‘si fisent sonner buisines d’argent et d’arain bien dusques a
chent paire, et tabours et tymbres tant que trop ‘) and made their amphibious landing
of mounted crusading knights. Such was the cumulative effect that the massive Greek
army that had already been assembled into battle order to challenge the assault simply
turned and fled ignominiously: see Mc Neal, The Conquest of Constantinople, pp. 689 (quoted English translation on p. 68), and Dufournet, La Conquête de Constantinople,
p. 108 (quoted French text). The pope and the crusade leaders continued to employ
apocalyptic exegesis in coming to terms with the twists and turns that deviated the
Fourth Crusade from the Holy Land and caused the establishment of the Latin Empire
of Constantinople (1204-1261): see Alfred J. Andrea, Contemporary Sources for the
Fourth Crusade (Brill NV, Leiden-Boston-Köln, 2000) [=The medieval
Mediterranean, vol. 29] on this, particularly pp. 7-19, 59-64, 98-116, and 131-9.
The Fourth Crusade provides a good match with Hentzschel’s story but it is
arguably not close enough. A further search on either side of the watershed year of 1200
reveals two other suitable candidates, both of them emperors in the sense that
Hentzschel would have immediately recognised. The third candidate, then, is the Holy
Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (c.1123-1190) who led the Third Crusade in
1189 against Salah ad-Din Yusuf (1138-1193), or Saladin. Emperor Frederick I set out
for the Holy Land by the land route, rather than by making the more usual sea crossing.
He had previously negotiated a safe passage agreement with the ambassadors of the
Eastern Emperor Isaac II Angelus (c. 1135-1204) at Nuremberg, but his crusading army
was continually harried by Byzantine troops as it passed through the Balkans and
Byzantium. After suffering a number of humiliating defeats at the hands of Frederick
I, Isaac II finally honoured his undertaking to supply the necessary ships to transport
the imperial troops across the Hellespont (modern Dardanelles) at Gelibolu (modern
Gallipoli) on condition that the crusaders avoided his capital, Constantinople. Emperor
Frederick I’s army began the sea crossing on 22 March 1190, Holy Thursday. When
Emperor Frederick I himself made his ceremonial crossing from Europe to Asia Minor
on 28 March, the writer of the Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatoris noted that
he traversed the Hellespont ‘with the last of his troops, screened by five war-galleys
and by other vessels, while the Greeks sounded their trumpets on the sea and on the
57
shore’ (‘cum ultimis transfretavit, vallatus quinque galeis bellatorum et aliis navibus,
Grecis quoque tam in mare quam in litore tubis concrepantibus’), a description that
agrees with the account of the crossing by the author of the Historia Peregrinorum: see
Anton Chroust (ed.), ‘Quellen zur Geschichte des Kreuzzuges Kaiser Friedrichs I’,
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum Nova Series,
Tomus V, (Weidmann, Berlin, 1928), pp. 71 (= Historia de expeditione Friderici
imperatoris by the so-called ‘Ansbert’) and 152 (= Historia Peregrinorum). This
crossing of the crusaders from Europe into Asia Minor to reclaim the Holy Land from
the Saracens was a critically important event and it was interpreted as a re-enactment
of the Israelites’ crossing over the River Jordan into the Promised Land as recounted in
the Book of Joshua, chapter 14. While there is no mention here of the number of
‘foreign’ (in this case, Greek) trumpeters, Hentzschel’s required number ‘ sixty’ may
derive from a slightly later passage in the Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatoris
where it is recounted that, in a further encounter with Byzantine troops on 3 April 1190,
‘more than sixty of them were cut down’ by Frederick of Berg’s German forces (‘plus
quam sexaginta ex eis trucidavit’): see in Chroust, Quellen zur Geschichte, p. 72.
The fourth, and possibly the best, candidate is the Hohenstaufen Holy Roman
Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250), Barbarossa’s grandson, who led the Sixth Crusade
in 1228. Emperor Frederick II was simultaneously King of Sicily and King of
Jerusalem. He was nicknamed the stupor mundi, or ‘wonder of the world’, by later
historians for his wide cultural tastes, his struggles with the papacy, his engagement
with non-Christian scholars and rulers, and his tolerance of Muslims and Jews in his
different kingdoms. Emperor Frederick II publicly proclaimed his intention to set out
on crusade a number of times: when he was crowned king of the Romans at Aachen in
1215; when he received the Imperial crown from Pope Innocent III at Rome in 1220;
when he set out on his abortive crusade in 1227; and when he set out (as an
excommunicate) from Otranto on the Sixth Crusade in the following year. Emperor
Frederick II’s subjects in his European dominions included substantial numbers of Jews
and Muslims, who were legally designated by him as servi camere nostre, or ‘serfs of
Our chamber’, and who owed the privilege of loyalty and service to him alone. After
quashing a major revolt of the Muslim minority in Sicily in the 1220s, Emperor
Frederick II had ordered these ‘Saracens’ to be deported to Lucera on mainland Italy
and had replaced them in Sicily with Jewish craftsmen and farmers. The Saracen
colony at Lucera was permitted to practise Islam and to retain its own laws. Emperor
Frederick II had a fine palace built there in the 1230s and Lucera formed an oriental
oasis in Western Europe – and an affront to the emperor’s papal adversaries!
Emperor Frederick II’s Saracens were not merely personal servants, concubines
and musicians (he maintained all of these at Lucera), for he formed his personal
bodyguard from them, a bodyguard that accompanied him to Jerusalem on the Fourth
Crusade along with his Saracen trumpeters. Indeed, entries in his court register for
1239-40, the only register from his reign to have survived until recently (it was
destroyed in 1943) contain instructions to his chief official in Sicily, Uberto
Fallamonaca (himself of Muslim origin), to have five Muslim slaves aged between 16
and 20 years trained as trumpeters for use by him in his campaigning armies in northern
Italy, and to have made for them five silver trumpets (described as ‘qatuor tubas, vnā
tubectā argenteas’ in the register): see David Abulafia, Frederick II – A Medieval
Emperor (Pimlico, London, 1988), especially pp. 145-8, 245-6, 252, 337 and 439; see
also the photographic facsimile, fols. 29v, (dated 28 November 1239) and 54v (dated 17
January 1240, new style), see the Monumenta Germaniae Historica website under the
title ‘Friedrich II: Register’ at http://141.84.81.24/Friedrich_ii/ (accessed on 3 January
58
2009). If the last candidate, the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, is the emperor
alluded to by Hentzschel, then the ‘foreign’ trumpeters he mentions were Muslim, not
Jewish.
