In Defence of the Knightly Art of the Trumpet ____ Caspar Hentzschel’s Oratorischer Hall und Schall... der Rittermessigen Kunst der Trommeten 1620 A diplomatic edition and annotated translation with an introduction by Peter Downey 0 Published by Peter Downey 2 Lady Wallace Lane Lisburn BT28 3WT Northern Ireland © Peter Downey 1 April 2011 I ndil chuimhne ar m-athair Gearóid Mac Giolla Domhnaigh (9ú Eanair 1926 - 9ú Bealtaine 2008) Frontispiece: Title page illustration from Verzeichnuβ der Durchleuchtigsten/Hochgebornen Fürsten vnd Herren/ Herren Hanβ Georgen Churfürsten zu Sachsen/ ec. Vnd Johan Sigmundt Churfürsten zu Brandenburg/ ec. Sampt andern Fürsten/ Grafen vnd Herren Einzug/ zu Naumburg auff die Churfürstl. Versamblung/ An. 1614 (Johann Schultes; Augsburg, 1614) [Staats- und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, Signatur 4 Gs Flugschr. 765] 1 Introduction The Oratorischer Hall und Schall vom löblichen Ursprung, lieblicher Anmuth und empfindlichen Nutzen der rittermessigen Kunst der Trommeten, which may be rendered in English as the Oratorical peal and call on the commendable origin, amiable charm and proper employment of the knightly art of the trumpet, is an important document in the history of trumpet-playing. It was written by the Electoral Brandenburg court trumpeter Caspar Hentzschel (fl. 1612-1621) and published in quarto format by the Electoral Brandenburg court printer Georg Runge in Berlin, and it bears the date of registration 2 August 1620. The single surviving copy is preserved in the Musikabteilung of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preuβischer Kulturbesitz in Berlin and bears the shelf number Mus. ant. theor. H 30. Three sets of handwritten entries indicate a history of ownership. Two belong to Electoral Brandenburg court trumpeters: Heinrich Jo[a]chim who was a colleague of the author and who is known to have served at the court between 1623 and 1631, when he inscribed the colophon Fear God and love the art, And you will have favour from all men; 1 and Johann Christoff Schober[t] junior, who was in service from 1693 until 1713, when the court musical establishment was disbanded, and who witnessed the change from the Electorate of Brandenburg to the Kingdom of Prussia in 1701. 2 The third entry, actually a pair of entries, indicates that the book come into the possession of the scholar and writer Johann Gottlieb Ludwig Carl Dielitz (17811845) in Berlin on 1 January 1817 and it includes a counter-colophon inspired by enlightenment: Love God and Science! Both are courage and strength That to you on leaving this life There will be given the crown. 3 The Oratorischer Hall und Schall was issued during the opening phase of the Thirty Years’ War in the face of increasingly adverse conditions, and forms a petition for the promotion of the ‘knightly art of the trumpet’ and the protection of the trumpeters (and, by extension, timpanists) employed at the aristocratic and noble courts and in the imperial and free cities of the Holy Roman Empire by means of the establishment of a formal guild mechanism and the regularisation of a time-honoured system of apprenticeship training. Its success, may be measured by the fact that the Imperial Trumpeters’ Guild was instituted with the confirmation of regulatory articles, most of which had been articulated by Hentzschel, by the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II at Regensburg on 27 February 1623. 2 The Historical Background This was not the first time that the notion of the formation of a trumpeters’ guild had been raised. Among the outworkings of the Council of Florence (14381445) had been recognition that the calling of the musician (including the trumpeter), among others, was ‘honourable’ - at least under controlled circumstances - so that musicians had become eligible to receive Holy Communion during divine service. In the German lands this quickly led to the invitation for musicians to consider forming fraternal, regulated associations, as is certainly the case with respect to the letter from 1458 that was issued by Count Ulrich V of Württemberg (1413-1480) to ‘the trumpeters, pipers, luteplayers and instrumentalists’ in his lands. 4 Initial attention came to focus on the replacement of feudal practice in which the musicians employed by one noble, aristocrat, or free and imperial city could expect to receive ‘ring money’ (coins, gifts or trinkets) at any court or city that they visited with more the modern formalisation of their status with salaried positions and associated freedoms. This is illustrated by the regular policy announcements that issued from Imperial Diets between 1497 and 1577. 5 It was only in 1548 that attention turned once more to the formation of fraternal associations with the publication of the ‘Reformation guter Policey’ at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg which included imperial support for pipers and trumpeters, among others, to form and regulate guilds or other types of fraternal association; this permission was reissued during the Imperial Diets in 1551 and 1577. 6 While all of this had been occurring the privilege of maintaining trumpeters, previously exclusive to the aristocracy and nobility, was gradually widening and had come to embrace the free and imperial cities, a process that began in 1426 when the imperial city of Augsburg was awarded the privilege of maintaining city trumpeters by King Sigismund of the Romans (born in 1368, King of the Romans from 1410 and Holy Roman Emperor from 1433 until his death in 1437). Moreover the unique function of the trumpeter in both court ceremonial and military practice that had historically created some distance between trumpeters - who were accorded high esteem - and other instrumentalists, including watchmen-trumpeters in towns and villages, and trumpeters in irregular cavalry units - who occupied an inferior social position widened as the former increasingly recognised and enjoyed the benefits accruing from their higher status and their association with the knightly class. As the courts had changed from itinerant to located and as the aristocracy and nobility had increasingly invested in court music, initially in the realm of sacred music through the establishment of court chapel choirs and subsequently in the growing area of secular music through the development of court instrumental groups, so too had the court trumpeters managed to extend their remit by supplying the core personnel of the latter establishments; at some courts trumpeters assumed responsibility for the choir also. It helped, of course, that 3 for much of the 15th and 16th centuries the central component of the court musical instrumentarium was the aerophone: the lip-vibrated cornett and trombone, the reed-vibrated shawm, dulcian, crumhorn, and bagpipe, the edgevibrated transverse flute, and the duct-vibrated recorder. This position began to change adversely during the second third of the century as chordophones such as the families of viols and violins increasingly came to characterise secular court instrumental music and caused the wind music to move into the background. It is of interest that many of the musicians responsible for the early dissemination of the new and fashionable string music from its Italian place of origin were themselves trumpeters. Although they also brought with them a new ‘Italian style’ of trumpet music – the trumpet ensemble sonatas and the processional pieces, or Aufzüge – and thus extended to the trumpet the beginnings of what would become a meaningful and leading role in composed part-music (as opposed to its historical engagement in functional music), the result was the gradual replacement of the trumpeter-musician with the designated instrumentalist in the instrumental ensembles and the retreat of the trumpeter to the court trumpet ensemble. A few of the courts, and particularly the Habsburg courts, continued to invest in the trumpeter-musician, but this soon became the exception rather than the rule. 16th In normal circumstances the implications of the change could have been ameliorated through flexible accommodation, as had happened previously. However, there were other pressures that caused increasing problems, including the belligerent encroachment of the Ottoman Empire in the southeastern part of the Holy Roman Empire, the military challenge to Habsburg rule in the Spanish Netherlands, and the emergence of anti-Habsburg policy in France, England and elsewhere. Matters came to a head when the internal religious differences between Catholic, Lutheran and Calvinist, not to mention the continuing problem with the Hussites in Bohemia, ceased to be contained within the framework of the Peace of Augsburg (1555) and its maxim cuius regio, eius et religio. The increasing militarism of the second half of the 16 th century that had seen marauding groups of mercenary soldiers, cavalry as well as infantry, in many parts of the Empire, the emergence of opposing alliances culminating in the Protestant Union (1608) and its counterpart the Catholic League (1609), the War of the Jülich-Kleve Succession (1609 -1614), and finally the Defenestration of Prague (1618) and the outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) all had a devastating negative impact on the court and city trumpeters. Empire-wide mass-mobilisation of military forces meant that additional trumpeters were required for the vastly increased numbers of companies of cavalry at the rate of two trumpeters for each troop of around sixty-six horse. 7 The result was an influx of untrained and partially-trained, native and foreign trumpeters, the recruitment into the cavalry of unauthorised 4 town trumpeters, and also the accelerated and only partial training of apprentice trumpeters in large numbers by unscrupulous court and city trumpeters. If the implications for the smooth and effective operation of massed cavalry regiments on the battlefield are obvious enough, the impact on the court and city trumpeters was severe enough to be viewed by them (and by many of the aristocrats and nobles they served) as potentially disastrous. The Oratorischer Hall und Schall The response of the court and city trumpeters was crystallised in Caspar Hentzschel’s book the Oratorischer Hall und Schall of 1620, an attempt to expose and reverse the deterioration, and to expedite the regulation and control of the art of the trumpeter both formally and legally. The Oratorischer Hall und Schall comprises twenty-three folios in quarto format. The title-page occupies the first verso and it is followed on folios Aij-[Aiijv] by a four-page dedication to King Frederick I of Bohemia (1596-1632), the ‘Winter King’. This was an unfortunate choice of dedicatee since Frederick, the former Elector Frederick V Palatine (r. 1610-23) who had been elected by the Protestant Estates of Bohemia and crowned in Prague on 4 November 1619, would soon be defeated by the Emperor Ferdinand II (1578-1637), who had already been crowned King of Bohemia in 1617, at the Battle of the White Mountain on 8 November 1620, after which he lived in exile and mainly at The Hague. The main body of the text occupies folios [Aiv]-Eiijv and its thirty-two pages are organised following the basic humanistic plan of the time. After presenting an initial rationale for the book on folios [Aiv]-[Bjv], Hentzschel finds justification for the knightly art of the trumpeter by discussing in turn the ‘three wisest masters’, respectively the Divine, the Human and the Natural. The section on the Divine Master occupies folios [Bjv]-[Biijv] and includes sources of evidence from both the Old and New Testaments of the Bible. This is followed on folios [Biijv]-[Cjv] by discussion of the Human Masters, beginning with ‘sacred’ masters, renowned trumpeters and patrons who are mentioned in the Old Testament. In a departure from standard practice in which reference would be made to the classical Greek and Roman worlds, Hentzschel then engages in discussion of ‘secular’ trumpeters and patrons master of more recent times on folios [Cjv]-Ciij. He first describes ‘a book belonging to a trumpeter from London’ containing trumpet music that was ‘composed [up to] 300 years ago’ and gives the names of trumpeters mentioned in the manuscript. The interpolation illustrates the extent of the connections between trumpeters in Western Europe, in this instance between the royal trumpet music of contemporary England, the early 16th century trumpeting practices of the royal Scottish court and the late-15th century trumpeting tradition that had arrived there from Northern Italy. 8 Hentzschel follows it with mention to varying degrees of accuracy of a number of noble patrons from the 5th century AD to 5 his present-day, the latter of which is achieved with the strategic inclusion of praise for a possible future employer, King Christian IV of Denmark! A short paragraph on the Natural Master follows on folios Ciij-[Ciijv] and closes this section of the book. Having identified the masters, Hentzschel proceeds on folios [Ciij v]-Diij to explore the reasons why the art of the trumpeter merited such powerful patrons and practitioners in the past and to argue the case for its continued support in the future. He argues for the exclusivity of the art and on its beneficial participation in the commonwealth as an ‘outward sign’. To do so he draws on his knowledge of the teachings of Aristotle, his readings from the classical Greek and Roman worlds (although not as many as would be expected, perhaps to a particular religious scruple of the author), supplements this with renewed reference to the Old and New Testaments, and then clinches the argument by referring to the forms and genres of his contemporary ceremonial and military music and to the, at that time nascent, engagement of the trumpet in concerted sacred music. By arguing for the use of musical instruments in church Hentzschel was both promoting the Lutheran avant garde and also differing with the Reformed, or Calvinist, tradition of both his dedicatee and his employer, although it is noteworthy that the monarch and elector held their adherence to the Reformed Church as personal and without implications for their Lutheran subjects. Having satisfied himself as to the essential and civilising effect of the art of the trumpeter, on folios [Div]-[Ejv] Hentzschel provides justification for the social separation of the trumpeter from all other musicians and then describes and attacks the abuses and offences caused by unscrupulous and miscreant trumpeters. The language is colourful and the Hentzschel’s emotional engagement in the argument is found in the extent and type of detail that he supplies. The ground has now been prepared for the final section on folios [Ejv][Eiijv] and the promotion of the necessity for the cultivation of the knightly art solely by ‘honourable people’ and the argument for remuneration commensurate with the special status that the court and city trumpeters had earned through continued faithful service. In this Hentzschel directs particular attention to the important roles of his former employer, Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony (1585-1656), and his current lord, Elector Georg Wilhelm of Brandenburg (1595-1640), in promoting the art and concludes the main text with the hope that ‘it will come to pass that the honourable, honest and artistic trumpeter will find his art held in high esteem and not misused’. The main text is followed by a number of verse compositions by Hentzschel. A ‘Gebetlein’ follows on folios Eiijv-[Eiv] and takes the form of a short prayer of supplication on behalf of the art of the trumpeter set in rhyming octo-syllabic couplets apart from the final line of nine syllables. Another 6 supplication is found on folios [Eivv]-[Fiijv] in the form of the ‘Geistlich Lied’, a sacred song whose sixteen verses were probably not intended to be sung to any particular melody since the verse structure is very variable; the ultimate sources of many of its individual stanzas may be identified and derive from the corpus of contemporary Lutheran hymnody. Finally, the space remaining on folio [Fiijv] is filled by the ‘Reymen’, a doggerel verse of five lines in which the benefits of good salary and booty in the affairs of war are indicated. The Author The trumpeter Caspar Hentzschel is an important figure in the history of the trumpet on account of his articulation of the early 17th-century consensus of the trumpeters of the courts and the imperial and free cities of the Holy Roman Empire, that their precarious situation required the formal establishment of a protective guild as a critical imperative. He is also one of those minor figures in the history of music whose life story is encountered only very fleetingly and tantalisingly. Yet the traces that do emerge provide a surprisingly rich insight into the person behind the name. Caspar Hentzschel first enters into the historical record in 1612 when he was appointed as a trumpeter to the Electoral Saxon court in Dresden and where he was still serving in 1614. 9 If this was his first appointment and if it followed a ‘normal’ two-year apprenticeship with a master trumpeter and a further four years as a journeyman, then this would indicate that Hentzschel was born around 1592. 