53
The siege and destruction of Aquileia actually took place in 452.
54
This historical event is recounted by the Byzantine historian Procopius in his de belli,
book III, chapter 4, lines 30-5: see Henry Bronson Dewing (ed. & trans.), Procopius –
History of the Wars (6 vols, Heinmann, London and Macmillan, New York, 1914), ii,
pp. 42-5) According to Procopius, Attila had decided to raise his unsuccessful siege of
Aquileia and was departing from the area when he saw a family of storks flee from one
of the town’s towers. He interpreted the event as a good omen and returned to the
assault, whereupon the wall beside the tower collapsed and the town was captured and
destroyed. The episode is recounted in German translation by Sebastian Münster in his
popular (and much reprinted and updated) work issued in Latin as Cosmographia and
in German as Cosmographey: see Sebastian Münster, Cosmographey oder
Beschreibung aller Länder Herrschafftems vnd fürnemesten Stetten des gantzen
Erdbodens/ samptjhren Gelegenheiten/ Eynschafften/ Religion/ Gebreuchen/
Geschichten vnnd Handthierungen/ rc. (Sebastian Henricpetri, Basel, 1588/r.r Konrad
Kölbl, Grünwald bei München, 1977), [=Cosmographia]. This important, standard
geographical text was nitially issued in German, Latin and Italian versions first
appeared in 1544, and the book reached its twenty-first edition in 1628. Two accounts
of the siege of Aquilea are found in the 1588 edition, a detailed account in ‘Das Ander
Buch von Italia’, ibidem, pp. ccv-ccclxxxviij, and a less detailed account in the section
of ‘Das Vierdte Buch’ that relates ‘von dem Ungerlandt’, ibidem, pp. mclxxviij.The
opening of the earlier account in the German version is almost identical to Hentzschel’s
later text and is obviously the latter’s source: ‘…Im jar Christi 434. da der Hunnen
König Attila die Statt Aquileiam oder Aglar lange zeit belägert/ vnd sie doch nicht
gewinnen mocht/…’; see Münster, Cosmographey, p. cccxli.
It is notable that neither Procopius nor Münster make any mention of trumpets.
Hentzschel embroiders the story and transforms it into a latter-day ‘walls of Jericho’
fable. It is most likely that the reference to Münster’s Cosmographia which is found in
the ensuing paragraph of Hentzschel’s text is a transposition error and should belong to
the present paragraph. Hentzschel’s reference to the ‘5. Buch von Italia’ is incorrect that book concerns Asia - and the reference should be to the ‘Ander Buch’ which, as
has been noted already, concerns Italy.
55
Very little of the material presented here is actually found in Münster’s
Cosmographia, certainly not in either the 1550 Latin edition (Basle, 1550/r. Theatrum
Orbis Terrarum Ltd, Amsterdam, 1968) or the German edition of 1588 (details as in
endnote 54 above). Münster simply notes in the 1588 German edition that ‘As Strabo
writes, there was long ago in this [region of] Achaea a city called Helice situated 12
stadia from the sea and which was completely submerged by an earthquake that erupted
in the sea, so high was the sea thown up by the earthquake’ (‘In diesem Achaia ist vor
alten zeitē/ wie Strabo schreibt/ ein Statt 12. Roβläuff weit von dē Meere gelegen die
heiβt Helice/ vnd ward vō einem Erdbidem der im Meere auβbrach/ gar ertrencket/ also
hoch warff Erdbidem das Meere vbersich’): see Münster, Cosmographey, p. Mccxxix.
As has already been noted in endnote 54, it is most likely that the reference placed here
has been transposed from the previous paragraph.
The story of the citizens of Helice and the Jonii is a confused conflation of a
number of different historical events taken from sources that embrace a timespan of
almost two thousand years. The first concerns the Jonii and the city of Helice and it is
recounted by both Strabo (c.63 BC – c.24 AD) and Pausanias (fl 2nd century AD). This
59
first event is located geographically in Achaia, a region on the north of the Peloponnese
peninsula that forms the southern part of Greece, and occurred sometime before 1000
BC and during the Greek ‘Dark Age’. According to Pausanias in the Hellados
Periegesis, after the Achaeans had been expelled from Argos and Lacedæmon (that is,
Sparta) by the Dorians, their king Tisamenus proposed to the Ionians (= Hentzschel’s
Jonii) that they accept his people as their colonists. The Ionians refused the offer and
war ensued. After their defeat in a battle during which king Tisamenus was killed, the
Ionians retreated to their main city Helice, a coastal settlement to the east of the city of
Aegium (modern Aíyion) where they were besieged by their Achaean oppressors until
they agreed to migrate to Attica. The Achaeans then assumed control of the territory
and buried their leader in Helice: see Arthur Richard Shilleto (trans.), Pausanias’
Description of Greece, translated into English with Notes and Index (2 vols, George
Bell and Sons, London, 1886), volume 2, pp. 1-2 (= Book VII, Chapter 1). The
Achaeans then built upon their victory and offended the gods when they ‘drove some
suppliants from the [most holy] temple [of Poseidon in Helice] and slew them’: ibidem,
p. 51 (= Book VII, Chapter 24). Revenge came in two forms. Firstly, in 373 BC Helice
was destroyed by a great earthquake and then submerged by the sea, leading Pausanias
to note that ‘one may learn not only from this ruin of Helice but also from other cases
that the vengeance of heaven for outrages upon suppliants is sure’: ibidem, p. 53 (=
Book VII, Chapter 24). Secondly, in 146 BC a Roman army under Leucius Mommius
defeated the Achaeans, their former allies, at the Isthmus of Corinth and sacked the city
Corinth, which the Achaeans had captured from the Macedonians in 198 BC and then
occupied, so that ‘most of those [men] that were left in the city were slain by the
Romans, and the women and children were sold by Mummius, as also were the slaves
who had been manumitted’: ibidem, p. 33 (= Book VII, Chapter 16). The latter event
marked the final subjugation of Greece by Rome and the beginning of the eastward
expansion of the Roman Empire.
Strabo includes the story of the activities of the Achaeans against the Ionians in
the Geographicon (= Book VIII, Chapter 7, Section 1-2) and mentions the destruction
of Corinth by Mummius (= Book 8, Chapter 6, Section 23) but, as a good Stoic, he
omits mention of any deistical involvement: see Horace L. Jones, The Geography of
Strabo with an English Translation (8 vols, Harvard University Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, and William Heinemann Ltd, London, 1969), volume IV, pp. 199-201
(= Book VIII, Chapter 6, Section 23) and pp. 207-215 (= Book VIII, Chapter 7, Sections
1-2). He describes in greater detail the earthquake and subsequent submersion of Helice
at two points of the text and notes that ‘Helice was submerged by the sea…and,
although the city was twelve stadia distant from the sea, this whole district together
with the city was hidden from sight’: ibidem, volume I, p. 219 (= Book I, Chapter 3,
Section 18), and volume IV, pp. 213-215 (= Book VIII, Chapter 7, section 2), with the
quoted text found on p. 215. Hentzschel may have had access to one of the three
available printed sources of Strabo’s Geographicon in which the original Greek text
was placed in parallel with a Latin translation, either the edition by Mark Hopper
published by Henricpetri (Münster’s printer) at Basle in 1549, the edition by Guilielmus
Xylander (= Holtzmann) also published by Henricpetri at Basle in 1571, or the edition
by Isaac Casaubon published by Eustathius Vignon at Geneva in 1587: see Aubrey
Diller, The Textual Tradition of Strabo’s Geography (Adolf M. Hakkert, Amsterdam,
1975), pp. 167-9.
Hentzschel provides a different type of ‘vengeance of heaven’ by replacing
Greece, Leucius Mommius and the army of the Roman Republic with Asia Minor, the
Eastern Emperor Theophilus Michael (r 829-842AD) and the army of the Byzantine
60
Empire. Emperor Theophilus had inherited the soubriquet Balbus, or ‘Stammerer’, from
his father the Emperor Michael II Balbus (r 820-829AD), the founder of the ‘Phrygian’
dynasty. During the 9th century Byzantium (representing Hentzschel’s Jonii) found
itself in continual conflict with the neighbouring Arabian Empire under the Abassid
Calpih al-Mu´taṣim. Emperor Theophilus had noted that, in recent campaigns against
the Arabs and especially when he had been defeated by them in 835, the side that had
acted pre-emptively and had captured and brutally devastated a strategically important
enemy town had always gained the upper hand. In 837, while al-Mu´taṣim was
preoccupied with subjugating rebel Khurramites in Azerbaijan, Theophilus seized the
opportunity and crossed the River Halys (modern Kizil Irmak) with an immense force
to raid Arab Armenia. The Byzantine army bypassed the expected strategic target
Melitene (modern Malatya), from which had come the troops who had defeated
Emperor Theophilus in 825, and struck out instead for the nearby town of Sozopetra
(modern Zibatra, representing Hentzschel’s Helicæ); later Byzantine chroniclers were
to claim that Sozopetra was the birthplace of al-Mu´taṣim and was then of greater
psychological importance. After the town refused to capitulate it was quickly stormed.
Theophilus then avenged his recent defeat and made an example of Sozopetra to
encourage other Armenian towns to surrender. He spared its Christian inhabitants, but
had all of the captured Muslim men killed, their womenfolk and children taken prisoner,
and the town razed to the ground.
Hentszchel’s colourful description of the employment of psychological warfare
during the siege of Helice may actually be found in an event that happened during the
subsequent Arab invasion of Byzantium during which Armorium, the supposed
ancestral home of Emperor Theophilus, was captured and destroyed. Emperor
Theophilus was defeated by the Arab forces at Dazimon on 22 July 838 and found
himself, his generals and two thousand Persian allies under the command of his brotherin-law Theophobus (a Persian who had been called Naṣr before his conversion to
Orthodox Christianity) surrounded by superior enemy forces. In this perilous situation,
Emperor Theophilus ordered his troops to simulate rejoicing by shouting aloud,
clapping their hands, clashing their weapons together, playing stringed instruments and
blowing trumpets. The strategem confused and instilled fear in the surrounding enemy
forces and enabled Emperor Theophilus and his troops to escape. Both Byzantine events
are recounted with various degrees of accuracy by Theophanes Continuatus in his
Chronographia: see Immanuel Bekker (ed. and trans. into Latin), Theophanes
Continuatus, Ioannes Camieniata, Symeon Magister, Georgius Monachus (Weber,
Bonn, 1838), pp. 113-4 and 124 (= Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae). The
destruction of Sozopetra is also related by Symeon Magister in his Annales and
Georgius Monachus in his Vitae recentiorum Imperatorum: see ibidem, pp. 634 and
798, respectively. For more on Emperor Theophilus, see Warren Threadgold, The
Byzantine Revival 780-842 (Stanford University Press, Stanford, California, 1988).
Emperor Theophilus’ lucky escape in the disastrous campaign of 838 was turned
into a brilliant victory by Byzantine court chroniclers who alluded to similar actions of
the two famous Athenian leaders Pericles (c.495-429 BC) and his nephew Alcibiades
(c.450-404 BC). Sextus Julius Frontinus, governor of Britain from 74 AD to 78 AD,
notes in his Stratagemata, Book III, Chapter 9, that ‘Pericles, [leader] of the Athenians,
when he was besieging a city that was vigorously defended, had the war-call sounded
and shouts made in the night at that part of the [city] walls that faced the sea: thinking
that they had been surprised, the enemy fled the city by another gate, allowing Pericles
to enter the abandoned fortification. Alcibiades, leader of the Athenians, when he was
approaching [the town of] Cyzicus [modern Balikhisar in Turkey] at night to attack it,
61
ordered the hornplayers to sound at another part of the fortification [where he was not].
The defenders rushed to that part of the walls so that, when [the Athenians] began their
attack at another place, they gained the walls unopposed’ (‘Pericles, [dux]
Atheniensium, cum oppugnaret quandam civitatem magno consensu defendentium
tutam, nocte ab ea parte murorum, quae mari adiacebat, classicum cani clamoremque
tolli iussit: hostes penetratum illic in oppidum rati reliquerunt portas, per quas Pericles
destitutas praesidio irrupit. Alcibiades, dux Atheniensium, Cyzicum oppugnandae eius
causa nocte improvisus accessit et ex diversa parte moenium cornicines canere iussit.
Sufficere propugnatores murorum poterant: ad id latus, a quo solo se temptari
putabant, cum confluerent, qua non obsistebatur, muros transcendit.’): see the website
http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/frontinus/strat3.shtml, accessed on 3 January 2009.