10 A plausible sketch of his early years may be attempted in light of incidental details and hints that are included in the Oratorischer Hall und Schall. He may have been born in Saxony and he may have served as a boy chorister in a Lutheran church; this is suggested by his promotion of Lutheran orthodoxy and his dislike for both the Catholic and Calvinist (or ‘Reformed’) denominations; by his use of the vernacular of Luther’s translation of the Bible when quoting from it; and by his modelling of stanzas from a variety of Lutheran hymns in his own Geistlich Lied, a pseudo-hymn that forms the penultimate part of the Oratorischer Hall und Schall and that was probably never intended to be sung on account of the disparate nature of its component stanzas. 11 After his voice broke he may have been apprenticed to a court head trumpeter (apprentice trumpeters were often selected from the ranks of former boy choristers); this is implicit in his mention of his master (on folio CIIJ: see pages 29 and 30), his fierce advocacy of the exclusive role of the court trumpeter corps in the regulation and training of apprentices and of its special connection with the aristocracy and nobility. It is likely that Hentzschel continued to serve at the Saxon court for some time after 1614 although the paucity of Saxon court account books (the HofeBűcher) from the early 17th century makes this impossible to verify. Nonetheless, and whether he was employed at Dresden as a mounted 7 trumpeter (a ‘Trompter zu roβ’) on an annual salary of 171 Florins 9 Groschen or as a household trumpeter (a ‘Trompter zu fuβ’) on 120 Florins, 12 he was a member of a leading trumpet corps at one of the most forward-looking German courts. He was certainly present at the Princes’ Day at Naumburg on 30 March 1614 to which the principal delegates, Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony and Elector Johann Sigismund of Brandenburg (who used the gathering to demonstrate their brotherly friendship and political unity of purpose) came to the assembly complete with entourages that included their respective entire trumpeter corps. 13 He may also have been present at Wolffenbüttel on 4 September 1614 for the wedding of Friederich-Ulrich, Duke of BraunschweigLüneburg to Anne-Sophie, Countess of Brandenburg and Duchess of Prussia. On such occasions he would have been introduced ‘to the magnificent and princely music’ style (‘zur prachtigen vnd Fürstlichen Music’) of the at-that-time peripatetic Kapellmeister Michael Praetorius, including the composer’s Epithalamium for the lducal wedding, his polychoral concerto ‘Nun lob mein Seel’ den Herren à 13 &17 mit Trompetten vnnd Heerpaucken’ with which the concept of the participation of the court trumpet ensemble in composed music was concretised. 14 He may then have participated in the performance of Heinrich Schütz’ first composition in the new manner, the polychoral concerto ‘Psalmus 136 à 13 mit Trommeten vnd Heerpaucken: Dancket den Herrn, denn er ist freundlich’ which may have been composed for the Reformation Centenary celebrations in 1617. At any rate, it is certain that Hentzschel was a convinced supporter of the musical participation of the trumpet in concerted sacred music, in addition to the instrument’s time-honoured functional roles. As ‘Caspar Hentschel’ he next found employment in the new musical establishment of Duke Johann Philipp (r.1618-1639) of Saxe-Altenburg at his court in Altenburg in 1618. His appointment was at an annual salary of 104 Gulden, plus 22 Florins and 6 Groschen for hay and straw and 2 Florins and 6 groschen for horseshoes for his horse. Hentzschel’s salary was larger than the salaries paid to the other four trumpeters and one timpanist who were also employed at the court (they each received 96 Florins and the trumpeters, the same allowances for their horses) and it is most likely that his higher salary indicates that his role at the court was that of the head trumpeter. 15 Together with his trumpeter colleagues, he left the Altenburg court in 1620. Hentzschel then took up employment at the Electoral Brandenburg court at Berlin-Cölln shortly before the publication of the Oratorischer Hall vnd Schall in 1620, since he describes himself as a ‘Churf. Brandenb. Hoff- vnd FeldTrommeter’ on the title-page of the book. In 1910 Curt Sachs noted a now-lost court document from 1621 in which was recorded the appointment of ‘Henschell, Caspar, Klarinbläser’ on an annual salary of 300 Reichsthaler; the document must have been an ex post facto record since, as has been noted, he was already in post in the previous year. 16 Sachs noted that the court records were very incomplete; their subsequent history – the deposition of the various archives at 8 Berlin-Dahlem in 1924, their dispersal and loss during World War II, and their subsequent division between the Western and Eastern zones of Germany and reclassification on both sides of the East-West divide, before their reassembly and return to the Geheime Staatsarchiv Preuβischer Kulturbesitz at BerlinDahlem in 1999 – has added significantly to the losses, so that his book is essential in supplying information from documents that are now otherwise missing or destroyed. 17 Hentzschel’s annual remuneration of 300 Reichsthaler was very high for a trumpeter at the court, where the usual salary at this time was more modest and between 40 and 60 Reichsthaler. The elevated salary may reflect high regard for Hentzschel’s trumpeting ability - according to Sachs only two other trumpeters received comparable salaries at this time, the English ‘Klarinbläser’ Lambert Blome (or Bloome) on 220 Florins and Hanns Reimar on 200 Florins, 18 and both were also mentioned in a document dated 1621 - and it may also owe much to the wish of the new Elector Georg Wilhelm (r. 1619-1640) to put his own personal stamp on the court musical establishment. During the early years of his reign Elector Georg Wilhelm appointed a number of other instrumentalists and singers at similar, and also at much higher, salaries and emulated a trend begun by Elector Johann Sigismund (r.1608 -1619) to enhance the prestige of the court through, among other things, the expansion of the musical establishment and its embellishment through the acquisition of the services of important musicians and composers at great expense. The outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War on 23 May 1618 put an end to such activity. Salaries soon plummeted and the musical establishment was severely retrenched following the removal of the court to Königsberg in East Prussia and the emergence of severe financial problems as electoral Brandenburg gradually became embroiled in the conflict despite the elector’s desperate attempts to steer a middle course. Assuming again that he was employed as a trumpeter, a terminus ante quem for the termination of Hentzschel’s employment in electoral Brandenburg may be established by another archival document, a copy of the revised Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 11 May 1630 accompanied by an open letter from the trumpeters of various courts, including electoral Saxony and electoral Brandenburg, for the adoption of the privileges at their respective, and other, courts. 19 Hentzschel’s name is missing from a comprehensive list of the electoral Brandenburg court trumpeter corps personnel, as may be shown by comparison with other archival information noted by Sachs and/or preserved in the Geheime Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Caspar Hentzschel finally disappears from the historical record at this point in time. It is apparent from the Oratorischer Hall und Schall that Caspar Hentzschel had received quite a broad, humanistic education. Apart from the 9 literary skills that he exhibits in the text of the booklet itself, his alreadymentioned background knowledge of biblical and other sacred texts is also matched by his selection of episodes from a range of ancient and more recent, historical, geographical and philosophical texts to promote his case. Hentzschel identifies only one book - Sebastian Münster’s Cosmographia (also known under the German title Cosmographey) which was first published by Sebastian Henricpetri at Basel in 1544 and enjoyed seventeen German reprints before 1620 – but other sources may be identified with diminishing degrees of certainty. For his bible-based arguments Hentzschel employed Martin Luther’s Biblia das ist die gantze Heilige Schrifft Deudsch extensively, while he probably consulted various Lutheran hymnals and prayer books to help develop his own Geistlich Lied and Gebetlein. He knew of, or was at least aware of, Boethius’ De institutione musicae and Vincenzo Galilei’s Dialogo della musica antica, et della moderna as well as the first volume of Michael Praetorius’ Syntagma Musicum. In dealing with the ancient world he employed Aristotle’s Politics, Claudius Aelianus’ Varia Historia, Athenaeus’ Deipnospohistai and Strabo’s Geographicon, while his examination of the more recent included St Basil’s Ad adolescentes, Ulrich von Richental’s Chronik des Constanzer Concils and Theophanes Continuatus’ Chronographia. The accuracy of the references can be variable and some of the more obvious deficiencies may be the result of oral transmission between generations of trumpeters: this is particularly the case in a garbled anecdote that may have originated in one of the Third, Fourth, or even the Sixth Crusade. Oral transmission is also the means by which he found out about the ‘famous’ 16th-century trumpeters he mentions in the text, yet, although they are otherwise no longer directly identifiable from the available archival records, their details accord very well with the more general contextual knowledge that is available. Hentzschel does not always choose to deliver his source texts faithfully, particularly when the original material is devoid of mention of the trumpet. In such cases he reworks the original and inserts some beneficial reference to the instrument in it! A good example of this procedure is found in his account of the sack of Aquileia by Attila the Hun in 452AD: the source text from Münster’s Cosmographia is embellished with the introduction of trumpeters to produce a ‘walls of Jericho’-type story. Hentzschel even modifies Luther’s translation of the Bible, for example, by silently substituting ‘Trommet’ for ‘Posaun’ or ‘Horn’ when the two last are in the original texts, or even by conflating different lines of text. On the other hand, he can also provide surprising accuracy on the most obscure matters, the best example of which is a very accurate account of a minor episode in the life of the Byzantine Emperor Theophilus Michael (r.829842 AD). The episode originates in a Greek-language chronicle that is known today as the Chronographica by Theophanes Continuatus; the 11th century 10 manuscript is an unicum that came from Byzantium and was included in the collection of the Bibliotheca Vaticana in Rome around 1455 (Cod. Vat. gr. 167); and the chronicle only became readily available much later with the publication in Paris of a Latin translation by Franciscus Combesisius O.F.M. in 1685 and under the title Scriptores post Theophanem. Hentzschel’s ability to retell the episode is a tribute both to his own background and also to the sophisticated nature of the trumpeter fraternity and its extensive and rich network of connections between trumpeters who were separated not only by geography but also by chronology. The Annotated Translation The Oratorischer Hall und Schall has been translated to produce a readable text in English that retains the flavour of Hentzschel’s the original German. Comparison of the transcription of the original text, which retains the original orthography, apart from the umlaut symbol ‘e‘ which has been replaced with the modern symbol ‘..’, with the translation is facilitated by placement of both texts in parallel. Both the dedication and main text in Hentzschel’s original are written in continuous prose. The original foliation has been indicated in the manner of the time so that, for example, the title page on the unfoliated verso of the first folio is headed with the indication ‘{[Ajv]}’, while change of folio in the main body of text is indicated by the insertion of the same type of indication at the point where it occurs. Although there has been no attempt to replicate the original make-up of individual lines in the prose, words that have been split and hyphenated due to change of folio retain the original split in the German text only; words that have been split and hyphenated due to their straddling two lines of text on the same folio have been silently united. Some headings have been introduced into the English translation to help the reader follow the train of the author’s thought more clearly. The three verse texts are presented in a similar manner, although the artless layout of the verse - which is to a large extent the result of the font chosen originally – has been preserved in the original language but regularised in the translation; intended metrical rhythms are easy enough to grasp. The translations are followed by an Annotated Commentary in which the sources of Hentzschel’s various stories and arguments, and also the possible sources of inspiration for his hymn verses, are considered at length and in the form of endnotes. 11 Caspar Hentzschel’s Oratorischer Hall und Schall... der Rittermessigen Kunst der Trommeten 1620 12 {[Ajv]} ORATORISCHER Hall vnd Schall/ Vom Löblichen vrsprung/ lieblicher anmuth vnd empfindlichen Nutzen Der Rittermessigen Kunst Der Trommeten/ Allen Trommeter Lesterern zur Wiederlegung/ Trommeter Freunden zur Erquickung/ Trommeter Schändern zur Warnung. Vorfertiget vnd auβgegangen Von CASPAR HENTZSCHELN, Churf. Brandenb. Hoff- vnd FeldTrommetern anjetzo zu Cölln an der Sprew. [Vignette] Gedruckt zum Berlin/ durch George Rungen/ Anno M. DC. XX. {Aij} [Vorrede] Dem Durchläuchtigsten/ Groβmächtigsten Fürsten vnnd Herrn/ Herrn FRIDERICO König in Böheimb/ Pfaltzgraff bey Rhein/ vnnd Churfürst/ Hertzog in Bäyern/ Marggraff in Mähren/ Hertzog in Lützelburg vnd Schlesien/ Marggraff in Ober vnnd NiederLausitz/ Meinem gnedigsten Könige vnd Herrn. DUrchleuchtigster/ Groβmächtigster König/ Gnedigster Herr. In erwegung meiner wenigen Person vnd geringen Standes erkenne ich mich nicht allein vor Ewer Kön: May: vnverdienten Unterthanen/ sondern auch vnwürdigen Diener. Wann ich aber erkenn vnd bedenck/ mit was Gnaden Ihr Königl: May: sich gegen der Trom̅eterkunst biβher erkläret/ vnd auch künfftig sich ereignen werde: Alβ wird mein Hertz durch 13 {[Ajv]} ORATORICAL peal and call on the commendable origin, amiable charm and proper employment of the knightly art of the trumpet, For the rebuttal of all slanderers of the trumpeter, refreshment of all friends of the trumpeter, [and] warning of all shamers of the trumpeter. Written and published by CASPAR HENTZSCHEL, ElectoralBrandenburg court- and field-trumpeter, presently at Cölln-on-theSpree. [Vignette] Printed in Berlin by George Runge, In the year 1620. {Aij} Foreword 20 To the most gracious, most powerful Prince and Master, Lord FREDERICK, King of Bohemia, Lord of the Rhine and Elector, Duke of Bavaria, Margrave of Moravia, Duke of Lützelburg and Silesia, Margrave of Upper and Lower Lausitz, 21 My most kind King and Master. MOst gracious, most powerful King, most kind Lord! When I consider my humble self and lowly position I realise that before Your R[oyal] H[ighness] I am not only an undeserving subject but also an unworthy servant. However, when I acknowledge and identify the grace with which Your R[oyal] H[ighness] has declared yourself in favour of the trumpeters’ art in the past and has also indicated for the future, then my heart 14 {[Aijv]} Vorrede solche von GOTT bescherte/ vnd vom Himmel verliehene Ehr zu allen ehrlichen löblichen vnd danckbarlichen Thaten erwecket vnd angereitzet. Dannenhero ich mich vnterfangen/ nicht allein vnsere Kunst/ durch welcher hülffe ich nechst Gott solche Königl: Gnad erlanget/ zu commendiren, vnd vnsern Kunstgenossen zubefehlen/ sondern auch solch gering vnd einfältig Werck E. Königl: May: zuzuschreiben/ vnd derselben schutz zubefehlen. Denn weil jhr viel gefunden werden/ die beydes biβher vnserer Kunst zimlich gewogen/ vnd dieselbe auffs ärgeste schmehen/ so wol auch in grossem gespött warden auffnehmen/ das sich einer von solcher elenden handlung zuschreiben vnterstanden/ Alβ erfordert die höchste noth/ mein/ wiewol gering{[Aiij]}schetzig/ jedoch ehrliche vnd gut gemeinete arbeit ein solchen hohen Potentaten zu vntergeben/ auff dessen gnad vnnd schutz sie sich köndte kühnlich vnd sicher verlassen. Nu aber in vntertheniger anschawung vnd erkennung E. Kön: May: muβ ich vn̅ wil auch gerne gestehen/ das mir kein gewünschter Herr von GOtt hette können bescheret werden/ alβ Ewer Kön: Mayt: darumb ich billich diesem werck obzuligen/ vrsach empfangen: Also wende ich mich in gegenwertigem zustand/ so werde ich keines weges von meinem vornehmen abgeschrecket/ sondern mit solcher gnedigen affection gestercket/ das ich mich meines theils höchlichen zuerfrewen. Ja wann ich dero keines hette vermerckt/ solt mich doch Ihr Kön: May: künfftiger zeit alles gutes [Aiijv] vertrösten/ da sich Ihr Kön: May: in steten vnd löblichen gebrauch vnserer Kunst einen rechten Schutzherrn vnd gnedigen erhalter wird ersehen vnd finden lassen. Vmb solcher vrsach willen/ wiewol diβ Werck kindisch vnd vnnützlich vielen erscheinet/ wollen sich Ihr Kön: May: meines vnterthenigen willen in gnaden annehmen/ vnd zum besten beförden. Mit welchen E. Kön: May: ich wil vnterthenigst in schutz deβ Allerhöchsten empfohlen haben. Actum Cölln an der Sprew/ den 2. Augusti, Anno 1620. E. Kön: May: Vntertheniger gehorsamer Diener CASPAR HENTZSCHEL, Churf. Brandenb. Hoff- vnd FeldTrommeter. 