56
Hentzschel gives the year incorrectly as 1400. The erroneous date for the start of the
Council of Constance, which actually lasted from 1414 until 1417, may have been
triggered by a date given in an account of the life of Jan Hus (who is the object of
Hentzschel’s text here) that is found in ‘Das dritte Buch Von dem Teutschen Landt’ of
Sebastian Münster’s Cosmographey, where it is noted that ‘in the year 1400 the
Bohemians and Germans engaged in a lot of squabbling with each other concerning the
[religious] instruction [at the University of Prague] and fought with each other with
bitter disputation (‘…Es hetten die Böhem vnd Teutschen anno 1400. viel Gezäncks
miteinander der Lehr halben/ vnd stritten mit Disputierem hefftig widereinander…’);
see Münster, Cosmographia, p. mcxx. The controversy in question centred on the
teachings of Jan Hus (ca. 1372-1415) who had been appointed lecturer in theology at
the University of Prague in 1398 and was promoted to dean of the faculty of philosophy
in 1401 following his ordination in the previous year.
57
Despite Hentzschel’s claim, the Anti-pope John XXIII was entitled to and had a
personal entourage of twenty-four cardinals, rather than trumpeters, at Constance: see
Michael Richard Buck (ed.), Ulrichs von Richental Chronik des Constanzer Concils
1414 bis 1418 (Stuttgart, 1882/r. Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim, 1962), pp. 37 and
154-7. The cardinals also arrived in Constance in small, separate groups over a number
of days, rather than together; see ibidem, pp. 24, 25, 28, 32 and 34.
58
Sebastian Münster employs the same term as Hentzschel in labelling Jan Hus the
‘Ertzketzer’ in his account of the Council of Constance, indicating that he is probably
Hentzschel’s source: see Münster, Cosmographey, p. dlxxxj.
59
The hereditary title of ‘Duke of the Florentine Republic’ was created in 1533 for
Alessandro de’ Medici (1510-37) by the Medici Pope Clement VII, otherwise known
as Giulio de’ Medici (1478-1534), under pressure from Holy Roman Emperor Charles
V to bring stability to a strategically important part of northern Italy. The second Duke
of Florence, Cosimo I de’ Medici (1519-74), reigned from 1537 until 1569 when he
was created Grand Duke Cosimo I of Tuscany by the reforming Pope Pius V (1504-72;
reigned 1566-72) at the instigation of Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian II due to his
astute political acumen in the fraught affairs of mid-16th century Italy. Hentzschel
erroneously conflates the two titles in describing Cosimo as ‘Grand Duke of Florence’.
Note that the choice of ‘Tuscany’ rather than ‘Florence’ in the Grand Duke’s title was
deliberate and it advertised the attainment of sovereignty (one rank below royalty) by
the de’ Medici dynasty.
Duke Comino I’s Habsburg guest was born in 1503, was created Count
Ferdinand of Tyrol in 1519 and King Ferdinand I of Bohemia in 1526, and served as
Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I from 1558 until his death in 1564. King Ferdinand I
favoured the employment of North Italian trumpeter-instrumentalists at his court and
their names bear indications of their origin in places such as Padua, Mantua, Brescia
62
and Modena: see Martin Ruhnke, Beiträge zur einer Geschichte der deutschen
Hofmusikkollegien im 16. Jahrhundert (Merseburger, Berlin, 1963), pp. 259-260.
1548 was an important year for Imperial-Florentine relations. In that year Duke
Cosimo II of Florence brokered a peace between Siena, which had revolted against the
Holy Roman Empire, and Emperor Charles V by which Siena recognised the suzerainty
of the Emperor and accepted a Spanish garrison while the Emperor, in his turn, accepted
the legitimacy of Siena’s ancient form of government. Ferdinand’s ‘business’ in
Florence in 1548 was thus related in some way to Cosimo’s high-profile diplomacy and
support for the imperial cause.
1548 was also an important year for trumpeters in the Holy Roman Empire
since, in the 37th article of the ‘Reformation guter Policey’ that was issued in Augsburg
in that year, Emperor Charles V and King Ferdinand I gave their permission for
trumpeters and other craftsworkers to form guilds for the regulation and protection of
their, their elders’ and their children’s interests throughout the Empire: see the
Foreword on p. 4 and endnote 5 above. Hentzschel was seeking to advance from this
position through his promotion of the actual institution of a trumpeters’ guild, which
was achieved in 1623.
60
1000 ducats was approximately equal in value to 2750 Reichsthaler, or 3440 Gulden.
The apprenticeship fee was fixed at 100 Reichsthaler in the Imperial Trumpeter
Privileges in 1623. A facsimile of the original manuscript entitled Confirmatio/ vber
13. von Irer Matt. vnd der ÿezt alhie anweβenden Chur: vnd Fursten Hoff: vnd
VeldtTromettern auch Horpaugger/ vbergebene Articul (original in the
Oesterreichisches Staatsarchiv, Abt.: Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna) is found in
Detlef Altenburg, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Trompete im Zeitalter der
Clarinblaskunst (3 vols., Gustav Bosse, Regensburg, 1973), ii, pp 47-55. For an English
translation of the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623, see Peter Downey, The
Trumpet and its Role in Music of the Renaissance and Early Baroque (PhD diss., 3
vols., The Queen’s University of Belfast, 1983), I, pp. 326-9 (the apprenticeship fee is
indicated in Article 2 on p. 327).
Ferdinand was prevented from offering Cosimo any material gift as a sign of his
gratitude by a legal nicety of the Holy Roman Empire that had appeared with regularity
since 1497 in the ‘Reichs-Abschiede’, the formal declarations of the gatherings of
princes and nobles of the Holy Roman Empire. The most important version of these
declarations was issued as Section XXIX of the Reformation guter Policey zu Augsburg
Anno 1548 and it includes a regulation restricting the award of money to trumpeters and
others for services rendered as part of their normal duties:
‘XXIX Concerning Pipers and Messengers. Item: Every Prince and Authority shall
prohibit their Pipers, Trumpeters, Instrumentalists, etc, and earnestly ensure moreover
that they are henceforth be forbidden to attend on other people (apart from their
subjects, which is permitted) for the purpose of obtaining money-offering, drink-money
or gifts and they [ie, the Princes and Authorities] shall include the same [prohibition]
in their terms of employment. Since the messengers are considered among these
[servants], so shall it be with them as is stated above.’
(‘XXIX Von Pfeiffern und Botten. Item: ein jeglicher Fürst und Obrigkeit soll ihren
Pfeiffern/ Trummetern/ Spielleuten/ ec. verbieten, und ernstlich darüber halten, daβ sie
hinfürter andere Leut/ ausserhalb ihrer Unterthanen, das sie es leyden mögen, um
Opffer=Geld/Trinck=Geld/ oder Gaben/ unbesucht lassen/ und ihnen auch solchs in
ihre Pflicht einbinden. Nachdem auch die Botten unterstehen, dergleichen zu sammlen,
soll es mit ihnen, wie obsteht, gehalten werden.’): see Schmauss and Senckenberg, Neue
und vollständigere Sammlung, p. 602.
63
Under the strict application of this ordinance Ferdinand was prevented from
making any outright gift to Cosimo’s trumpeters. However, and given the international
prestige of his own trumpet ensemble and his role in promoting the court trumpeters’
cause, Ferdinand bestowed great honour on Cosimo and increased his host’s stature
through the gesture of creating trumpeter apprentices and placing them under one or
more of the duke’s trumpeters, who then received the gift in the form of a very
substantial apprenticeship fee. The size of the fee may be judged against leading
musicians’ salaries at around the same time. For example, Zarlino’s annual salary as
maestro di capella at St Mark’s Basilica in Venice was 200 ducats in 1565: see Eleanor
Selfridge-Field, Venetian Instrumental Music from Gabrieli to Vivaldi (3rd Edition,
Dover, New York, 1994), p. 330; while. Palestrina’s annual income from his various
employments in Rome from the late 1550s averaged around 144 silver scudi, or
approximately 131 ducats: see Noel O’Regan, ‘Palestrina, a musician and composer in
the market-place’, Early Music, xxii/4, (November 1994), p. 566.
61
This claim is impossible to verify due to the paucity of 16th century archives of the
Knights of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, better known as the Knights of Malta,
occasioned by their settlement in Malta in 1530 (after they had lost possession of
Rhodes in 1522 to the Turks under Suleiman the Magnificent) and by the Great Siege
of Malta in 1565, when they inflicted defeat upon the invading Turks. Search of the
Archives of the Order of Malta at the National Library of Malta and of published
accounts of the Order have so far failed to locate the name Johann Levire: see Giacomo
Bosio, Dell’ Istoria della Sacra Religione et Ill.ma Militia di San Giovanni
Gierosolimitano (3 vols, 2nd Edition, Anto[nio] Parrino, Naples, 1734), Abbé René de
Vertot, The History of the Knights of Malta (English Edition, 2 vols, Strahan et al,
London, 1728/ facs Midsea Books Ltd, Valetta, 1989), Ernle Bradford (trans.),
Francisco Balbi di Correggio - The Siege of Malta 1565 (Penguin, London, 2003).
However, there is no reason to doubt Hentzschel’s statement since there is clear
evidence of direct diplomatic, family and military involvement of the Medici in the
affairs of the Order of Malta throughout this time. Passim references in the abovementioned books show, for example, that Duke Cosimo I of Florence prevented Leoni
Stozzi, a member of a rival noble family, from being elected Grand Master of the Order
in 1553; that members of the Medici extended family served in the Order, including
Camillo de’ Medici who fought at the Great Siege in 1565 and the commander
Hasdrubal de’ Medici who died in action during the same siege; and that his ship la
Fenice, together with its crew and military cargo, was in the relief fleet that set out from
Sicily on 6 September 1565. It is probably as the result of one or more of these
connections that Johann Levire made his way to Malta.
62
If Hentzschel’s claim is true, Simon Raudner must have been employed at the
Habsburg court at Graz where he was a teacher of the trumpet. However, his name does
not figure in the surviving 16th-century lists of the Imperial court trumpeters, whether
at Innsbruck, Graz, Vienna or Prague, although it must be noted that there are large
gaps in the records between 1530 and 1560: see Ruhnke, Beiträge zu einer Geschichte,
pp. 262-5.
63
Hentzschel’s remarks echo the statement made by Michael Praetorius in 1619 that
‘[the trumpet] is a magnificent instrument when a good master comes upon it who can
well and artfully control and rule it. And it is remarkable that in the high [register]
almost all of the tones in order, as well as some semitones, may be produced on this
instrument, making possible the playing of all kinds of melodies without [the help of]
any slides (by which, of course, trombones are controlled)...’ (‘Ist ein herrlich
Instrument, wenn ein guter Meister/ der es wol vnd künstlich zwingen vnd regieren kan/
64
drüber kömpt: Und ist gleich zu verwundern/ daβ man ohne einige Züge/ (darmit
sonsten die Posaunen regieret werden) auff diesem Instrument in der höhe fast alle
Tonos nacheinander/ auch etliche Semitonia haben/ vnd allerley melodien zu wege
bringen kan…’: see Michael Praetorius, Syntagma musicum II: De Organographia
(Holwein, Wolfenbüttel, 1619/r Bärenreiter, Kassel-Basle, 2001), p. 32. In both cases
it is emphasised that this recalcitrant musical instrument is only enabled to perform
artfully through the application of the natural talent of particularly gifted people, rather
than through the employment of any unnatural mechanical devices. Employment of the
latter would, of course, reduce the element of awe at the achievement of the former.
64
Hentzschel draws upon his knowledge of the teaching of Aristotle, expressed in The
Politics, Book VIII, Chapter 6, 1340b33 and 1341a5, that Greek citizens should be
educated to be able to show discernment in their reception of music and to be ‘capable
of enjoying fine melodies and rhythms, and not just the feature common to all music,
which appeals even to some animals, and also to a great many slaves and children’: see
Thomas Alan Sinclair (trans.) & Trevor J. Saunders (rev.), Aristotle – The Politics
(Penguin, London, 1992), p. 469. The notion of the exclusivity of both the trumpet and
trumpet music to princes, lords, nobles and other high officials was later enshrined in
the ninth article of the first Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623.
65
The source of this anecdote is the second century AD Roman author and rhetorician
Claudius Aelianus, who noted in his Varia Historia, Book XIV, Chapter 8, that
‘…When a pupil of the aulos player Hippomachus made a mistake in playing but was
complimented by his auditors, Hippomachus struck him with his cane and said: “You
played badly; otherwise these people would not have complimented you.”…’: see Nigel
G. Wilson (ed. & trans.), Aelian – Historical Miscellany (Harvard University Press,
Cambridge, Massechussets & London, 1997), p. 459. Another version of the same story,
this time concerning ‘Hippomachus the trainer’ and ‘the athlete he was training’, is also
given by Aelianus in Book II, Chapter 6, of the Varia Historia: see ibidem, p 71.