15 {[Aijv]} is moved and uplifted to honourable, worthy and grateful deeds as the result of such God-given and Heaven-lent honour. It is on this account that I undertake not merely to commend our art (so that I might help to obtain, next to Godly, such Roy[al] favour) and entrust [it] to our comrades-in-art, but also to dedicate such a trifling and simple work to Y[our] R[oyal] H[ighness] and to entrust patronage for the same. Indeed, it will be shown very clearly that up to the present day our art has been considerably shaken and most wickedly abused, as well as subjected to great ridicule, so that a refuge from such miserable treatment needs to be written by someone. The greatest distress demands that my, though trifling, {[Aiij]} yet honest and well-meant work be presented to such a high Authority, whose favour and protection be relied upon boldly and reliably. Now, however, [and] in subject contemplation and recognition of Your R[oyal] H[ighness], I must and indeed shall acknowledge that I could not wish for any other Master to be granted by God than Your R[oyal] H[ighness], to whom I accordingly take the opportunity to present this work: therefore, in consideration of my present situation, I pledge that I shall in no way be deterred from my undertaking but will be strengthened by such kind affection that I may rejoice greatly on my part. Indeed, if I have not yet remarked upon it, it behoves me to wish Your Roy[al] High[ness] all the best for the future, {[Aiijv]} that in the continued and honourable employment of our art there may be recognised and found in Your R[oyal] H[ighness] a true protector and patron. For that very reason, [and] although the present work may appear childish and awkward in many respects, may Your R[oyal] H[ighness] accept my humble intention with favour and respond in good measure. With which I most humbly recommend Your R[oyal] H[ighness] to the protection of the Most High. Registered at Cölln-on-the-Spree, on 2 August, 1620. Your R[oyal] H[ighness]' Most obedient and humble servant, CASPAR HENTZSCHEL, ElectoralBrandenburg Court- and FieldTrumpeter. 16 {[Aiv]} Ob ich zwar nicht allein an vielen der Trommeter Kunstverwandten gespüret/ das sie vorlangest gewündschet/ ein sonderlichen in Druck auβgegangenen Tractat zusehen/ darinn sie von jhrer ankunfft vnd zustand gewissen bericht möchten haben/ sondern auch selbsten in sonderlicher lust vnnd begierde gestanden/ mich durch fleissiges nachdencken darinn zubemühen/ vnd durch schreiben in Druck verfertiget/ mit andern nach art anderer Künste darvon zubesprechen: So bin ich doch daher zurück gehalten/ vnd die Handt ans Werck zu legen abgeschrecket worden/ nicht allein wegen vnserer gantzen Kunst/ die vielleicht bey vieler Hertzen gedancken möchte in argwohn genommen/ vnnd dafür angesehen werden/ alβ die was sonderliches vor andern gelten/ vnd auβ mangel der wolgerathenen Nachbawren sich selbsten loben wolten/ von welchen doch sonst vbel gesaget wird/ das eigen Lob gemeiniglich zu stincken pfleget; Sondern auch meiner wenigen Person/ derer beydes geringer verstand in Druck zubeweisen zu vnwürdig/ so wol auch Commen-{[Aiv v]}dationschreiben viel zu schlecht/ das dadurch eine gantze Kunst solte lobwürdig geachtet vnd gehalten werden: In erwegung aber vnserer Kunst jetzigen zustands/ welcher in kunfftiger zeit/ wo nicht eylender rath vnd mittel verschafft/ einer gantzen Kunst eusserstes verderben/ vntergang vnd verachtung zu zuziehen/ drawet/ bin ich etlicher massen auβ zweiffelnder vnd feiger furcht entrücket/ vnd in meinem vorgesatzten Werck fortzufahren wiederumb instigiret vnd angereitzet worden. Denn was man in wolstand/ glück vnd sicherheit schewet zuthun/ das wird in vbelstandt/ vnglück vnd gefehrligkeit/ ohn alle furcht/ bedencken vnnd schew vorgenommen. Nun ist aber vnser Kunst jetziger zeit in grosser gefahr/ nicht allein deβ grossen defects vnd mangels/ dadurch vnverstendige Leute vnser Stand dermassen verkleinert vnd in verachtung gesetzt wird/ das jhrer wenig in derselben disciplin sich zubegeben vermeinen/ sondern auch deβ schändlichen Excesses vnd vberflusses/ in dem auβ vnvollkommener vnterrichtung vnd begreiffung/ so viel stümpler vnnd hümpler in allen Städten vnnd Dörffern sich finden/ vnd (bona venia) wie Mäusekoth vnter Pfeffer zu vnsern Consorten begeben/ das ein ehrlicher vnd erfahr-{B[j]}ner Trommeter seiner Kunst fast möchte schewen tragen. Derowegen weil ich in diesen meinen Schreiben nicht gesinnet/ groβgelehrtenLeuten arbeit/ in lesung einer Kunst/ derer beschreibung sie wenig erlustiret/ zumachen: Auch nicht vergebliches lob den Trommetern/ derer gemüther mehr durch eigene Kunst/ als anderer Leute gunst/ zu den löblichen Mansthaten wird angereitzt zu suchen: Auch nicht andern Musicanten, welcher brüderliche/ friedliche vnd gesellige Kunstverwandschafft/ wir in hertzlicher lieb erkennen/ an jhrer Ehr vnnd Lob/ etwas zubenehmen/ Sondern vnser gantzen Kunst zu jnnbrünstiger anreitzung/ vnnd meinen beystandt/ damit wir vnsere Kunst in wolstandt erhalten/ vnd der lieben Posteritet vnd Nachkommen/ vollkömmentlich hinterlassen mögen: Alβ bin ich beydes in guten willen/ meine meinung von dieser Kunst/ herkom̅en vnd löblichen zustandt/ in öffentlichen Schrifften jederman/ vnnd besonders vnseren Kunstverwandten zu communiciren, so wol vnzweiffelnder hoffnung gewesen/ es werde der günstige Leser solches im besten auffnehmen/ vnd mir keines weges verargen. Jm anfang aber den grundt wol zu legen/ weiβ ich keine bessere weise/ mittel vnnd anschläge/ als {[Bj v]} wenn ich dieser Kunst anfänger vnd Werckmeister/ von dem sie biβ auff vns propagiret vnnd forth gepflantzet worden/ erzehlet werde. Denn ob man wol sonsten saget/ das Werck lobet den Meister/ so findet sich doch offt das 17 {[Aiv]} Although it is not just the case that many of the trumpeter brethren-in-art have considered that they have for a long time wished to see a special treatise appear in print wherein they might obtain a principled account of their present state and condition, but also that they have awaited the same with especial enthusiasm and desire so that I might endeavour to discuss it with others after diligent reflection and publication of a written study made after the manner of the other arts; nevertheless, I am detained at this point and hesitate to lay my hand to such a task, not simply in consideration of our entire art (which might be considered with suspicion by many hearts and thus regarded somewhat differently from other [arts] in the absence of well-advised friends, who would themselves be able to praise it, so that it might unfortunately be argued that 'self-praise be no recommendation'), but also [in consideration] of my lowly self, both [my] modest ability to prove [the case]in print and [my] unequalness to [the task of] writing a {[Aiv v]} commendation by means of which an entire art might be considered honourable and attract support. However, in considering the present state of our art (which will be threatened with total ruin, decline and contempt in the future unless urgent advice and remedy be procured) I am to some extent carried away from [this] doubting and cowardly fear and incited and encouraged to continue once more with my proposed task. That which appeared to exhibit prosperity, good fortune and security, was considered and assumed to be without any fear of misdeed, mishap and peril. Now, however, our art is in great danger, not just from the great defects and errors through which our position has been greatly diminished and placed in contempt by ignorant people (who have renounced their little [talent] in the same discipline), but also from the slanderous excesses and incompetences that arise from imperfect instruction and understanding [and] that have caused so many bunglers and fools to be found in all towns and villages who (alas!) compare with our colleagues as mouse dung does with pepper, so that an honourable and experienced trumpeter {B[j]} almost fears to practise his art. Therefore, it has not been my intention to produce a work for the most erudite in these, my writings, by describing an art (which description would give them little joy); nor to advocate that meaningless praise for their noble deeds be given to the trumpeters (who care more for their own art than for the favour of others); nor even to lobby in some way other musicians (whose fraternal, peaceful and social brotherhood we wholeheartedly recognise) for their praise and commendation. Rather, [it is] to encourage fervently our entire art so that, with my assistance, we may preserve our art in prosperity and bequeath it in perfection to the dear posterity and to our descendants. In this way, it is my good intention both to communicate my understanding of the origin and honourable state of this art in public writing for everyone, and especially for our brethren-in-art, and to trust firmly that the kind reader will accept the same [writing] for the best and not fault me in any way. [Part 1: The Origin of the Trumpeters’ Art] However, to lay the ground well at the beginning I know of no better manner, method and approach {[Bj v]} than to give an account of [the] originators and overseers of this art, from whom it has been propagated and transmitted to us. For, just as it is well stated that ‘the work praises the master’, equally so is the contrary 18 gegentheil/ da sich eine jede Kunst jhres Meisters rühmet/ vnd je besser der ist/ von dem solche Kunst den vrsprung empfangen/ je mehr wird von dem Werck gehalten. Nun aber ist vnsere Kunst/ nicht von einem Meister allein/ der selten alle weiβheit gefressen/ Sondern von den allerweisesten drey Meistern erfunden worden/ die nach jhrem wesen in Göttliche/ Menschliche vnd Natürliche getheilet werden. Denn wenn GOtt etwas thun wil/ so darff Er nicht lange auff Erden rümb wandern vnd sonderliche Künstler suchen/ die mit jhrer weiβheit vnd Arbeit jhm beyspringen/ vnd in vorrhat etwan ein Adminiculum, das zu seinem vorhaben dienet/ erfinden müsten/ Sondern Er ist ein weiser HERR/ von dem alle Kunst vnd geschickligkeit/ wie die kleinen Bächlein auβ dem Brunnen/ die Bäume auβ den Wurtzeln/ vnnd die Stralen von der Sonnen entspringen: Er ist ein Allmächtiger GOtt/ nach dessen Augen alle Creaturen sich lencken/ durch welches Mund alles Geschöpff bestehet/ vnnd mit {Bij} dessen Hand die gantze Weltkugel/ als der Ball/ mit des Menschen Fingern/ wird beweget vnd regieret: Ja Er ist auch ein reicher König/ der nicht etwa von den Menschen Kindern etwas zu entlehnen benötiget/ sondern was Er gebraucht in der gantzen Welt/ das thut jhn von seinem HErrn/ Authorem vnd erblichen besitzen/ veneriren vnnd erkennen: Dannenhero sich dann die Göttliche Majestät selbst lest vernehmen im 50. Psalm/ Ich wil nicht von deinem Hause Farren nehmen/ noch Böcke auβ deinen Ställen/ denn alle Thier im Walde sind mein/ &c. Nun aber lesen wir in heiliger Schrifft/ das wenn GOtt jhm ein sonderlich Werck zu vollbringen/ vorgenommen/ so seind jhme die Posaunen oder Trommeten darbey zu sein/ beliebet: Denn was ist grösser auff dieser Welt/ vnd herrlichers im anfang zusehen gewesen/ als des Gesetzes offenbarung/ da Gott seinen Ewigen vnd gnedigsten willen/ in Zehen Geboten offenbahret/ vnd Schrifftlich auffgezeichnet/ dem gantzen Geschlecht der Menschen erkläret? Dennoch hat solches ohne den Hall vnd schall der Trommeten/ nicht beschehen oder verrichtet werden können/ Sondern es meldet der Text im andern Buch Mosis am 19. vnnd 20. {[Bij v]} Capittel/ das solches mit dem Thon einer sehr starcken Posaunen oder Trommeten sey geschehen. Was diβ vor ein Werck sey/ wann GOtt sein Gerichte auff diesem Erdenkreiβ anstellet/ vnd sich mit seinem schrecklichen eyver/ vber die boβheit der Gottlosen sehen lest/ solches ist in täglicher erfahrung/ da manchem vor grossen entsetzen/ die Haar zu berge stehen/ in dem er höret/ das die Gottlosen nicht allein im leben/ mit grewlichen straffen vntergedrücket/ sondern auch offt mit vnerhörten Todesängsten hingerafft vn̅ger ssen worden: Gleichwol aber/ wird in der Offenbahrung Johannis am 8. 9. 10. 11. vnd 12. Capittel/ von den sieben Engeln gesaget/ das sie mit sieben Posaunen oder Trommeten am ende der Welt/ solch vrtheil Gottes auβruffen vnd proclamiren sollen/ Do dann Gott vor allen dingen vnd andern Instrumenten, jhme das vnsere angelegen vnd befohlen sein lest. Wer nicht weiβ/ was die Zukunfft des Richters Jesu Christi sey/ vnd was vor einen herrlichen vnd Majestätischen Einzug/ erhalten wird/ in dem augenblicklich/ der hellglentzende Himmel sich wird eröffnen/ mit einem vnversehenden Fewr/ den Erdboden verbrennen/ mit einem vnerhörten krachen/ das Weltgebäw zerfallen/ alle vom anfang der {Biij} Schöpffung verstorbenen/ so wol auch domahls noch lebenden Menschen/ vor dem Richterstuell Christi gestellet/ vnd nach Göttlicher Justitz, das letzte Vrtheil anhören werden: Das wird ein jedtweder/ der es allhie nicht gemeinet/ 19 often to be found, that a given art itself praises its master, and that the better he is from whom such an art owes its origin, the more will be taken from the work. Now, however, our art was not invented by one master alone who would be unlikely to possess all wisdom, but by the three wisest masters, who are distinguished according to their natures, Divine, Human and Natural. [The Divine Master] Now, when God puts His mind to it, He does not need to roam around the Earth for long in search of remarkable artists who might aid Him with their wisdom and labour and provide as it were a reservoir of assistance to serve His intentions. Indeed, He is a wise MASTER from whom all artistry and skilfulness arise, just as the little streams from the springs, the trees from the roots, and the sunbeams from the sun; He is an all-powerful God, through whose eyes all the living things are guided, through whose mouth all creatures are commanded and with {Bij} whose hand the entire globe is moved and regulated, just like a ball with human fingers; yes, He is also a rich King who does not need to borrow anything from human children, yet whatever He does employ in the entire world must venerate and acknowledge, as worldly possession, its Lord [and] Author; thus the Godly Majesty lets itself be shown in Psalm 50, ‘I will not accept any bull from your homes, nor a single goat from your folds. For all forest creatures are mine already’, etc. 22 Now, however, we read in Holy Scripture that, when God wished to accomplish some special deed, He required that the ram’s horns or trumpets be nearby. 23 What is greater in this world and is recognised as of more splendid origin than the revelation of the Law, when God showed His eternal and gracious intention in Ten Commandments and had these recorded in writing for the entire human race? Nevertheless, that such an event could not have occurred or been carried out in the absence of the peal and call of the trumpets is made clear by the text of chapters 19 and 20 of Exodus, which states {[Bij v]} that this was accomplished to the sound of a very loud ram’s horn or trumpet. 24 It is difficult to envisage the occasion when God will make His judgement upon this globe and will expose the malice of the godless (which is experienced daily) with His terrible zeal, so that many will be dismissed and their hair will stand on end when they realise that the godless will not merely find repression with horrible punishment in this life, but will also be dragged away to often unspeakable and terrible mortal agonies. Nonetheless, in chapters 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 of The Revelation to John, we are informed about the seven angels with the seven ram’s horns or trumpets who will announce and proclaim the judgement of God at the end of the world, which shows that God considers that our [trumpets] be placed and commended before all other things and before all other instruments. 25 Who is not aware of the coming of the judge Jesus Christ and of how it will happen at His lordly and majestic entrance that, in the twinkling of an eye, the brightly shining heaven will be split open, the earth will be consumed by an unprecedented fire, the edifice of the world will collapse with a tremendous crash, and all who have died since the beginning of creation, {Biij} as well as those who are still among the living, will be placed before the seat of judgement of Christ and will listen to the Last Judgement according to Godly Justice? 26 (That which everyone will certainly discover and have sight of will not be considered here.) 20 sichtbarlich zubefinden vnd anzuschawen haben: Dannenhero diβ vnser Instrument sich abermahl selig zu preysen/ das von dieser Offenbahrung/ keines weges wird auβgeschlossen/ sondern vnter die vornembsten requisita, von dem Himlischen Præcone Paulo, in der 1. an die Thessalonicher am 4. recensiret, der vns die Post solcher massen anmeldet; Denn er selbst der HERR wird mit einem Feldtgeschrey vnd stimme des ErtzEngels/ vn̅ mit der Posaunen Gottes ernieder kommen/ vnnd die Todten in Christo werden aufferstehen zu erst: Darnach &c. Ja was wollen wir vom Ewigen leben sagen/ da Gott solche claritet vnnd herrligkeit bereytet/ das auch Paulus sich in der 1. Corinth. am 2. Capittel darff hören lassen: Es hats kein Auge gesehen/ auch kein Ohr gehöret/ &c. Das wir aber auβ diesem FrewdenPancket/ der Trommeten Instrument nicht verwerffen/ solches giebt vns Gott in dem trostreichen Gleichnüβ des Jüdischen Jubelfestes Augenscheinlich zu {[Biij v]} spüren. Denn wie im 3. Buch Mosis am 25. Capittel/ das ErlaβJahr oder Jubelfest wurde mit Trom̅eten durchs gantze Land angekündiget/ das sich jederman seiner freyheit trösten vnd vorsichern könt: Eben also wann wir in jener Welt werden von aller dienstbarkeit dieses sündlichen/ trübseligen vnd sterlichen Lebens befreyet sein/ so sol der gantze Saal deβ Himmels vom Frewdenklang der Trommeten erschallen. So denn Gott bey solchen allen vnserer Trommeten sich angemasset/ der solchs von keinemMenschen wil oder darff lernen vnd begehren/ Wer wolte nicht sagen/ das die Trommeten von Gott erfunden? Von Gott biβ daher erhalten? Vnd von Gott Ewigen bestandt erlangen werden? Scheinet also fast vnvonnöten zu sein/ viel mehr von den andern WerckMeistern zu melde̅/ die diesem Herrn leichtlich weichen/ vnnd jhm nicht zu gleichen begehren. Aber vmb mehrer nachrichtung willen/ haben wir vns auch vnter den Menschen/ nicht allein in Geistlichen/ sondern auch in Weltlichen Ständen/ vornehmer Anfänger vnd Werckmeister zu rühmen. Was die Geistlichen belanget/ so finden wir nicht allein vor der Sündfluth im 1. Buch Mosis am 4. Capitel/ den Jubal/ der mit seinen Tromme-{[Biv]}tenschall in solchem ansehn gestanden/ dz daher alle fröligkeit des jubilirens/ wurde intituliret vn̅ angedeutet/ Sondern auch nach der Sündfluth von Moysen dem anfänger Jüdischer Policey/ biβ zu derselben vntergang/ sein viel vornehmer Männer gefunden worden in der Kirche/ die sich des Wercks angenommen/ vnnd es mit fleiβ getrieben: Dann im 3. Buch Moysis am 23. Capit. haben die Kinder Isräel auβ Gottes befehl/ am siebenden Tage den Sabbath angeblasen/ vnd als die ersten Trommeter dem höchsten KriegesObristen auffgewartet. Im 4. Buch Moysis am 23. Capitel/ ist die löbliche vnd Rittermessige Kunst/ von dem Könige aller Könige/ vnd HERRN aller Herren geblasen worden. Im 29. Cap. des 4. Buchs Moysis/ seind Trommeten dermassen im Volck auffkommen/ das auch daher ein Trommetenfest ist angeordnet worden. Im 31. Cap. Des 4. Buchs Moysis/ führte Pinehas die Trommeten in seiner Hand/ als er auch mit seinen heiligen vnnd Geistlichen Kleidern bedeckt war/ vnd wieder die Midianiter gestritten. Im 4. Buch Moysis am 10. Capitel/ befihlet Gott Moysi/ zwo Trommeten von gedichten Silber zu machen/ vnd hat die Form wie sie gestalt sein/ vnnd auch blasen sollen/ jhnen angezeiget vnd vorgebildet. 21 At that time, this instrument of ours will once more be blessed to glorify this Revelation and will by no means be excluded, since it will be employed for the appointed action that was recounted by the holy herald Paul in chapter 4 of 1 Thessalonians, where he informs us of the duty so clearly: ‘At the signal given by the voice of the Archangel and the ram’s horn of God, the Lord himself will come down from heaven; those who have died in Christ will be the first to rise.’ 27 Indeed, what do we need to state concerning this eternal life that God has clarified and splendidly prepared except what Paul has himself let us know in chapter 2 of 1 Corinthians: ‘What no eye has seen and no ear has heard,’ etc. 28 To ensure that we do not we exclude the instrument of the trumpet from this celebration, God has provided us with an obvious example in the comforting parable of the Jewish Feast of {[Biij v]} Rejoicing. Thus it is recounted in chapter 25 of Leviticus that the Year of Remission - or Jubilee - was proclaimed throughout the entire land with trumpets so that everyone could be comforted and assured of his freedom. 29 Similarly, when we in this world are freed from all the servitude of this sinful, miserable and mortal life, the entire vault of heaven shall reverberate to the joyous sound of the trumpets. Since God has Himself assembled our trumpets for all such [occasions], is there anyone who could deny - that trumpets were invented by God, - that they have been maintained by God until now, and - that they will be granted eternal continuation by God after having understood and considered such things? It is surely superfluous to add that this Lord has given freely and much more extensively than the other overseers, who cannot be counted as His equals. However, [and] to obtain additional information, we must also sing the praises of distinguished human inventors and overseers in both the religious and also the secular states. [The Human Masters in the Religious State] Regarding those in the religious state, we not only discover prior to the Great Flood, in chapter 4 of Genesis, [the man] Jubal 30 who was held in such esteem with his trumpet-call {[Biv]} that all jubilation in public rejoicing has since been named after him, 31 but also that following the Great Flood, from the time of Moses the founder of the Jewish Law until its downfall, many distinguished men have been found in the Church who have taken up this work and promoted it with diligence. Indeed, [we learn] - in chapter 23 of Leviticus that the children of Israel blew the Sabbath upon the seventh day at the command of God, 32 while [- in chapter 10 of Numbers] the chief trumpeter waited upon the highest military commander; 33 - in chapter 10 of Numbers that the praiseworthy and knightly art was [directed] to be sounded before the King of kings and LORD of lords; 34 - in chapter 29 of Numbers that trumpets were featuring to such an extent in public that a Feast of Acclamations was instituted; 35 - in chapter 31 of Numbers that Pinehas had the trumpets in his hand when he was also wearing his holy and sacred robes and while he was waging war on the Midianites; 36 - in chapter 10 of Numbers that God commanded Moses to make two trumpets of pure silver and specified and described the form in which they were to be fashioned and also how they were to be sounded; 37 22 {[Biv v]} Im Buch Josua am 6. Capitel/ seind die Kinder Isräel vmb Jericho/ sieben Tage mit Trommeten herümb gegangen vnd geblasen/ do dann durch schickung Gottes/ die Mawren eingefallen/ vnd die Stadt eingenommen vnd erobert worden. Im Buch der Richter am 6. Capit. als Gideon der Fürst in Isräel wider die Midianiter gekrieget/ da haben die Trommeter ein starck Feldtgeschrey gemacht/ das der Feind ist auβgerissen/ vnd nicht gewust was sich für ein grewlich gethön erhoben. Im Buch der Richter am 7. Cap. hat Gideon 300. Trommeten bey sich gehabt/ da er wieder die Feinde der Mydianiter gestritten/ Er hat auch einem jeden insonderheit die Trommeten in die Hand gegeben/ vnd selbsten mitvntergeblasen. Im 1. Buch Samuel am 13. Cap. hat der König Saul vor frewden die Trommeten blasen lassen/ vnd die Philister geschlagen vnd vberwunden. Im 2. Buch Samuel am 2. Cap. hat der berümbte Held Joab/ alβ er mit den Kindern Israel frieden gemacht/ die Trommeten geblasen. Item im 18. Capit. hat Joab die Trommeten blasen lassen/ das sich das Kriegsvolck samle. Im 1. Buch der Könige am 1. Cap. als König {C[j]} David seinen Sohn den Salomon zum Könige krönen lieβ/ haben die Trommeter / das die Erde erbäbete/ geblasen. Im 2. Buch der Könige am 19. Capit. da Jehu ist zum Könige gekröhnet/ seind die Trommeten mit allen kräfften geblasen worden. Im 2. Buch der Könige am 11. Cap. da Joas König worden/ haben die Trommeter neben der VocalMusic stehen/ vnnd jhre zahl offt blasen müssen. Im Buch Nehemiæ am 4. Capit. haben die Trommeter bey auffrichtung der Tempels sein/ vnd als Nehemiæ das fundament geleget/ vnnd den Tempel angefangen/ blasen müssen/ damit die arbeyter/ welche alle Kriegsleut gewesen/ vnd stets Spieβ vnnd Schwerdt bey sich getragen/ auch so weit von einander gestanden/ das sie durch kein ander mittel als der Trommeten schall/ haben zusammen bracht werden können/ sich herzu gefunden. Im 149. vnd [1]50. Psalm/ auβ befehl des Königlichen Propheten Davids/ ist Gott der HERR mit Trommeten/ Posaunen/ Cymbeln/ Paucken/ Geigen/ Pfeiffen vnnd allerley Instrumenten, gelobet worden/ wie auch noch heut bey vns in der Orgel/ Posativen/ Regalen/ Lauten vnnd andern Instrumenten, die Trommete geblasen wird: Hab also {[Cj v]} hiermit kürtzlichen die ankunfft vnnd vrsprung der Trommeten vnd dero Werckmeister/ so in heiliger Göttlicher Schrifft zubefinden gewesen/ angezeiget. Was aber die Weltlichen belanget/ so sollen sich ehrliebende Trommeter frewen/ nicht allein jhrer Kunst gemeinet/ vnd sehr alten verwandten/ derer als vielen vnbewust/ ich etliche von einem Trommeter zu Londen in Engelland/ mit welchem ich gute freundschafft gehalten/ in seinem Buch gesehen/ Dieweil sie die Feldtstücken vnd Sonaden, vor 300. Jahren gemacht/ mir billich zu rühmen vnnd mit nahmen hieher zuziehen gedüncket/ Alβ: Signour Peter Ursinus, hat stets 12. Diener auff seinen Leib gehabt/ vnd ist ein Componist, Vocalist vnnd Instrumentist des Bapsts Pauli III. gewesen. Signour Nicola. Scotti von Neapolis. Signour Claudius Nysor von Mantua. Signour Octavius Alto. Signour Basilius Meijor. Signour Wilibaldus Pausor. 23 {[Biv v]} - in chapter 6 of Joshua that the children of Israel walked around Jericho sounding trumpets for seven days, after which of which the walls collapsed through God's intercession and the town was captured and conquered; 38 - in chapter 7 of Judges that, at the time when Gideon the Prince of Israel was fighting the Midianites, the trumpeters blew a powerful signal that caused the enemy to flee since they did not understand what had given rise to such a horrible noise; 39 - in chapter 7 of Judges that Gideon had three hundred trumpeters in his company when he fought the Midianite foe and that he also had each man given in his hand a trumpet so that it could be blown intermittently; 40 - in chapter 13 of 1 Samuel that King Saul had the trumpets blown in celebration when the Philistines had been fought and defeated; 41 - in chapter 2 of 2 Samuel that the celebrated champion Joab had the trumpets blown when he made peace with the children of Israel; 42 - in chapter 18 of the same that Joab had the trumpets blown to cause the warriors to assemble; 43 - in chapter 1 of 1 Kings that the trumpeters blew so [powerfully] that the earth shook when King David had his {C[j]} son Solomon crowned king; 44 - in chapter 9 of 2 Kings that the trumpets were blown powerfully when Jehu was crowned king; 45 - in chapter 11 of 2 Kings that during the reign of King Jehoash the trumpeters stood next to the choir and their number had to sound often; 46 - in chapter 4 of Nehemiah that the trumpeters were required to be present at the rebuilding of the Temple and, as Nehemiah laid the foundation and the Temple was enclosed, they had to blow so that the workers (all of whom were warriors who kept spear and sword beside them at all times and who were also widely dispersed) could be brought together and assembled in one spot by no means other than the call of the trumpets; 47 and - in Psalms 149 and 150 that God the MASTER is to be praised by command of the royal prophet David with trumpets, ram’s horns, cymbals, timpani, strings, pipes and with all sorts of instruments in much the same way as we nowadays blow trumpets together with organs, positives, regals, lutes and other instruments. 48 In this way {[Cj v]} the arrival and origin of the trumpets and of their overseers as is to be found in Holy Scripture has been summarily indicated. [The Human Masters in the Secular State] 49 Regarding the secular [state], honour-loving trumpeters should rejoice, not merely for the sake of their own art and for their very old brotherhood (of which much is obscure), that I have seen a number [of trumpet pieces], in a book belonging to a trumpeter from London in England with whom I have a good friendship.50 Since the cavalry signals and sonatas were composed [up to] 300 years ago, it seems to me that it is appropriate to extol [them] and identify [their creators] by name, that is to say: Signor Peter Ursinus, who always had twelve personal servants and who was a composer, singer and instrumentalist to Pope Paul III; Signor Nicola Scotti from Naples; Signor Claudius Nysor from Mantua; Signor Octavius Alto; Signor Basilius Meijor; Signor Wilibaldus Pausor. 51 24 Diese wie ich gelesen/ auch bericht vnd fleissige nachforschung gehabt/ haben die Kunst gemehret {Cij} vnd verbessert/ auch dieselbe jhren Nachkommen/ wol zuverwahren vnd auffzuheben anbefohlen. Nicht allein sag ich/ haben sich vnsere Kunstgenossen/ als jhres gleichen zu frewen/ sondern es ist viel besser vnnd löblicher zuwissen/ das sich auch Königliche/ Fürstliche/ vnd andere Potentaten dieser Kunst sehr angemasset: Inmassen ich denn den König in Dennemarck/ so wol auch andere Fürsten/ Graffen vnd Herren/ auch etliche von Adel auff der Trommeten/ Feldtstücken/ Sonaden, vnnd andere sachen mehr blasen hören. So seind auch zu Rom Anno 1200. vber die 60. Trommeter/ so vom Jüdischen Geschlecht gewesen/ vnd dem Tarquinio Prisco Röm. Käyser auffgewartet/ als er mit den Persianern grossen Krieg geführet/ vnd die Trommeter alle/ auff das der Feind von dem Thon oder schall/ verzage vnd erschrecke/ vorne angestellt. Anno Christi 454. da der Hunnen König Attila, die Stadt Aquileiam oder Aglar, lange zeit belägert/ vnd nicht gewinnen können/ hat er vber die 300. Trommeten blasen lassen/ vnd die Stadt rings vmbher gestürmet/ da worden die in der Stadt verzagt/ von dem gethön vnd geschrey derselben/ vnnd gaben dem Könige die Stadt auff. {[Cij v]} In der Cosmographia Sebastiani Münsters/ in seinem 5. Buch von Italia/ eine Stadt Helicæ, alβ die Bürger vnbarmhertzig mit jhren Nachbaren den Jonibus, auch andern frommen Menschen mehr gehandelt/ hat sie Gott hinwiederum̅ heimgesucht/ vn̅ durch den Theophili Balbi Käyser/ mit schweren Kriegen/ straffen vnd züchtigen lassen/ in dem er mit einem mächtigen Kriegesvolck darvor kommen/ vnnd die Trommeten in der Nacht blasen lassen/ vnd durch solch gethön die Schlangen/ Ratten/ Mäuse vnd andere Their/ auβ der Stadt getrieben/ welches/ als es die Bürger gesehen/ seind sie erschracken/ darauff der Käyser die Stadt eingenommen/ vnd ausser den Weibespersonen/ so jhnen gefallen/ alles erschlagen. Anno 1400. Ist der Bapst zu Rom nach Constantz auff das Concilium gezogen/ vnd 24. Trommeter mit sich genommen/ da mir auch zu Florentz ward gesaget von einem Trom̅eter/ das sein Groβvater Melchior Sico, hette Johan̅ Hussen den ErtzKätzer/ wie sie jhn nennen/ verbrennen setzen. Anno 1548. Ist der Marggraff auβ Tyroll nach Florentz/ seine gescheffte zuverrichten/ gezogen/ dessen sich der Groβhertzog von Florentz gefrewet/ jhn auch herrlich vnd wol empfangen/ Da nun Taffel {Ciij} gehalten/ vnd die Florentinische Trommeter mit jhren Sonaden sich hören lassen/ hat der Marggraff auβ Tyroll/ solche beliebung darob empfunden/ vn̅ den Groβhertzog zu Florentz/ jhme auch mit solchen zuverehren/ angelanget/ welchs/ da es jhm freundlich abgeschlagen vnd versaget worden/ hat er also balden zwene Jungen (als Johann Levire, eines Pfaffen Sohn/ wie man spricht/ von Jβbruck/ vnd Simon Raudnern/ eines Schulmeisters Sohn zu München) diese Kunst zu lernen auffgedinget/ vnd Tausent Ducaten Lehrgeldt von jhnen gegeben. (NB.) (Wenns noch so were/ würde gewiβlichen/ diese löbliche Kunst der Trom̅eter/ nicht nach Brod gehen/ vnd also mit Füssen getreten/ sondern in höhern ansehen vnd bessern werth/ geachtet vnnd gehalten werden[.]) Da nun diese auβgelernet/ vnd die löbliche Kunst begriffen/ Ist Johann Levir in Malta gezogen/ vnd darinnen Todes verfahren. Simon Raudner/ aber hat auff einmahl zu Inβpruck 25 These [people], as I have discovered through commentary and diligent investigation, have improved and perfected the art so that they should be well {Cij} remembered and celebrated by their successors. [Concerning Royal and Noble Patronage] I do not propose that it is only our brethren-in-art who should rejoice as the equals [of the above-named trumpeters], for it is much better and more honourable to know that royal, princely and other rulers have claimed this art very much for themselves: I count among them the King of Denmark as well as other princes, counts and lords, not to mention some of the nobles, who have a preference for hearing cavalry signals, sonatas and other things blown on the trumpets. So it is also recorded in Rome in the year 1200 of the sixty trumpeters of the Jewish race who served the Roman King Tarquinius Priscus [and how], when he was waging a great war against the Persians, he placed all of the trumpeters in front [of the army] so that the enemy would lose heart and be startled by the sound and call. 52 In the year of Our Lord 454, 53 when Attila, the king of the Huns, had been besieging the town of Aquileia (or Aglar) for a long period and had been unable to gain victory, he had more than three hundred trumpets blown and attacked the town from all sides, with the result that those in the town despaired of the peal and cry of the same and surrendered the town to the king. 54 {[Cij v]} In the Cosmographia by Sebastian Münster, in the [section of the] fifth book that deals with Italy, there is mention of a city called Helicae, whose citizens treated their neighbours the Jonii and other peaceful people so mercilessly that God visited them and punished them with a terrible war through the agency of Emperor Theophilus Balbus. He came upon them with a mighty host and had the trumpets blown during the night, the sound of which caused the snakes, rats, mice and other creatures to flee the city. The sight of this so terrified the citizens that the emperor was able to capture the town and, apart from the womenfolk, put everyone to death as it pleased him. 55 In the year 1414, 56 the Pope travelled from Rome to Constance for the Council accompanied by twenty-four trumpeters. 57 Indeed, I have also been told by a trumpeter from Florence that his grandfather, Melchior Sico, witnessed the burning of Jan Hus, the ‘Arch-heretic’ as he was known. 