The Greek rhetorician and grammarian from the same century Athenaeus notes
in the Deipnosophistia, Book XIV, sections 613 e-f, that ‘in olden times the feeling for
nobility was always maintained in the art of music… To-day, however, people take up
music in a haphazard and irrational manner. In early times popularity with the masses
was a sign of bad art; hence, when a certain aulos player once received loud applause,
Asopodorus of Phlius, who was himself still waiting in the wings, said “What’s this?
Something awful must have happened.” The player evidently could not have won
approval with the crowd otherwise. (I am aware that some persons have narrated this
story with Antigeneidas as the speaker.)’: see in Charles Burton Gulick (ed. & trans.),
Athenaeus – The Deipnosophists with an English Translation (7 vols, Heinemann Ltd,
London, & Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass, 1950), vi, p. 409. (Gulick
employs the term ‘flute-player’ in the passage quoted, which has been silently replaced
by the more accurate term ‘aulos player’.) Athenaeus notes in Book IV, section 131b,
that ‘Antigeneidas’ was an aulete who served King Cotys of Thracia: see ibidem, ii, p.
103. Obviously the notion that popularity automatically implies bad artistry was as
prevalent in the Classical Greek and Roman Eras as it is today in the continuing debate
concerning ‘popular’ and ‘high’ art forms.
66
The argument maintained in the present paragraph, that the trumpeters’ art was
associated exclusively with the nobility and was not meant to be shared with the
common people (whether musicians or otherwise), became enshrined in the eighth and
ninth articles of the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623.
67
The first wave of compositions in which trumpets played a purely musical part, rather
than sounded from their own repertory of trumpet signal music at suitable breaks in
65
others’ musical compositions, began fitfully in 25 December 1587 at the Bavarian court
at Munich, when the head trumpeter Cesare Bendinelli composed a trumpet ensemble
piece to follow a related five-part setting of the Vespers hymn Fit porta Christi pervia
which may have been made by the court Kapellmeister Orlando di Lasso. The new
movement only began to gain momentum after Michael Praetorius had his polychoral
setting of the Magnificat hymn Nun lob mein Seel’ den Herren performed at the
wedding of Duke Frederick Ulrich of Brunswick and Lüneburg at Wolfenbüttel on 4
September 1614. That there was theological opposition to this type of inclusion of
trumpets (and timpani) in sacred music is confirmed by the concentration of the
surviving sources of early concerted pieces in only some areas of the Lutheran
confession, such as Thuringia. However, and despite Hentzschel’s claim, this
movement was not an exclusively Lutheran phenomenon and this is shown by the
important contribution of Catholic Austria, particularly Imperial Vienna, at this time:
see Downey, The Trumpet and its Role in Music, i, pp. 114-7 and 122-157.
Hentzschel also refers here to another, but lesser known, conflict: the intraProtestant antagonism between Calvinist and Lutheran tendencies that had been on the
increase in the German-speaking Protestant territories since the last third of the 16th
century lands and that erupted at the Brandenburg court in Berlin in the second decade
of the 17th century when it converted to Calvinism. Part of this conflict concerned
service music. While the Lutherans positively promoted the employment of ornate
service music, including the concerted settings with vocal and instrumental parts
described by Hentzschel, the Calvinists took a very strict view and censured the
employment of musical instruments entirely: see Sachs, Musik und Oper, pp. 51-2 and
56.
68
Reference is made here to the story of the daughter of Jairus as it is recounted in the
Gospel according to Matthew, Chapter 9, verses 18-26, where there is mention of the
contribution of wind instrumentalists and wailers to funeral mourning. Descriptions of
religious ceremonies that are found in the Old Testament indicate a more differentiated
practice in which musical instruments were associated with celebratory ceremonies and
funeral ceremonies were marked by the singing of lamentations, often by professional
mourners. The story of the daughter of Jairus indicates that this division had become
blurred by the time of the New Testament and that musical instrumentalists were also
participating in the funeral rites. This intrusion came to be interpreted as a growing
eschatological belief that death was not an end in itself but marked a transition to the
new and eternal state that would be prefaced by the Last Judgement.
Hentzschel may have come across this particular association through reading
the work of Michael Praetorius, particularly chapter 11 ‘De Tuba & Buccina’ of the
section ‘Theoria Organices Sioniae’: see Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, pp. 123-124.
In the Vulgate the instrumentalists are described as ‘tibicines’ - literally ‘pipers’ – and
this is translated as ‘Pfeiffer’ in the Biblia Germanica. Although the term Pfeiffer
formally indicated musicians who played instruments such as shawms, cornets and
trombones, it was also employed generically in the German-speaking world to represent
all types of wind and brass instruments. For example, it was with the latter meaning in
mind that Samuel Scheidt described the two optional trumpet parts in his setting of the
Christmas hymn In dulci jubilo à 8 et 10 from the collection Cantiones Sacrae (Hering,
Hamburg, 1620) as suitable for performance by ‘duabus tibijs minoribus (vulgo
clarien)’, that is ‘two small pipes (commonly known as clarino [trumpets])’: see
Gottlieb Harms et al (eds.), Samuel Scheidts Werke (13 vols., Hamburg, 1923-65), iv
(1933), pp. 70-5, or Downey, The Trumpet and its Role, i, p. 149, ii, pp. 121-4, and iii,
pp. 183-194.
66
The Biblia Germanica reads ‘Gott feret auff mit jauchzen/ Vnd der HERR mit heller
Posaune’. The phrase ‘mit heller Posaune’ is represented in the Vulgate as Psalm 46 by
the phrases ‘in voce tubae’ (Septuagint) and ‘in voce bucinae’ (Hebrew).
70
The Biblia Germanica version reads ‘Singet frölich Gotte/ der vnser Stercke ist/
Jauchtzet dem Gott Jacob. Nemet die Psalmen/ vnd gebet her die Paucken/ Lieblich
Harffen mit Psaltern. Blaset im Newmonden die Posaunen In vnserm Feste der
Laubrust’. The phrase ‘Blaset im NewMonden die Posaunen’ is given in the Vulgate as
Psalm 80 by the phrases ‘bucinate in neomenia tuba’ (Septuagint) and ‘clangite in
neomenia bucina’ (Hebrew).