58 In the year 1548, the Count of Tyrol travelled to Florence to carry out his business, on account of which the Grand Duke of Florence was pleased to receive him well and with due honour. 59 Now, when they were {Ciij} at table and the Florentine trumpeters performed their sonatas, the Margrave of Tyrol gained such pleasure from this that he wished to honour the Grand Duke of Florence with something. Knowing that such [a presentation] would be refused and denied him politely, as an alternative he had two youths - Johann Levire, a parson's son (as they say) from Innsbruck, and Simon Raudner, a schoolmaster's son from Munich - apprenticed there and then to learn this art and provided an apprenticeship fee of one thousand ducats for them. 60 (NB. If only this could be the case at the present time, this honourable art of the trumpeter would certainly not be pursued for [scraps of] bread and also kicked around, but would be respected and supported with higher regard and better estimation.) Now, when these completed their apprenticeships and took up the praiseworthy art, Johann Levire went to Malta where he remained until his death. 61 Simon Raudner, however, had at one 26 12. jungen/ vnter welchen meines Lehrherrn Groβvater einer gewesen/ zu lernen angenommen/ vnnd also Italien/ Deutschlandt vnd andereLänder/ mit Trommetern erfüllet/ vnnd dieselben bey Fürsten vnd Herren bekandt vnd angenehm gemacht. Solte nun einer gefunden werden/ der vmb sol-{[Ciij v]}cher Werckmeister willen/ diese Kunst nicht veneriret, so wird er gewiβ nicht allein von allen verstendigen Menschen/ vor thörlich geachtet/ Sondern auch auβ der vnvernüfftigen Natur vberwunden/ vnd seines frevels vberwiesen werden. Denn ob gleich die Natur bey dieser Kunst/ auch sehr grossen fleiβ anwendet/ vnnd dieselbe den Menschen angenehm zu machen sich bemühet/ beydes durch liebliche formirung Menschliches klanges der in diesem Instrument besser alβ in keinem andern lautet/ vnd gleichsam ein vnvernünfftigs geschöpff redent macht/ so wol auch in den wesen dieses wrecks/ das von Natur alβ ein rechtes Ertz klinget nur von anschlagen/ da sonst ander Instrument viel adminicula bedürffen/ ehe sie den klang bekom̅en: Dennoch hat sie vns mehr auff diese Leut gewiesen/ die von der Natur sein angereitzet worden viel bey dieser Kunst zuthun. Nun möcht einem wundern/ was doch solche Leute diesem Instrument obzuliegen/ vnd dasselbe so mächtig zubefördern beweget? Aber wenn man bedencket was vor eine liebliche/ süsse vnd angenehme gabe Gottes es ist/ so wird man sich nicht mehr wundern vnd befrembden/ sondern/ daβ es billich in acht zunehmen/ erkennen vnd bekennen müssen. {[Civ]} Denn gleich wie das gemeine Pöbelvolck nicht gerne künstliche stück anhöret/ sondern nur an gemeinen vnd gleich auβgehenden Liedern gefallen träget: Also sein im gegentheil vornehme Potentaten der rechten Music ergeben/ vnd je Kunstreicher Melodeyen sie bekommen/ je mehre sie darob ein anmuth empfangen. Dannenhero Hyppomachus, als sein discipul mit der Pfeiffen anfieng zu leuren/ vnnd durch vnförmlicher weise/ bey dem gemeinen Volck/ grosse Her vnd lob erlanget/ da schlug er jhn mit dem Bakel, vnd sagte/ das er gewiβ der Läyen gunst mit jrrthumb vnnd falschen Instrumenten erlanget/ die grössere Kunst nicht leicht favorisirteten. Nun aber/ ob gleich vnsere Kunst von vielen wird miβbrauchet/ die daher leuren vnnd döhnen/ das sie den Hirten vnd Heherr bläsern der Säwen/ als einem Trommeter/ ehnlicher scheinen: Jedoch wenn wir vnsere Putreselle, Allstandare, Acawale, Cawalche vnd Auget, neben den Toccetten; Sonaden, Serosoneten vnd Clarien ansehen/ vnd artlich gebrauchen wollen/ so wird fürwar solche kunst vnd Musicalische zier/ darinnen gespüret/ das auch darüber jhr viel in die verdacht der Nigromantia kommen vnd gelangen. Denn das wir solchs nicht {[Civ v]} beweisen auβ vnsern Stücken/ die wir billich in geheim behalten/ vnd nicht in alle Bierschencken auβbreiten lassen/ so müssen wir der Trommeter gethön vor eine rechte Musicalische Kunst erkennen/ wann wir nur der vhralten art ansehen/ welche bey den Jüden im gebrauch gewesen/ vnnd mir von einem alten Jüden zu Padua in Italia communiciret vnd mitgetheilet worden/ den ich billich gegleubet/ vnd auch daher setzen/ vnd iedermänniglich zuerkennen geben wollen. 27 time twelve youths apprenticed to him in Innsbruck (my master's grandfather among them) and thus filled Italy, Germany and other lands with trumpeters who were admitted and taken into service by princes and lords. 62 [The Natural Master] Now, should there still be found {[Ciij v]} anyone who did not revere this art despite the evidence of such overseers, it is certain that he would not merely be considered to be foolish by all understanding people but would also [be judged] to be prejudiced by an unreasonable nature and dominated by his [own] shamelessness. This is because Nature is also employed with great application in this art and is concerned to make it agreeable to humanity, both through delightful formation of human sounds which ring clearer on this instrument than on any other and also cause an unreasonable creation to speak - and in the essence of the action - that following Nature, its true teacher, sounds only by striking, whereas other instruments require much assistance before they can produce the sound: it is in this way that we have been shown by [the example of] these people that they were greatly encouraged by Nature to invent this art. 63 [The Philosophical Case for the Trumpeters’ Art] Now it may be asked ‘Why have such people been attracted to this instrument and why has the same [instrument] been promoted so powerfully?’ However, when it is considered what a delightful, sweet and pleasant gift of God it is, there is no more need to wonder and to be disconcerted since it is only proper that [the trumpeters’ art] be taken care of, recognised and acknowledged. {[Civ]} Indeed, just as the ordinary people prefer not to listen to artistic pieces but are accustomed to common and simple popular songs, the contrary also holds: that distinguished authorities are disposed towards proper music and the richer the melodies they experience the greater the charm they receive on that account. 64 So it was that, when his disciple started to drone on the pipe in a casual manner and received great honour and praise from the common folk, [his teacher] Hyppomachus hit him with the stick and said that he had obtained the common peoples' favour with a deceptive and false instrument that did not easily favour the higher art. 65 [The value of the Trumpeters’ Art] Now, if our art becomes misused by many then it will give the impression of grinding and droning regardless of whether it is blown by shepherds and gamekeepers on the pig[‘s skin] or by a trumpeter [on a trumpet]. But, if we consider our [cavalry signals] Boots and Saddles, To the Standard, Cavalry March, Mount-Up and The Watch, never mind the Toccatas, Sonatas, Sarasinettas and Clarino[-playing], and seek to have them employed with artistry, there will be found in them such creativity and such musical ornament that, moreover, many may suspect the involvement of some form of magic. To ensure that we do not permit such [common people] to learn {[Civ v]} our pieces, we maintain them in private and refuse to permit them be displayed in every beer-cellar. 66 Therefore we must recognise the trumpeter’s sound as a true musical art, even if we only consider the very ancient type that was employed by the Jews and has been communicated to me by an old Jew from Padua in Italy (whom I certainly trust), and that is set down here for all to discern. 28 Auβ welchen vrsachen solch Instrument gewiβlich nicht kan vor ein loses vergebliches vnd vnnützes Werck geschätzet werden/ sondern ist von ie-{D[j]}dermenniglichen/ biβ daher in nötigem gebrauch gehalten/ vnd vor nützlich in Göttlichen vnd Weltlichen geschefften erachtet worden. Dann warumb hat Gott nicht allein im Alten Testament der Trommeten gebrauch/ in seinem Tempel vnd gemein verordnet/ Sondern es wird auch noch in vnsern Kirchen/ da keine Papisten vnd Melancholische eyverKöpffe sitzen/ die alles zu Boltzen drehen wollen/ vnd nach jhrem langweiligen gehirn mehr sehnens/ als seufftzens erwecken/ die löbliche Ceremonien behalten/ das vnter den Orgelschlagen/ neben Geigen/ Lauten vnnd andern Instrumenten/ auch die Trommeten consoniren? Gewiβlich nicht vmb wollust willen/ das etwan die hertzen solten verführet/ vnnd vppiger Weltfrewden begierig werden/ sondern viel mehr/ das der Mensch auffgewecket/ vnd sein Lebensgeister ermuntert werden/ mit lust vnd hitziger andacht/ GOttes wolthaten auβ seinem Wort zu erkennen/ vnnd mit danckbahrem gemüth zuerzehlen. Denn lesen wir doch von Alten/ das sie bey den Todtenbegengnüβ/ Trommeten/ Schallmeyen vn̅ Pfeiffen/ wie auch noch heutiges Tages bey vns/ im Kriegswesen/ vblich vnd bräuchlich/ haben erklingen lassen/ vnnd sich mit andacht der zukünffti{[Dj v]}gen Aufferstehung vnnd seligen zustands erjnnert/ da wir in Himlischer Cantorey/ die schönen JubelGesänge anhören werden. Was meinestu denn/ wan̅ wir in der Kirche vns erjnnern der Himlischen frewden/ da wir tausentmahl besser frolocken sollen geniessen: Solte der nicht zur andacht beweget/ vn̅ mit hertzlichen begierden/ das Wort von zukünfftiger Seligkeit anzuhören/ verursacht werden? Dannenher wann David im 47. Psalm/ Gott fehret auff mit jauchtzen/ vnd der HERR mit hellen Posaunen/ rc. Item, im 81. Singet frölich/ Gott der vnser stärcke ist/ Jauchtzet dem GOtt Jacob. Nehmet die Psalmen/ vnd gebet her die Paucken/ liebliche Harffen mit Psaltern: Blaset im NewMonden die Posaunen/ in vnserm Fest der Laubrüst/ rc. Im 98. Psal. Jauchtzet dem HERRN alle Welt/ singet/ rühmet vnd 29 When Aaron held the Office When they set out When they fought It is for these reasons that it is clearly impossible to consider such an instrument as a shallow, futile and pointless work, but rather as one that has been maintained {D[j]} in essential employment up to the present [time] and has been considered appropriate in [both] sacred and secular affairs. [The use of the trumpet in concerted sacred music] Indeed, why is it that God not only regulated the use of the trumpet in His temple and community in the Old Testament but also still maintains the commendable ceremonies in our churches in which there are no popish and melancholic zealots (who simply twist everything around and prefer instead to raise complaints and moans with their irksome minds) so that, in addition to the playing of the organ, the trumpets resound in the company of strings, lutes and other instruments? Certainly not to wish voluptuousness through which the hearts are seduced and become eager for luxuriant and worldly pleasures, but rather so that humanity may be aroused and its spirit invigorated with joyous and passionate worship so that the kindness of God, expressed in His [own] words, may be recognised and acknowledged with thankful disposition. 67 So it is that we also read that in former times they permitted trumpets, shawms and pipes to ring out during funerals (just as they are customary and traditional in military matters nowadays) and through worship reminded themselves of the {[Dj v]} coming Resurrection and holy state when we in the heavenly choir will be able to hear the beautiful songs of rejoicing. 68 Does this mean then, [that] when we remind ourselves of the heavenly joy while in church, we shall therefore delight in it a thousand times better? Should it not be the case that, during worship, [only] the word of the coming holy condition should be heard with sincere desire? On this point, when David says, - in Psalm 47[, verse 5], "God is gone up to shouts of acclaim, Yahweh to a fanfare on the ram’s horn", etc; 69 - similarly in [Psalm] 81[, verses 1-3],"Sing for joy to God our strength, shout in triumph to the God of Jacob. Strike up the music, beat the tambourine, play the melodious harp and the lyre; blow the trumpet for the new month, for the full moon, for our feast day", etc; 70 - in Psalm 98[, verses 4-6], "Acclaim Yahweh, all the earth, burst into shouts of joy and sing! Play to Yahweh on the harp, on the harp to the sound of instruments; 30 lobet: Lobet den HErrn mit Harffen/ mit Harpffen vn̅ Psalmen/ mit Trommeten vnd Posaunen/ Jauchtzet vor dem HERRN dem Könige/ rc. Im 150. Psalm/ Lobet den HERren in seinem Heiligthumb/ Lobet jhn in der feste seiner macht/ Lobet jhn in seinen Thaten/ Lobet jhn in seiner grossen Herrligkeit/ Lobet jhn mit Posaunen/ rc. Saget/ So wil er mit solchen Instrumenten nichts anders als die hertzen zur andechtigen danck{Dij}barkeit bewegen. So nun in dem Hause Gottes von den Trommeten/ so viel gutes gestifftet vnnd auβgerichtet wird/ Was wollen wir dan̅ von WeltlichenStänden vnd Policeyen sagen/ da solche täglich gebraucht werden? Dann wenn es in einer Stadt oder Land soll also stehen/ das im selben das höchste Guth regieret/ so muβ man auch eusserliche mittel haben/ ohne welche der Heyde Aristoteles saget/ das daβ höchste Guth nicht könne vollkommen sein. Nun aber/ ob gleich mancher der eusserlichen mittel/ an Ehr/ Gesundheit vnd Reichthumb vollauff vnd gnug wil haben/ so muβ er doch ohne der Trommeten vnnd andern Instrumenten/ Hall vnd schall/ solches alles in vnscheinbahren vn̅ vnansehnlichen zustandt geniessen: Den̅ wie die Trommeter mit jhren Musiciren, nicht allein Fürsten vnd Herren an jhren Einzügen/ groβ zulauff erwecken/ auch im Kriegswesen/ Roβ vnd Man̅/ hertzhafftig/ frölich/ vn̅ ein herrliches ansehen machen: Auch nit allein die Melancholische̅ Bürger vo̅ jhrer betrübten Complexion entledigen/ vnnd jhre Natur in frischem vn̅ muntern wesen erhalten/ sondern auch alle fröligkeit erfüllen vnnd vollkommen machen: Eben also/ wenn Trommeter mangeln/ so müssen grosseHerrn jhre zukunft/ in grosser still vn̅ schlech-{[Dij v]}ten ansehen vollbringen/ Es kan auch kein Cornet Reuter/ ohne Trommeter ins Feldt geführet werden. Ja die Vnterthanen/ werden in Städten verdrossene Leute/ die zu keinen Männlichen Thaten lust können bekommen/ vnnd alle fröligkeiten werden gleichsam wie die Sonne mit trüben Wolcken verfinstert. Als ein junger Gesell in der Stadt/ des Empedoclis Wirth/ wolte mit blosser Wehr vberlauffen vnd entleiben/ da sol Empedocles seinen Thon erklingen lassen/ vnd diesen Jüngling also balden von seinem bösen vornehmen/ abwendig gemacht habe̅. Also kan ein Trommeter im Felde/ ein gantz Lager durch seine fleissige wacht vnd Thon der Trommeten/ erhalten. Also wann Pythagoras bey Nacht/ in der er die Gestirn am Himmel erforschet/ einen Jüngling antrifft/ der ein Hauβ wolt anstecken/ darinn seine Amasien sich mit einem andern verborgen/ da lest er sein Pfeifflein hören/ vnd macht diesen Buler vnd eyvernden Löwen/ zu einem sanfften Schaff. Ja was noch Trommetenklang/ bey der Musicliebenden hertzen/ vor wirckung haben/ wie sie bey Fürstlichen Einzügen/ die vnterthenige zu sehr bestürtzet/ Mannes gemüther zur kühnheit enttzün-{Diij}det/ vnd die betrübten Menschen auβ dem finstern Melancholeythal auff die grün Elysia der fröligkeit begleytet/ das wil ich einem jeden selbst zu probiren vnd zuerforschen/ der solche Kunst jemals recht gehöret vnd verstanden/ heimgestelt haben. Sonderlich können solches am besten bezeugen/ die sich in Kriegshändeln versucht/ vnnd dieses in steter krafft/ in rechtem ernst empfunden vnnd gefühlet haben. 31 to the sound of trumpet and horn, acclaim the presence of the King" etc; 71 - in Psalm 15O [, verses 1-3], "Praise God in his holy place, praise him in the heavenly vault of his power, praise him for his mighty deeds, praise him for all his greatness. Praise Him with fanfare of trumpet," etc; 72 he is doing no more than inciting the hearts to pious thanksgiving {Dij} with [the employment of] such instruments. Therefore, since so much good can be established and achieved in the house of God through the trumpet, should we not then say that the same[musical instrument] should be employed on a daily basis in worldly affairs and policies? Indeed, if the greatest good reigns in a town or country then it must be accompanied by an outward sign, without which the pagan Aristotle says that the greatest good cannot be perfect. 73 [The Trumpeters’ Art as an Aristotelian ‘outward sign’] Now, however, although a significant component of the outward sign will indeed consist of honour, health and wealth, all of these will be enjoyed in [an] unremarkable and unappetising condition in the absence of the peal and call of the trumpet and of other instruments. 74 After all, the trumpeters with their musical performances do not only give princes and lords great prestige during their entrance processions, but they also instil courage, joy and a glorious aura in [both] horse and man in time of war. Additionally, they do not simply rid melancholic townsfolk of their troubled complexion and keep their nature in a fresh and lively state, but they also cause all [occasions of] happiness to be [both] fulfilled and perfect. Nevertheless, if trumpeters be lacking, great lords will have to meet their destiny in great silence and poor {[Dij v]} regard. Moreover, no Cornet-rider can be followed in the field without a trumpeter. 75 Indeed, the subjects will become unwilling folk in the towns who will be unable to rejoice in valiant deeds, and all happiness will become obscured, just as the sun is by thick clouds. [Human masters from the ancient Greek and Roman world] 76 When an infuriated young journeyman in the town attempted to set upon and kill a guest of Empedocles, his evil intention was banished from this youth as soon as Empedocles burst into his song. In the same way, a trumpeter in the field can guard an entire encampment through his diligent watch and [the] sound of the trumpet. Again, when Pythagoras was studying the stars in the heavens one night and encountered a youth who was intent on setting fire to a house, in which his beloved was concealing herself with another [rival], he transformed this paramour and jealous lion into a gentle sheep when he let him hear his little pipe. 77 Indeed, in considering once more the effect that the sound of the trumpet has on music-loving hearts during princely entrances - that {Diij} the subjects are inspired to good, the minds of men are inflamed to bold deeds, and the troubled people are transported from the dark valley of melancholy to the green Elysium of joyfulness - I will probe and examine the same a little further to prove that such an art deserves to be listened to properly and comprehended. Indeed, this may be best attested to through examination of the affairs of war, in which it will be found and experienced in constant power and true zeal. 32 Denn wie Basilius Magnus selbst von Timotheo Phrygio meldet/ das wann er seinen Thon erhaben/ so sey der König Alexander gleichsam mit rasendem gemüth zum Kriege auffgemuntert worden/ wenn er aber den Thon nachgelassen/ so sey König Alexander der gelindigkeit/ gantz williglichen ergeben gewesen: Eben also wann wir im Krige mit vnsern Ohren/ nicht auff der Feinde drawungen vnnd der geschlagenen winseln/ sondern der Trommeten hellen klang mercken thun/ da fänget das Hertz an zu treiben/ da seind alle Glieder zur Schlacht geschickt/ Da fangen an die Pferde zu schnauffen/ da hört man gantz keine klage/ vnd wird der Feind offt gantz zitternt gemacht. Vmb solcher vrsach willen/ wird jederman nicht allein viel von vnser Kunst an jhr selbst halten/ son-{[Diij v]}dern auch dieselbe wol vber andere Instrument setzen vnd heben. Denn ob wir gleich keine Musicanten sonsten verachten/ die fürwar sonderliche Künstler seind/ vnd wegen jhrer geschickligkeit/ billich in Ehren zu halten: Jedoch/ weil andere Werckzeuge der Music, nicht allzeit zu männlichen Thaten vnd Tugenden dienen/ welches jetzundt in Kriegswesen von der Trommeten gerühmet worden/ sondern offt der Menschen hertzen zu Weibischer wollust/ Bulschafft vnd andern vppigkeiten reitzen/ so möchten billich etzliche Praler in sich schlagen/ vnd sich nicht so sehr in der Music vber vnsere Kunst vn̅ Consorten erheben. Es lassen sich zwar jhr viel bedüncken/ vnser Instrument sey nur zur leichtfertigkeit gemacht/ vnd nicht in Ehrensachen zu nutzen: Weil aber solches auβ oberzehlten vrsachen/ falsch genugsam erscheinet/ als ist auff solche Calumnien vnd opinion, viel zu antworten/ vnvonnöthen. Denn das vnsere Kunstverwanten mit jhrer Kunst bey vielen ehrliebenden Leuten in verdacht der leichtfertigkeit kommen/ solchs ist keines weges der Kunst vnd ehrlichen Trommetern/ sondern den vngerahten/ vntüchtigen vnd verterbten hertzen/ etlicher Teiffelskinder zuzumessen/ die mit jhrem losen leben/ ande-{[Div]}ren ehrlichen Trommetern/ einen schandtfleck anhengen/ wie in allen Künsten gebräuchlich. O wie kränckt einem ehrlichen Trommeter solche schmach/ die er von anderer wegen leyden/ vnd/ das sie leyder vnter vns gefunden werden/ dulden muβ. Solche Gesellen haben zwar die gnade von Gott/ das sie etwa eine Sonada, Auffzug/ oder Feldstück blasen können/ auch wol etwa einen Zug oder etliche in Vngarn/ Niederland vnd Franckreich gethan. Wenn sie aber nach Hofe in bestallung genommen/ vnd sich nun einmahl satt gessen vnnd getruncken haben/ fangen sie alle vngelegenheit an/ mit lästern/ schmehen/ vnnd verachten jhren Nechsten/ Pralen vnnd rühmen auch/ wie sie vor etliche 20. oder 30. Jahren Trompter gewesen/ viel Feldtzüge gethan/ Reissen sich auch wol gar vmb die Oberstestelle/ vnd vmb die Narren Kappe. Wann sie nun nichts auβrichten vn̅ erlangen kön̅en/ da fangen sie vnter der gantzen Gesellschafft vineinigkeit an/ liegen vnd triegen/ von einem hie/ vom andern dort/ biβweilen haben sie auch schlaghändel/ da denn Niemand mehr schläge/ schimpff vnd spott darvon träget/ als diese vnglücks Vögel/ da bekommen sie bald Maulschällen/ da werden sie gescholten/ geschmeht/ auch wol gar Wehrloβ ge-{[Div v]}macht/ vom Hofe abgeschaffet vnd zum Teuffel gejagt/ bringen auch manchen ehrlichen Trommeter neben jhnen/ in vngelegenheit. Ja ob sie gleich im Elend sehr wieder zum Creutz kriechen/ vnnd nach auβgestandenem hunger vnnd kummer/ sich etwa mit einem Vater vnser zu Gott 33 Indeed, [Saint] Basil the Great himself reports of Timotheus Phrygius that, when he raised his sound, King Alexander [the Great] was accordingly incited into battle with a furious rage, but when he relaxed the sound King Alexander willingly and totally submitted to mildness. 78 Similarly, our ears do not cringe at the threats and blows of the enemy when we are in the fray, but they notice instead the bright call of the trumpets in such a manner that the heart is urged on, the ranks all advance into the fray, the horse begin to snort heavily, scarcely any complaint is heard and the enemy is often made to tremble with fear. [On the Exclusivity of the Trumpeters’ Art] It is for such reasons that no-one [else] should take anything at all from our art for themselves, {[Diij v]} but should rather elevate and set the same far above any other instrument. Of course, we do not wish to scorn any other musicians who may also be true artists and who of course deserve to be honoured for their dexterity; nevertheless, since other musical tools are not always suited to serve the noble deeds and virtues in the affairs of war that are glorified nowadays by the trumpets, but often provoke men’s hearts to effeminate voluptuousness, to love affairs and to other sensualities, they should simply restrict any exhibition to their own area of expertise and refrain from imitating our art and our ensembles in their music. 79 Of course, there are many who would consider that our instrument is only suited to frivolity and not to employment for matters of honour. However, since the aforementioned evidence makes it abundantly clear that such [a consideration] is entirely false, it is not necessary to respond in detail to such calumny and opinion. Indeed, if our brethren-in-art with their skill do come under suspicion of frivolousness by many honour-loving people this is in no way to be blamed on the art and on honourable trumpeters, but rather on the ill-bred, incompetent and troubled hearts of a handful of Devil's children who, with their loose living, {[Div]} append a stain on other honourable trumpeters, as happens in all arts. O! How such disgrace offends an honourable trumpeter that he must endure misfortune on account of others who are unfortunately to be found among us. 80 [Against Untrained and Partially-trained Trumpeters] Such journeymen have indeed been favoured by God to the extent that they can perhaps blow a sonata, a processional piece or a cavalry signal; they may even have participated in a war-train or two in Hungary, the Netherlands or France. 81 However, once they have been appointed at court and have eaten and drunk their fill they cause total turmoil with slander [and] abuse and hold their colleagues in contempt; they also fulsomely boast that they have been trumpeters for perhaps twenty or thirty years [and] that they have participated in many war-trains; sometimes they even raise themselves to the highest position - and to the fool's cap! When they can now achieve and gain nothing, they breed dissention among the entire brotherhood; they lie and deceive this one here and that one there; they sometimes even cause people to come to blows; then, when nobody can bear any further blows, affront and derision from these miserable fowl, they receive slaps on the face and are scolded [and] abused; they are even rendered powerless, {[Div v]} are banished from court and are sent to the Devil, dragging down with them many honourable trumpeters. Indeed, when they then crawl back to the Cross in apparent distress and, having endured fasting and penance, seem to turn towards God to some degree with an Our Father and become more holy and [thereupon] appeal to Our Lord God and 34 bekehren vnd frömmer zu werden gedencken/ vnnd vnsern HErrn Gott vmb weitere dienstbestallung anruffen vnd bitten thun/ jedoch so es beschicht/ vn̅ sie jhrer bitte gewehret/ vnd wiederumb mit Dienste versehen werden/ auch wie gehorsamblich vnnd danckbarlich sich gegen Gott vnnd jhrem Nechsten erzeigen/ nicht wissen solten/ da ist das letzte erger als das erste. Derowegen/ damit wir durch anderer miβhandlung nicht verunglimpffet werden/ so wollen wir vns hiermit abgesondert haben/ nicht allein von diesen Gesellen/ sondern auch zum vberfluβ/ von allen vnvollkommenen Trommetern/ in dem vnsere Kunst wird vnscheinbar gemacht/ beydes durch etliche Trommeter/ die kaumb halb auβgelernet/ so wol auch durch Hauβleut/ die mit jhren blasen auch von den ärmesten Leuten/ sich müssen verachten lassen. Was die vnvollkommenen Trommeter belanget/ so seind solche die jenigen/ die von den jenigen/ {E[j]} so etwan 2. 3. 4. ja auch wol 12. oder 24. Jungen auff ein mahl/ darzu kaum ein halb: oder wenns hoch kömpt/ ein Jahr gelernet/ vnd etwa 20. 30. oder 40. Gülden von einem genommen/ wie es auch noch in Franckreich vnd Niederland der gebrauch/ das sie einander/ vmb einen guten Abendtrunck lernen/ ich wil geschweigen anderer Länder/ sonderlichen aber Deutschlandes/ da jhr gleicher gestalt viel seind/ wenn man sie Examiniren solte/ sie bekennen müsten/ das sie nicht Trommeters gebrauch gehalten. Weil aber nicht allein solche Lehrbuben müssen gewertig sein/ welches ich selber gesehen/ das sie auβ dem Felde/ oder vom Musterabdanckplatz/ nach Hause geschickt werden/ sondern auch die Meister wenig lob verdienen/ vnd sich von andern rechtschaffenen Trommetern/ müssen verachten lassen. (Wiewol es mancher gering achtet/ sie gedencken wann sie nur das Geldt haben/ die Jungen mögen lernen was sie kön̅en/ Exerciren sich auch wol nicht ehe/ mit jhren Discipulis, alβ wenn sie die Nase begossen/ vnd blind/ toll vnd voll sein. Auch haben der meiste theil diese gedancken/ wenn sie 1. 2. 3. oder auch wol mehr Jungen annehmen/ ich bin jtzt Alt/ lebe nicht lange mehr/ das Geldt ist mir auch noch gut mit/ du wilst sie lernen/ sie mögen sehen/ wie sie {[Ej v]} forth kom̅en/ sie mögen passiret werden oder nicht/ was frage ich darnach: Vber das/ habe ichs so weit bracht/ das ich mein lebenlang zu bleiben/ Welches sich denn hernacher/ wenn man etwa auff einem Beylager/ im Felde/ oder sonsten zusam̅en kömpt/ auβweiset/ da man kein Putreselle, ich wil geschweigen/ eine Sonada, oder was anders blasen kan.) So erfahren wir/ das es auch mit solchen GeldNarren vnnd geitzigen Gesellen/ so die Kunst also verhümpeln vnnd verstümpeln/ gemeiniglich nach dem allgemeinen Sprichwort zu gehen pfleget/ wie ein ding herkömpt/ also gehets auch wieder dahin/ Leicht gewonnen/ leicht zerronnen. Also was die Hauβleut betrifft/ so können wir sie nicht an Ehren vnd Leben schelten/ sondern müssen sie billich vor Ehrliche Leute passiren lassen. Weil aber gewisse Vrsachen vorfallen/ vmb welcher willen/ sie nicht vnter vnsere Kunst werden gerechnet vnd angenommen/ als wird vns jhr schlechtes vnd vnvollkommenes blasen/ kein verstendiger Mensch zumessen. Denn wer ein rechter Trommeter ist/ der lest sich nicht auff einem Thurn/ ober in einen solchen Vogelbawer setzen/ sondern er ist ein freyer Künstler/ der seinen klang kan beydes nach weite der offe-{Eij}nen lufft auβlassen/ So wol auch nach gelegenheit der Fürstlichen Zimmer/ mit arthlicher stimm moderiren. request another appointment, it becomes clear once their request has been met and they 35 have been provided with yet another position that they do not know how to be thankful and submissive to God and to their colleagues - and the last is more wicked than the first! For this reason, [and] in order to shield ourselves from other maltreatment, it is our wish that we separate ourselves not just from these journeymen, but, to crown it all, from all the imperfect trumpeters in whom our art is degraded (both the trumpeters who are hardly half-trained as well as domestic servants who show through their blowing just why they [are] among the most miserable people) and who must be held in contempt. In the case of the imperfectly-trained trumpeters - by which is meant the type of people who are among those who {E[j]} may have studied in the company of perhaps two, three, four, or perhaps even twelve or twenty-four [other] apprentices, for barely a half or, at most, a whole year, for which each paid twenty, thirty or forty gulden (which is still common practice in France and the Netherlands), with the result that each learned merely a good night-cap (I will be silent about countries other than Germany although they share much in common) - so that, when it is wished to examine them, they are forced to admit that they did not follow trumpeters’ custom. 82 As a result, not only must such apprentices be prepared for banishment from the field or from the recruitment yard back to their homes (this I have myself witnessed), but also the teachers should themselves earn little praise and must be held in contempt by other upright trumpeters. (Although it may appear a little petty, they have considered only the money and have left the youths to learn what they could, and they have also perplexed their colleagues, just as a runny nose can cause blindness and complete irritation. Moreover, the majority of these have considered when they took on one, two, three, or even more apprentices, "I am old now and haven't much longer to live. I can certainly do with the money. You wish that they learn? They will discover when they {[Ej v]} present themselves [for examination] whether they may be passed or failed. Why should I care?" Moreover, it has been my lifelong experience - and one that may well continue - that, upon arriving for a wedding, on the field, or at some such gathering, it has been patently clear that such [people] cannot play 'Boots and Saddles', let alone a sonata or the like.) So we find that the art is so bungled and mutilated by such money grabbing and greedy journeymen that the common proverb may be invoked which states that something goes as it comes: "Easy won, easy lost". [On Restricting the Trumpeters’ Art] In the case of the domestic servants, we cannot preach to them about honour and life, but they must simply give way before honourable people. Although certain occasions will occur now and then when those not in our art will be needed and employed, there must be no question of any reasonable person equating their poor and imperfect blowing with our art. 83 He who is a true trumpeter refuses to allow himself to be placed in a tower or in some other aviary because he is a free artist who can both project his sound across a great distance in the open {Eij} air and also moderate with an artful voice in the Princely Chamber when the occasion arises. 84 36 Daher wenn vns wird vorgeworffen/ das die Trommeter in Stuben keine lust können machen/ sondern die Ohren dermassen beschweren vnd vbertäuben/ das man vber viel Meilen von jhnen zusein begehren solte: So schieben wir solches in Bosen/ nicht allein denen/ die vnser miβbrauchen vnd solches begehren/ sondern auch den vnerfahrnen Trommetern/ die des Instruments nicht mechtig sein/ vnnd nach gelegenheit der orths gebrauchen können. Denn wie dieses beydes eine Vrsach ist/ des vbelklanges: Also wenn vns auch wird vorgeworffen der schade/ der nicht allein den Trommetern entstehet/ in dem er sein Gehirn verderbt/ sondern auch den Zuhörern/ der gantz wüste wird gemacht/ so geben wir solches gleicher massen/ schuldt dem Trommeter/ der nicht der rechten griff erfahren ist/ so wol auch den anwesenden/ die solches klanges miβbrauchen. Nun möchte einer wol sagen/ Was hilfft dichs dann/ das du davon rhümest/ wirstu von solchem lob auch Essen können? Weiβe mir einen Trom-{[Eijv]}meter/ der jemals ist Reich worden? Hier auff muβ ich/ wiewol schmertzlich vnnd seufftzendt/ zwar bekennen/ das bey den meisten vnnd auch ehrlichen Trommetern/ diese Kunst fast betteln gehet. Denn gleich wie jener Kunstreicher Musicant, in der Insul Jasso viel Zuhörer hatte/ die mit allem fleiβ sein Kunst in acht nahmen/ biβ auff die Stunde/ da man solte zur Mahlzeit gehen vnnd Fisch abholen. Als nun die Freβglocke geleutet wurde/ da lieff alles darvon/ vnnd lieβ die Music im stich/ biβ auff einen tauben Mann/ der die Glocke nicht gehöret. Zu diesem tritt der Musicant, vnnd thut sich bedancken/ das er jhm so fleissig zugehöret/ vnnd seiner Kunst Ehr angethan. Als aber der taube Narr mercket/ das man die Freβglocken geschlagen/ da lest er auch diesen Instrumentisten mit seiner Kunst vnd abdanckung fahren/ eylet zur Mahlzeit/ vnnd dencket seinen Bauch darfür zu füllen: Eben also/ ob gleich manche müssen bekennen/ die Kunst sey zu loben vnd zubelohnen/ so liegt jhm doch der Bauchgott mehr im hertzen/ vnd macht sie abwendig/ das man gute Künstler/ in Armuth vnnd Betteley lest stecken. Weil aber solchs nicht allein auch andern Künstlern wiederfehret/ sondern auch offt ein fehlschlag {E iij} thut/ in dem mancher Potentat sich anders beweist/ vnnd viel spendiret. So sol keiner das Hertz fallen lassen/ sondern jmmer das beste erwarten/ vnd neben dem/ was Athenæus vom Amebæo in Griechenland meldet/ das er Täglich hat können 600. Krohnen verdienen/ jhme was droben vom Marggraffen auβ Tyrol gesaget/ das nemblich/ derselbe der löblichen Kunst zu Ehren/ damit sie in jhren esse vnd ansehen erhalten/ vnd als ein Rittermessiges/ löbliches/ vnnd hohen Potentaten/ angenehmes vnnd gefelliges Werck/ auff vnsere Nachkommen propagiret, forth gepflantzet/ vnd bey denselben erhalten werden möchte/ auff zwene Jungen/ Tausent Ducaten spendiret vnd angewendet/ vor Augen bilden. Ja was der Churfürst zu Sachsen/ mein gnedigster Herr/ bey derselben biβ anhero gethan/ vnd ob Gott wil/ künfftig thun wird/ sich erjn̅ern thun. Ja das ich anderer Potentaten/ Fürsten vnnd Herren geschweige/ so muβ ich in vnterthenigster danckbarkeit/ von meinem gnedigsten Churfürsten vnnd Herrn rühmen/ erkennen vnd bekennen/ das er seine gnedigste affection, so er zu der Trommeten vnd deroselben Kunstverwandten/ tragen thut/ biβ anhero gnugsam zuerkennen gegeben/ vnnd in allen {[E iij v]} gnaden sich gegen vns erkläret/ vnnd noch zuthun erbotten. 