71
The Biblia Germanica reads ‘JAuchtzet dem HERRN alle Welt/ Singet/ rhümet vnd
lobet. Lobet den HERRn mit Harffen/ Mit Harffen vnd Psalmen. Mit Drometen vnd
Posaunen/ Jauchtzet fur dem HERRN dem Könige‘. The phrase ‘Mit Drometen vnd
Posaunen’ is given in the Vulgate as Psalm 97 by the phrases ‘in tubis ductilibus et voce
tubae corneae’ (Septuagint) and ‘in tubis et clangore bucinae’ (Hebrew).
72
The Biblia Germanica reads ‘LObet den HERRN in seinem Heiligthum/ Lobet jn in
der Feste seiner Macht. Lobet jn in seinen Thaten/ Lobet jn in seiner grossen
Herrligkeit. Lobet jn mit Posaunen. The phrase ‘mit Posaunen’ is given in the Vulgate
as Psalm 150 by the phrases ‘in sono tubae’ (Septuagint) and ‘in clangore bucinae’
(Hebrew).
73
The ‘outward sign’ is a key component of ‘the greatest good’ according to Aristotle,
for example, in The Politics, Book III, Chapter ix, sections 1280b29 and 1281a10: see
Sinclair & Saunders, The Politics, pp.197-8; with regard to music, see also 1339a30,
ibidem, p. 462.
74
The Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 were drawn up partly to enable properly
trained trumpeters to ‘enjoy honour and virtue’.
75
The rank of ‘Cornet-rider’, or ‘Cornet’, was a commissioned position in a cavalry
troop and it referred to the officer responsible for carrying the troop’s colours.
76
This section introduces the long-awaited references to anecdotes concerning
trumpeters in the writings of the Classical Greek and Roman world. Hentzschel seems
to have considered these stories as illustrations of philosophical principles, rather than
as examples of actual, praiseworthy trumpeters so that many of the expected names are
missing. As was noted in endnote 49 above, he may also have been motivated by an
aversion to the presentation of non-Jewish or non-Christian role models as historical
persons, rather than philosophical examples.
77
The stories given in the two paragraphs concern episodes in the lives of Empedocles
and Pythagoras, respectively. Their original source is to be found in Boethius’ De
institutione musicae, Book I, Chapter 1: see G. Friedlein (ed.), Anicii Manlii Torquati
Severinui Boetii De Institutiione Arithmetica Libri Duo De Institutione Musica Libri
Quinque (Leipzig, 1867, facs Minerva GMBH, Frankfurt-am-Main, 1966), p. 184, line
10 – p. 185, line 26; see also Oliver Strunck, Source Readings in Music History I Antiquity and Middle Ages (Norton, New York and London, 1965), pp. 82-3; see also
J. Donald Cullington, ‘That liberal and virtuous art’: three humanist treatises on music
(University of Ulster, Newtownabbey, Co Antrim, 2001), pp. 34 and 51.
78
In Ad adolescentes, Chapter VIII, lines 32-43: see Nigel G. Wilson (ed.), Saint Basil
on the Value of Greek Literature (Duckworth, London, 1975), p. 29, where the musician
is named Timotheus. The same forename is used in the Suda Lexicon under the Adler
references alpha 1122, tau 620 and omicron 573: see Ada Adler (ed.), Suidae Lexicon
(5 vols., B G Teubner, Leipzig, 1928-38), i, p 103 (alpha 1122), and iii, pp 556-7 (tau
620) and 588 (omicron 573); an English translation is underway in the internet project
Suda On Line at http://www.stoa.org/sol (accessed on 3 January 2009).
69
67
The other accounts of the story give him different forenames. He is named
Antigenidas by Plutarch in the section of the Moralia concerning ‘On the Fortune or
the Virtue of Alexander’, 335A: see Frank Cole Babbitt et al, Plutarch’s Moralia (16
vols., William Heinemann Ltd, London, & Harvard University Pres, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1927-1969), iv, p. 431; by Athenaeus in the Deipnosophistia, XII, 538f,
and XIII, 565a: see Gulick, ATHENAEUS – The Deipnospohists, v, pp. 437 and 565a,
respectively; and by Dio Chrysostom in the first section of the Oratio concerning ‘On
Kingship’: see James Wilfred Cohoon, Dio Chrysostom (5 vols., William Heinemann
Ltd, London, & G P Putnam’s Sons, New York, 1932-1951), i, p. 3).
Seneca identifies the musician as Xenophantes in the second section of Book 2
De Ira of his Opera Moralis: see John W. Basore (trans.), Lucius Annasus Seneca.
Moral Essays (3 vols., William Heinemann Ltd, London, & Harvard University Press,
Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1928-35/r 1951-64), i, pp. 170 (Latin original) and 171
(English translation). Interestingly, and despite the reading in the English translation
that ‘Xenophantus played the flute’, the Latin original only claims that it was ‘with the
musicmaking of Xenophantus’ (‘Xenophanto canente’) that Alexander was affected,
although it is clear that the episode described by Seneca is based on the Timotheus
story.
Timotheus is also variously described as a player of either the aulos or the
trumpet in the sources. Indeed, the treatise Complexus Effectum Musices by Johannes
Tinctoris, which survives in two sources, includes the story and indicates his profession
as tibicen in one of the sources and as tubicen in the other: see Cullington, That liberal
and virtuous art, pp. 81 (Latin text), 64 (English translation) and 72, endnote 56.
Alexander’s musician Timotheus is often confused with, and even identified
with, the cithara-player Timothy of Miletus. The variant name Antigenidas employed
by Seneca may be connected in some way with an aulos player called Antigenidas who
played at the wedding of Iphicrates to the daughter of the Thracian king Cotys (r. 383358 BC) and who was later mentioned by Athenaeus in the Deipnosophistia, IV, 131b,
and see Gulick, ATHENAEUS – The Deipnospohists, ii, p. 103.
Hentzschel’s source of the story may have come from one of two influential 16th
century publications, either Baldassare Castiglione’s Il libro del cortegiano (1528) or
Vincenzo Galilei’s Dialogo della musica antica, et della moderna (1581), rather than
from the classical writers. Convenient English translations of the story as found in the
two sources may be found in Oliver Strunck & Leo Treitler (eds.), Source Readings in
Music History (WW Norton & Company Inc, New York & London, 1998), pp. 326
(Castiglione in Thomas Hoby’s translation of 1561), and 466 (Galilei).
79
This recommendation was not included among the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges
until 1650, when Elector Johann Georg II of Saxony, patron and adjudicator of the
Trumpeters’ Guild, issued an amendment condemning performance on trombones
which were played in a trumpet–like manner after the style of the trumpet ensemble:
see in Altenburg, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Trompete, iii, pp. 92-4.
80
The preamble to the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 includes as one of its
justifications the need to counter the serious abuses of the apprenticeship training
system that had led to an abundance of untrained or partially-trained trumpeters in
princely and noble employment.
81
It was a long-standing custom for newly-qualified trumpeters to gain experience in
military service with cavalry regiments before settling down to life as an honourable
trumpeter in noble employment. It also became a matter of honour, so that military
service was considered by ‘honourable’ trumpeters to be at least as important as their
more musical duties at the courts and in the cities. The title of ‘Field Trumpeter’ was
68
much sought after and also treasured by trumpeters until the demise of the court trumpet
establishments during the late 18th century, much more so than the other, more musical
title of ‘Court Trumpeter’.
82
The Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 were codified to counter such longstanding abuses. Article 1 restricted the number of apprentices that a teacher could have
at one time to one, with a penalty of 50 Reichsthaler. No exceptions were permitted and
trumpeters who were asked - or ordered - by their noble employers to accept two or
more apprentices at one time were authorised to refuse the instruction. The restriction
was eased in the 1630 to permit a trumpeter to teach his son at the same time as the
apprentice. Article 5 of the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 fixed the
apprenticeship fee at 100 Reichsthaler, while Article 10 prevented newly-qualified
trumpeters from accepting apprentices in his turn for at least seven years after his own
release from apprenticeship.
83
This paragraph may contain an attack on the ‘Hausmann’ (also known as
‘Turmmann’), an employee attached to noble residences, cities and towns, whose
general duties included the playing of trumpet signals from the tower at certain times
of the day. The trumpeting duty attached to this position had been under attack from
court trumpeters for much of the 16th century so that, for instance, the Hausmann at a
noble residence was permitted to play the trumpet only when there were no noble
trumpeters present. Even this restricted trumpeting duty was removed by the early 17th
century.
84
Article 8 of the Imperial Trumpet Privileges of 1623 restricted tower musicians to
their watch towers when they played the trumpet. An exception was made in the 1653
revision of the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges in that trumpeters employed in the free
and imperial cities that had received imperial permission to employ trumpeters were
not categorised as the tower musicians but continued to be considered as honourable
trumpeters.
85
This story is recounted by Strabo in the Geographicon, Book XIV, Part 2, Chapter
21: see Jones, The Geography of Strabo, vi, p. 291. In the original story the bell was
rung to announce the opening of the fish-market. In the Hellenic age, Iasus (or Iasos)
was a harbour town situated on an island just off the mainland of the province of Caria
and roughly midway between Halicarnassus and Miletus. The ruins of the ancient
settlement are to be found today beside the modern town of Kiyikişlacik in the province
of Muğla in Turkey.
86
The postscript to the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 includes an exhortion to
the nobility to treat honourable trumpeters with respect and decency and to endow their
art with honour and advantage.
87
Athenaeus reports in the Deipnospohistai, Book XIV, Section 623, that the famous
cithara player and singer Amoebus, who lived in Athens, was able to attract one Attic
talent for a day’s performance: see Gulick, Athenaeus – The Deipnospohists, vi, p. 361.
In ancient Greece the Attic talent was considered equal in coinage to 300 stater or 6000
drachma, and in value to almost 26 kilograms of silver. Hentzschel apparently equates
the ‘stater’ with his ‘Krohne’. It is not clear whether he considers the ‘Krohne’ to be
equivalent to either the contemporary Reichsthaler or the Gulden (the latter was also
known as the Florin). The size of Amoebus’ daily earnings may be gauged by
comparison with Caspar Hentzschel’s annual salary at the Berlin court in 1621, 300
Reichsthaler (approximately 375 Gulden): see Sachs, Musik und Oper, p. 160.
88
Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony and his descendants were appointed to the position
of patron and adjudicator of the Imperial Trumpeters’ and Kettledrummers’ Guild in
the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623.
69
89
Hentzschel is careful in his request for better conditions and balances the hope for
prestige (that is, for better pay and conditions) with the repeated mantra concerning
recognition of fame (that is, better appreciation of the value of their work). Tinctoris
accounts for the difference between the two in a different context, that of the great
composers of his time, in the Complexus effectum musices, lines 167-9, but the same
argument holds in the present instance: ‘Who does not heap supreme praise on those
whose compositions, circulated throughout the world, fill God’s churches, kings’
palaces and private houses with supreme sweetnes? I pass over those many musicians
who have been granted uncommon riches and honours, since whatever prestige they
have gained from these is in no way comparable with the undying fame which the
foremost composers have laid up for themselves. The first is fortune’s work, the second
is virtue’s’. (‘Quis eos summis laudibus non prosequitur, quorum conpositiones per
universum orbem divulgatæ Dei templa, regum palatial, privatorum domos summa
dulcedine replent? Taceo plurimos musicos eximiis opibus dignitatibusque donatos,
quoniam et si honores ex his adepti sunt, famæ immortali quam primi compositors sibi
extenderunt, minime sunt conferendi. Illus enim fortunæ, istud autem virtutis opus es.’):
see Cullington, That liberal and virtuous art, pp. 65-6 and 83.
90
The Gebetlein begins with a section that is inspired by the fourth verse of the hymn
Allein zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ, the first verse of which has inspired the second verse
of the Geistlich Lied: see endnote 92 below.
91
See Martin Luther’s hymn Gott sei gelobet und gebenedeiet; the associated melody
is found in Johann Walther’s Geistliche Gesangbuchlein of 1524.
92
See Konrad Hubert’s hymn Allein zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ; the associated melody is
found in the broadsheet Eyn schön Lied, (Wittenberg, 1541).
93
See Hans Vogel’s hymn Singen wir aus Herzen Grund; the associated melody is in
the Straβburger Liederbuch of 1589.
94
See Martin Moller’s hymn Nimm von uns, Herr, du treuer Gott from 1598; the
associated melody is the plainchant-derived melody used for the Vater unser in
Himmelreich.
95
See Martin Luther’s hymn Christum wir sollen loben schon; the plainchant-derived
melody is in Enchiridion (Erfurt, 1524).
96
For a possible source, see Hilf uns o Herre Gott in the Straβburger Liederbuch of
1560.
97
See Petrus Herbert’s hymn Preis, Lob und Dank sei Gott dem Herren; an associated
melody is included in the Geneva Psalter of 1551.