37 From that, when it is complained to us that trumpeters can cause no pleasure indoors, but burden and overwhelm the ears so much that it would be preferable to be very many miles away from them, we blame the malicious for this - not merely those who abuse our [art] and covet it, but also the unskilled trumpeters who are not masters of an instrument that can be employed according to the layout of the place. Indeed, there is one cause on both counts: poor performance. Therefore, when we are reproached with the hurt that not only is it the case that trumpeters are people in whom their minds have been corrupted, but also that their listeners are entirely uncivilised, then we respond to such in a similar manner and blame the trumpeter who has not developed the proper control [of the instrument] as well as the people who distort the sound. [On the Proper Remuneration of the Trumpeter] Now you may well ask 'How will that which you wish for help you, will such praise supply you with food? Can you show me a trumpeter {[Eijv]} who has ever become rich?' On this point I must with sadness and regret indeed confess that for the majority (and including the most honourable trumpeters) this art almost goes hand-inhand with begging. There is a parallel in the [story of the] artistic musician who had many listeners on the island of Jasus, who paid attention to his art with great diligence until the hour when they should go for dinner and collect fish [from the market]. Now as soon as the dinner-bell was rung they all went away and left the music in the lurch, except for one hard-of-hearing man who had not heard the bell. The musician went to him and thanked him for listening to him so diligently and for giving his art honour. However, as soon as the hard-of-hearing fool realised that the dinner-bell had been rung, he too hurried to dinner to fill his belly and left the instrumentalist to continue with his art with resignation. 85 Likewise, and although it must be acknowledged that many recognise that the art should be praised and rewarded, they nevertheless place more emphasis on the belly-god than on the heart so that good artists find themselves placed in poverty and beggary. Of course, this is not unique [to trumpeters] and it also happens to other artists; it is also often the result of to a failure {E iij} to follow the example of the Authority that knows better and spends enough. 86 Therefore, no heart should fall into despair but should always hope for the best and be mindful not only of that which Athenaeus related about Amoebeus in Greece (that he could obtain six hundred crowns per day), 87 but also that which was recounted earlier about the Margrave of Tyrol (who wished to glorify the honourable art through his thoughts and deeds so that he promoted it as a knightly, honourable work pleasing and appropriate to high authority) so that [the art] may be propagated and promoted to our descendants and that it may [again] be possible for one thousand ducats to be spent and made good use of for two apprentices. Indeed, it is worth considering what the Elector of Saxony, my most kind Lord, has done for the same up to the present and, God-willing, will do in the future. 88 Although I am omitting [mention of the support from] other Authorities, Princes and Lords, I must yet recognise, acknowledge and praise with most submissive thankfulness, my own most kind Elector and Lord [of Brandenburg], who in his most kind affection has given significant support to the trumpet and to its brotherhood up to the present, and has in all kindness announced to{[E iij v]} us that he is prepared to continue to do the same [in the future]. 38 Was nun denen vnnd mir geschehen/ das kan einem andern ehrlichen/ auffrichtigen vnnd Kunsterfahrnen Trommeter/ wann er seiner Kunst nicht miβbrauchen wird/ auch wol wiederfahren. Wil nun einen jedtwedern Kunstverstendigen/ der sich biβweilen schmiegen/ dücken vnnd bücken muβ/ zu geruhen/ GOtt vor Augen zu haben/ seiner Kunst recht zugebrauchen: Die vnerfahrnen vn̅ vnvollkom̅enen aber/ Gott vmb verzeihung zu bitten/ gnade zu begehren/ vnd sich in jhrer Kunst/ zu vben vnnd zu bessern/ gantz trewlichen vermahnet/ Wie dann auch meine wenige Person/ einen jeden guten Gesellen/ sonderlichen aber/ rechtschaffenen Trommetern/ recommendiret vnnd empfohlen. Den günstigen Leser aber/ diese meine mühe/ in keinem vnguten/ auff- vnd anzunehmen/ sondern mir zum besten zu deuten/ gebeten haben. Gebetlein EHr sey Gott in dem höchsten Thron/ Und Jesu Christo seinem Sohn/ {[Eiv]} Dem Heilgen Geist in gleicher Her/ Von welchen kömmet alles her/ Gewalt/ Reichtumb/ Her vnd auch gunst/ Dem danck ich auch vor meine Kunst/ Vor gfunden Leib vnd alle Gab/ Die ich vom HERRN empfangen hab/ Ich bitt HERR dich demütiglich/ Du wolst darbey erhalten mich/ Dieweil du mich mit deiner Hand/ Hast geordnet in diesen Standt/ Du wollst mir auch die gnade gebn/ Das ich kan nach deim Willen lebn/ Niemand verfuchschwentz oder heuchl/ Auch niemand heimlichen vorschmeuchl/ Gleich wie die Welt es jetzt thut treibn/ Vnd König David thut von schreibn/ In dem hundert vnd ersten Psalmn/ Die Heuchler/ soll man all zermalmn/ Vnd die Fuchβschwentzer treiben auβ/ Auff das gereignigt werd Gotts Hauβ/ Wie die Wort auch lauten mehr/ Dem lieben Gott sey Preiβ vnd Ehr/ Der wolle ein Christlich Hertze gebn/ Das wir bey jhm auch Ewig lebn/ Vmb vnsers HERRN Christi Namen/ Wer das begert/ sprech von hertzn Amen. 39 [Hope for the Future of the Trumpeters’ Art] My hope then is that it will come to pass that the honourable, honest and artistic trumpeter will find his art held in high esteem and not misused. 89 Therefore, every art-understanding person (who may have had to cringe, stoop down and be humbled on occasion) should now endeavour, bearing God in mind, to have his art used correctly; on the other hand, every untrained and imperfect person should be encouraged to ask God for forgiveness, to request grace, and to practise and better himself in his art in good faith, in the way that I, in all modesty a good journeyman and moreover a righteous trumpeter, have recommended and commended. [Finally,] the gracious reader is asked to receive and approve of this, my effort, without any offence and to think only the best of me. A Little Prayer Praised be God in the highest throne 90 and Jesus Christ His son; {[Eiv]} The Holy Spirit, as co-equal lord, from whom came everything here, power, wealth, might and also favour. I thank him also for my art, for my given body and for all the gifts that I have received from the LORD. I humbly ask you, LORD, that you will also support me, since it was you who formed me in this state with your hand; [that] You will also give me the grace to live according to your will, without sly fox or hypocrite and also without stealthy cheat. As the world now tries to promote that which King David did when he wrote in Psalm one hundred and one, ‘The hypocrites shall all be crushed and the sly foxes driven out’, so will the house of God be cleansed. As the Word thus proclaims again, ‘Praise and glory to the dear God’ who wishes to show a Christian heart that we may live with Him forever. He who seeks in Our Lord Christ’s name, speak from the heart. Amen. 40 {[Eivv]} Ein Geistlich Lied. 1. CHristus der HERR sey hochgelobet vnd gebenedeyet/ der vns durch sein bittern Todt/ vom ewigen Todt gefreyet/ hilfft auch noch/ das der Sünden Joch/ sich nicht zu vns Geselle/ durch deine Gnad/ gieb hülff vnnd Rhat/ behüt vns für der Helle. 2. Auff dich allein HErr Jesu Christ/ thu ich hoffen vnd bawen/ ich weiβ das du mein Helffer bist/ fest thu ich dir vertrawen/ weil du mich O Gott/ auβ mancher noth sichtbarlich thetst auβführen/ auch meiner Feinde Rhat machstu zu spott/ kein vnglück durfft mich rhüren. 3. Singen wil ich auβ hertzen grundt/ {{F[j]} vnd deinen Nahmen preysen/ Dieweil du O Gott alle stundt/ mir hülffe thust beweisen/ mir dein Huld vnnd Gnad/ auch hülff vnd Rhat/ kein mal thust abschlagen/ wie ich dann bereyt/ solches allezeit/ habe thun drauff wagen. 4. Pfleg ich dann vndanck zubeweisen/ vor deine Gaben/ die ich von dir O heiliger Geist/ ohn zahl empfangen habe/ So wende von mir/ Ich schrey zu dir/ alle meine Sünde/ auff dz ich mit rechter maβ/ ohn vnterlaβ/ mich danckbarlich erzeigen köndte. 5. Allein O HErr ohn deine Gnad/ kan ich nichts auβrichten/ O heiliger Geist gieb hülff vnd Rhat/ Das ichs kan erdichten/ was Lob dir/ was Rhum dir gebührt/ der heiligen Dreyfaltigkeit zu {[Fjv]} Ehren/ dan̅ ich wol weiβ/ das du heiliger Geist/ mich kanst weisen vnd lehren. 41 {[Eivv]} A Holy Song 1. Christ the LORD be praised on high and glorified, 91 who through his bitter death freed us from everlasting demise, help us now that the yoke of sin be not placed on us journeymen, through your grace give us help and advice, [and] prepare us for holiness. 2. 92 In you alone Lord Jesus Christ I place my hopes and dreams, I know you are my helper, I firmly place my trust in you and you, O God, have brought me from much need; you have put my evil council to shame, [and] have not let me suffer any misfortune. 3. 93 I will sing from the bottom of my heart {F[j]} and praise your name, since you, O God, show me help at every hour [and] never refuse me your favour and mercy, as well as [your] assistance and counsel that I have readily sought at all times on that account. 4. I take care then to expel ingratitude for your numerous gifts that I have received from you, O Holy Spirit; So take from me, I cry to you, all my sins, so that I may rightfully [and] without fail show myself grateful. 5. Alone, O Lord, without your mercy I can achieve nothing; O Holy Spirit give [the] help and counsel so that I can discover what praise [and] what glory is due to you, for I well know {[Fjv]} that you, Holy Spirit, can direct and teach me how to praise the Holy Trinity. 42 Reiche mir deine Hülff/ laβ bey mir deine gunst/ weil ich hie leb auff Erden/ bleiben/ auff das ich möge mein Kunst/ bey Fürsten vnd Herrn treiben/ bey Herren Höfen vnnd auch im Feld/ oder wo es sich mag schicken/ O HErr so es dir gefelt/ so muβ mirs wol glücken. Hin vnd her auff dieser Erd/ muβ ich weil ich leb mich schwingen/ biβ das ich endtlich meinen lauff/ das End davon thu bringen/ da dann Kunst vnd gunst/ alles vmbsonst/ bald wird sein verschwūden/ so tröst ich mich doch/ das der lebet noch/ so heilen wird mein Wunden. 6. 7. 8. Ewig in dieser betrübsten zeit/ weiβ {Fij} ich/ kan ich nicht bleiben/ Ich weiβ aber eine bessere Frewd/ so mir mein GOtt wird geben/ Durch seinen Sohn/ den Gnaden Thron/ mir vnd allen Gleubigen schencken/ der sich auch vor mich gedültiglich/ ans Creutz hat lassen hencken. 9. Nim nicht von mir O höchster Gott/ das/ so du mir gegeben/ laβ mich auch nicht werden zu spott/ in meinem gantzen Leben/ durch meine Kunst/ die ich vmbsonst/ von dir erlanget habe/ hilff das Täglich/ ich demütiglich/ dir dancke vor solche Gabe. 10. Teuffel vnd Todt/ zwar fürcht ich nicht/ wan̅ ich dich nur kan haben/ auch die jenigen allzumahl/ so mir fälschlich nachtraben/ So bistu doch bereyt/ mit hülff allzeit/ die Feinde abzukehren/ vnd {[Fijv]} stürtz die Gesellen/ die nicht wöllen/ daβ sich mein Glück sol mehren. 43 6. Extend to me your help. Let me have your favour while I live here on the Earth, so that I may pursue my art for princes and lords, at lordly courts and also in the field, or wherever it may be fitting, O Lord as it pleases you so must it indeed be beneficial for me. 7. To and fro upon this world must I wander while I live, until when I finally come to the end of my course when art and favour, all free of charge, will quickly disappear. Thus I still console myself that it will yet happen that my wounds will be cured. 8. I know that in this troubled time I cannot live forever; {Fij} I know however a better pleasure that my God will give me, who will present the merciful throne to me and to all the faithful, through his son, who meekly allowed himself to be hung on the cross for me. 9. Do not take away from me, O highest God, 94 that which you have given me. Let me also not fall into derision during my entire life on account of my art that I have received from you freely. Help [me] so that I may humbly thank you daily for such a gift. 10. Indeed I fear neither Devil nor death, nor those who falsely pursue me all too often, if I can only have you. For you are always ready with help to sweep aside the enemy {[Fijv]} and to crush the journeymen who do not wish that my luck be increased. 44 11. Schmertzlich hab ich erduldet viel/ wol von meinen Feinden allen/ Du hast sie Herr doch allzumahl/ gestürtzt/ das sie seind gefallen/ in die Grube so sie mir machten mit begier/ mich zustossen hinunter/ Aber du O Gott/ macht sie all zu spott/ durch dein Zeichen vn̅ wunder. 12. Christum sie nicht recht ruffen an/ seinen Nahmen auch nicht preisen/ von dem sie alle Gaben han/ vnd jhnen guts beweisen/ Mit gsundem Leib/ Kinder vnd Weib/ errettet auβ der Hellen/ darumb du Christ/ Wer du nur bist/ mit danck thu dich einstellen. 13. Hilff du O Herr Gott alle stundt/ {Fiij} das ich daran gedencke/ vnd ich dir danck von Hertzen grund/ vor die Gnadenreich Geschencke/ vor meine Kunst/ vnnd deine gunst/ so ich empfangen habe/ von deinem Sohn/ dem GnadenThron/ auch vor alle gabe. 14. Erleucht mein Hertz O gütiger Gott/ das ich danckbarlich mich erzeige/ auch zu dir Gott/ in aller Not/ mein Hertz vnd Ohren neige/ laβ mich auch forth/ zu deinem Wort/ mit allem fleiβe kommen/ auff das mir die Gabe so ich von dir habe/ nicht wieder werde geno en. 15. Letzlich wil ich gebeten han/ die so an die Kunst seind gebunden/ das sie Gott auch vor Augen han/ allAugenblick vn̅ stunden/ Ruff jhn stets an/ fleug vnglück/ bleib darvon/ vnkeuschheit vnnd {[Fiijv]} Wein thu meiden/ auch hüt du dich/ das du ja nicht/ Niemands Ehr thust abschneiden. 45 11. Sadly have I endured much from all of my enemies, but you, Lord, have always dashed them and they have fallen into the pit. Thus they have looked upon me with the desire to shove me down, but you, O God, treat them with scorn through your sign and marvel. 12. 95 They do not call upon Christ, nor do they praise his name, from whom they receive every gift and to whom they should show righteousness. The healthy body, children and wife are all delivered from the Light, for which you, Christ, because of who you are, should be presented with thanks. 13. You have helped, O Lord God, at all times 96 {Fiij} that I can remember and I thank you from the bottom of my heart for the gracious gifts, for my art and for your favour, and also for all the gifts that I have received from your Son, the throne of grace. 14. Light up my heart, O gracious God, that I show myself thankful and to you, God, bow my heart and ears in every emergency. Henceforth let me come to your word with all haste, that I may never forget the gift that has been given to me by you. 15. Lastly will I pray for the art that it will always be bound, that it has God in mind, every second and hour, and calls on him always, avoids impurity and drunkenness; {[Fiijv]} [and] also that you be on your guard lest you cut off honour from anyone. 46 16. Lob/ Ehr Preiβ sey Gott allein/ vor seine Göttliche gnade/ der mach vns vnsere Hertzen rein/ das wir nutzen vnnd nicht schaden/ der Tromptern jhr Ehr/ je lenger je mehr/ so lang du lebst auff Erden/ auch verschwiegen vnd still/ Thu was dein Herr wil/ du wirst gerühmet werden. Ein Reymen. Zug vnd Wacht/ Scharmützel vnd Schlacht/ Vnfriede vnd Streit/ Gute Bezahlung vnd Beuth/ Macht frische Kriegsleut. 47 16. 97 Praise, honour, extol God alone for his godly mercy that purifies our hearts so that we make use of and do not harm the honour of the trumpeter. Ever longer [and] ever more, as long as you live on the earth, do what your Lord wills discretely and silently [and] you will receive honour. A Rhyme Campaign and watch, Skirmish and battle, Strife and conflict: Good Pay and spoils Make keen warriors. 48 Annotated Commentary The colophon is found at the top of the blank verse of the first folio: ‘Heinrich. Jochim./ Fürchte GOTT vnnd Liebe Die Kunst,/ So hastu beÿ allen Menschen gunst.’ The printed title page is found on the verso of the first folio. For his service at the court, see Curt Sachs, Musik und Oper am kurbrandenburgischen Hof (Julius Bard, Berlin, 1910/r. Georg Olms, Hildesheim & New York, 1977), p.160. 2 Schober[t]’s signature - ‘Johann Christoff Schober/ König_ Preussischer [ge]stalter Cammer/ Hoff und Felt Trompetter’ or ‘Johann Christoff Schober[t], established Royal Prussian Chamber, Court and Field Trumpeter’ - is found in the bottom quarter of the title page on the verso of the first folio and is inscribed around and over a vignette. For his service at the court, see Sachs, Musik und Oper, p. 188. 3 Dielitz made two manuscript entries. The first, on the first recto and below Heinrich Joachim’s colophon, is a light-hearted tribute to the former owner: Johann Gottlieb Ludwig Carl Dielitz. Liebe Gott und Wissenschaft! Beide werden Muth und Kraft Dir verlassen zu diesem Leben, Dort die dir zu Krone geben. Anno Christi 1817. The second, more formal entry supplies a more precise date and a location. Iit is entered in the void to the right of the printed title on the first verso and it reads ‘Möge der kunftige Besitzer dieses Merksams dasselbe, alβ eine Curiosität, mit Sorgfalt bewahren; damit ab auch noch kunftigen Geschlechtern zur einblichen Ammuth darein moge! Berlin, den 1sten Januar, 1817. Dielitz.’, that is, ‘May the future owner of this remarkable [book] carefully protect the same as a curiosity; moreover may future generations also be able to see the insightful charm it contains! Berlin, 1 January 1817. Dielitz’. 4 See the transcription of this letter in favour of ‘die Trompeter, Pfiffer, Lutenschleher vnd spillut’ in ‘Beilage I. Samstag vor Misericord, Den Trompetern, Pfeiffern vnd Lautenschlägern wird vom Grafen Ulrich von Württemberg “ihre gemachte Gesellschaft bestetigt”’, in Josef Sittard, Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Württembergischen Hofe 1458-1793 (2 vols., Stuttgart, 1890-1891/r. Georg Olms, Hildesheim & New York, 1970), I (1458-1733), pp. [321]-324. 5 See in Johann Jakob Schmauss and Heinrich Christian Freiherr von Senckenberg, (eds.), Neue und vollständigere Sammlung der Reichs=Abschiede, Welche von den Zeiten Kayser Conrads des II. bis jetzo auf den Teutschen Reichs=Tägen abgefasset worden...In Vier Theilen. (Koch; Frankfurt-am-Main, 1747/r. Otto Zeller; Osnabrück, 1967), II, pp. 32 (from 1497), 48 (from 1498), 80 (from 1500), 344 (from 1530), 602 (from 1548), and III, pp. 394 (from 1577). 6 For the 1548 document, see Schmauss and Senckenberg, Neue und vollständigere Sammlung, II, pp. 602-606, especially the final section ‘xxxvii Von Handwercks=Söhnen, Gesellen, Knechten und Lehr=Knaben’ concerning ‘Leinweber, Barbierer, Schäfer, Müller, Zöllner, Pfeiffer, Trummeter, Bader’ on pp. 605-606; for the reissue of 1551 see Ibidem, II, p. 623, for that of 1577, see Ibidem, III, pp. 397-398. The regulations not only extended the rights of association already obtained by weavers, barbers, shepherds and millers (who had already formed their own guild systems) to pipers, trumpeters and village quacks (who did not yet have them), it also extended to 1 49 all of these eligibility for their elders and children as long as these too satisfied the usual criteria of honourable birth, trade and nature. 7 On the size and personnel of the standard Imperial cavalry troop, see the regulations connected with the Reuter-Bestallung of 1570 in Ibidem, III, p. 323. 8 See endnotes 50 and 51, for more on this now-lost music manuscript book. 9 Dresden, Staatsarchiv: Loc. 8684. Musterung des Churfürstl[ichen] Sachischen reiβigen Hof-Gesindes...A 1570-1653, fol. 205v. This document is a digest in summary form of information that has been extracted from a variety of other, more detailed, court account books, many of which are now lost. 10 The practice employed during the second half of the 16th century may be conveniently exemplified by that of the Ducal Württemberg court at Stuttgart. During the 1550s trumpeter apprentices there were mainly selected from former choirboys. They were trained by the head-trumpeter, Heinrich Widekind, for a period of around three years, after which they normally spent a further three years as journeyman before obtaining a position in the court trumpet corps. During the 1550s, however, the incoming Duke Christoph (1515-1568) had the court trumpeter corps increased from 2-3 personnel to 6-8 and this resulted in the training of apprentices in groups of 4-6 and appointment to the trumpeter corps immediately after release from apprenticeship. For more on Stuttgart, see Gustav Bossert, ‘Die Hofkantori unter Herzog Christoph (1550-72)’, Württembergische Vierteljahrshefte für Landesgeschichte. Neu Folge VII (1898), pp. 124-167, idem, ‘Die Hofkantori unter Herzog Christoph von Würrtemberg’, Monatshefte für Musik-Geschichte XXXI (1899), pp.1-14, and also Josef Sittard, Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters, I, p. 13. 11 The Geistlich Lied is found on fols. [Eivv]-[Fiijv]. 12 Court records occasionally distinguish between the trumpeters according to their particular modes of employment at this time. Electoral Saxony and Electoral Brandenburg divided their corps into ‘stationary’ trumpeters (whose functions centred on the actual court itself) and ‘mobile’ trumpeters (who functioned as messengers for the court and who received allowances for the maintenance of a horse); in maritime nations such as Denmark there was the further subgroup of the ‘ships’ trumpeters, or ‘Schiffs Trommeter’, who served at sea. At some courts, for example, the Imperial court at Vienna, another distinction was made between ‘Tubicines non Musicales’ and ‘Tubicines Musicales’, that is, between court trumpeters who served only for trumpeting duties and court trumpeters who performed on other instruments also: see in Ludwig Ritter von Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis 1867 (Beck’sche Universitäts-Buchhandlung; Vienna, 1869/r. Georg Olms; Hildesheim & New York, 1976), pp. 129, 130-1 and passim. The ‘musical’ trumpeters were often also identified by use of a designation similar to that used at the Archducal court at Graz, ‘Instrumentist und Trommeter’: see in Helmut Federhofer, Musikpflege und Musiker am Grazer habsburgerhof der Erzherzöge Karl und Ferdinand von Innerösterreich (B. Schott’s Söhne; Mainz, 1967), p. 188 (the entry on ‘Paradis, Jacob’) and passim. 13 See the Verzeichnuβ Der Durchleuchtigisten/ Hochgebornen Fürsten vnd Herren/ Herren Hanβ Georgen Churfürsten zu Sachsen/rc. Vnd Johan Sigmundt Churfürsten zu Brandenburg/rc. Sampt andern Fürsten/ Grafen vnd Herren Einzug/ zu Naumburg auff die Churfürstl. Versamblung/ An. 1614. (Johann Schultes; Augsburg, [1614]): Staatsund Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, call-number 4 Gs Flugschr. 765), fols. Aijv, Aiij and passim. 50 14 The work is printed in the Gesamtausgabe der musikalischen Werke von Michael Praetorius, xx (Kallmeyer; Wolfenbüttel, 1936), pp. 40-79. The quotation is found in a note printed at the end of the partbook for Bassus 3. Chori: see the facsimile in ibid. 15 Karl Gebler, Musik am Altenburger Hofe am Anfange der 17. Jahrhunderts, Altenburger Heimatblätter, Jahrgang V, Number 11 (1936), 84 16 See in Sachs, Musik und Oper, p.160. 17 The call numbers that Sachs employed and mentioned in the Vorwort to Musik und Oper, on pp. 7-10, have subsequently been changed in a radical manner so that there is a clear need for a back-reference catalogue to facilitate the location of surviving musicoriented documents and associating them with those that are now only known through Sachs’ lucky decision to print them as the Beilage I: Regesten of his study, on pp. [199]231. It is still possible to recover some of the individual connections while working on the archival documents: for example, documents listed by Sachs under the heading ‘Hausarchiv Rep. XIX, Pers. Spec.’ may be found under the call number ‘GStA PK, I.HA Rep. 36 Hof- und Güterverwaltung’ when they have survived. 18 At this time one Reichsthaler was worth one-and-one-half Florins. 19 Berlin-Dahlem, Staatsarchiv Preuβischer Kulturgeschichte, GStA PK, I.HA Rep. 36 Hof- und Güterverwaltung, Nr. 2430, [documents] 23-31. 20 Although the section heading ‘Vorrede’ is not printed until the verso of folio Aij, where it appears as the header, it is clear that the foreword begins on the recto of the same folio. 21 Caspar Hentzschel dedicated his book to Elector Frederick V of the Palatinate, who is better known as the ‘Winter King’. Frederick (1596-1632) was elected King of Bohemia on 26 August 1619 by the Bohemian section of the Evangelical Union which had previously announced its unilateral deposition of King Ferdinand II of Bohemia. Following the latter’s election as Holy Roman Emperor on 28 August 1619, Emperor Ferdinand II immediately assumed the offensive and decisively defeated the Bohemians at the Battle of the White Mountain near Prague on 8 November 1620. Frederick continued the struggle until he was exiled at the end of 1624, when he lost the Palatinate to Duke Maximilian I of Bavaria and eventually settled in exile in The Hague. 22 Psalm 50: 9-10 Biblical references are made with reference to three languages and to their respective key publications: in Latin to the Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Versionem (2 vols, Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1985) [= Vulgate] which, punctuation apart, is essentially identical with the Clementine Bible, or Biblia Sacra Vulgatae Editionis (Aldus, Rome, 1592/ r. as Bibliorum Sacrorum Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Nova Editio (Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, Rome, 1951)), which was in use in Catholic areas of the Holy Roman Empire in the early 17th century [= Vulgate]; in German to Martin Luther’s Biblia das ist die gantze Heilige Schrift Deudsch (Hans Lufft, Wittemberg, 1534/r. Taschen, Köln, 2003) and also to his revised Biblia das ist die gantze Heilige Schrift Deudsch auffs new zugericht (Hans Lufft, Wittemberg, 1545/r. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1983) [=Biblia Germanica], which differs in many respects from the modern text Die Bibel (Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1985) [= Die Bibel]; and in English to The New Jerusalem Bible (Darton, Longman & Todd, London, 1985) [= New Jerusalem Bible]. Biblical citations of chapter and verse numbers are made here according to the modern English-language usage found in the New Jerusalem Bible, from which are also taken the Englishlanguage translations of biblical quotations included by Hentzschel. 23 This and the following paragraphs provide an interesting example of the employment and manipulation of biblical quotation to promote a partisan cause. Hentzschel’s biblical quotations are taken from the Biblia Germanica, in which there is mention of 51 either the ‘Dromete’ or the ‘Posaun’ depending on which of the two nouns ‘ḥaṣoṣerah’ [ ‫ ] צצך‬or ‘shophar’ [ ‫] פ‬, respectively, is met in the source Hebrew text at a given point. The two terms are treated as interchangeable by Hentzschel, who considers them as literal equivalents that both represent the brass instrument without valves, node-holes or keys that is called in English the ‘trumpet’. Therefore he both modernises ‘Drom[m]ete’ to the term ‘Trommet’ more usual in his time and he also replaces the noun ‘Posaun’ with ‘Trommet’ in an inconsistent manner despite the (for us at least) different organological meaning. In the present instance Hentzschel includes both terms. It is clear that the two terms are interchangeable for him and, by extension, for his German-speaking contemporaries. In taking this course Hentzschel is following both Martin Luther’s and also enduring orthodox Lutheran practice. It is unfortunate that, especially for non-German speakers, there has been a tendency to translate the noun ‘Posaun’ consistently and at face value as the brass instrument with a double-slide mechanism that is called in English the ‘trombone’, which has given rise to many putative assertions regarding the spiritual associations of this particular instrument in the Renaissance and Baroque eras. This is doubly unfortunate, since German translations of the Bible have consistently continued to indicate the noun ‘Posaun’ as cognate with the instrument known in English translation as the ‘ram’s horn’. The term ‘ram’s horn’ is employed in the present translation for clarity. 24 The New Jerusalem Bible mentions the ‘ram’s horn’ in 19: 13 and the ‘trumpet’ in 19: 16, 19: 19 and 20: 18. The Vulgate employs the noun ‘bucina’ in the four equivalent entries. The Biblia Germanica employs the German noun ‘Posaune’ in the three latter places, but omits the noun in 19: 13; this is rectified in Die Bibel with the insertion of the noun ‘Widderhorn’ at this point. 25 The Biblia Germanica includes mention of ‘Posaunen’ but not of ‘Trommeten’ in The Revelation to John, the Vulgate mentions the ‘tuba’, while the New Jerusalem Bible refers to the ‘trumpet’ throughout. 26 Hentzschel is referring to 1 Corinthians 15: 51-52 and 2 Thessalonians 1: 6-10 at this point. 27 1 Thessalonians 4: 16. The Biblia Germanica mentions ‘Posaunen’ here (which Hentzschel correctly quotes)’ the Vulgate employs the noun ‘tuba’ and the New Jerusalem Bible has ‘trumpet’. 28 1 Corinthians 2: 9 29 Leviticus 25: 9-10. The Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaune’ in this passage, the Vulgate has ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible has ‘trumpet’. 30 In Genesis 4: 21 Jubal is described as ‘Von dem sind herkomen die Geiger und Pfeiffer’ in the Biblia Germanica, the Vulgate describes him as ‘pater canentium cithara et organo’ and the New Jerusalem Bible as ‘the ancestor of all who play the harp and pipe’. Tradition derives his name from the Hebrew term ‘Yobel’, that is, ‘trumpet’. 31 See Genesis 4: 21 32 Leviticus 23: 24 Luther’s translation in the Biblia Germanica reads ‘Am ersten tage des siebenden monden/ solt jr den heiligen Sabbath des blasens zum gedechtnis halten/ da jr zusamen kompt’, the Vulgate text has ‘mense septimo prima die mensis erit vobis sabbatum memorabile clangentibus tubis et vocabitur sanctum’ and the New Jerusalem Bible reads ‘The first day of the seventh month will be a day of rest for you, of remembrance and acclamation, a sacred assembly’. 33 Numbers 10: 1-4 The Biblia Germanica introduces ‘zwo Drometen’ in this famous passage - famous for trumpeters at least. This passage also includes the information that when both trumpets were employed the entire community was summoned, whereas use of a single trumpet caused only the leaders of the people to be summoned. 52 Numbers 10: 9 Hentzschel’s text includes the error ‘von dem Könige aller Könige’ which should read ‘vor dem Könige aller Könige’. 35 Numbers 29: 1 Hentzschel uses the noun ‘Trommetenfest’ (literally ‘Feast of the Trumpets’), replacing the term ‘drometentag’ (or ‘Day of the Trumpets’) which is found in the Biblia Germanica at this point, which the Vulgate describes the feast as a ‘dies clangoris…et tubarum’ and the New Jerusalem Bible as ‘The feast of Acclamations’. 36 Numbers 31: 6 Hentzschel uses the noun ‘Trommeten’ here. The Biblia Germanica employs ‘Halldrometen’, the Vulgate uses ‘tubas’ and the New Jerusalem Bible reads ‘trumpets’. See endnote 19 also. 37 Numbers 10: 2-10 Hentzschel uses the noun ‘zwo Trommeten’ in verse 2. The Biblia Germanica employs ‘zwo Drometen’, the Vulgate uses ‘duas tubas’ and the New Jerusalem Bible reads ‘two trumpets’. 38 Joshua 6: 13-20 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here. A variety of musical terminology is employed in this chapter. The Biblia Germanica refers to the instrument variously as ‘Halliars horn’, ‘Posaunen’ and ‘Halliars posaunen’, the Vulgate includes the nouns ‘iobeorum bucinas’, ‘bucinas’ and ‘tubae’, and the New Jerusalem Bible in its turn employs the nouns ‘ram’s-horn trumpets’, ‘trumpets’ and ‘ram’s horns’ in the respective places. 39 Judges 7: 19-22 Hentzschel incorrectly indicates chapter 6. He also uses the noun ‘Trommeter’, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaunen’ throughout the passage, the Vulgate includes ‘bucinis’ in verses 19 and 22 and ‘tubas’ in verse 20, and the New Jerusalem Bible employs ‘horns’ throughout the same passage. 40 Judges 7: 16 Hentzschel uses the noun ‘Trommeten’, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate uses ‘tubas’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that each of the three hundred warriors was given a ‘horn’. 41 1 Samuel 13: 3-4 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate uses ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that ‘Saul had the trumpet sounded’. 42 2 Samuel 2: 28 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate uses ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that ‘Joab sounded the trumpet’. 43 2 Samuel 18: 16 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate uses ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that ‘Joab then had the trumpet sounded’. 44 1 Kings 1: 39-40 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeter’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica indicates that the priest-musicians ‘bliesen mit der Posaunen’ at this point, the Vulgate indicates that the priest-musicians ‘cecinerunt bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible notes that ‘they sounded the trumpet’. 45 2 Kings 9: 13 Hentzschel erroneously indicates chapter 19. Hentzschel also uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Posaunen’, the Vulgate has ‘tuba’ and the New Jerusalem Bible mentions the ‘trumpet’. 46 2 Kings 11: 14 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeter’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica employs ‘Drometen’, the Vulgate has ‘tubas’ and the New Jerusalem Bible mentions ‘trumpeters’. 47 Nehemiah 4: 10-14 Hentzschel uses ‘Trommeten’ here, whereas the Biblia Germanica mentions ‘Posaunen’ at this point, the Vulgate has ‘bucina’ and the New Jerusalem Bible mentions the presence of ‘a trumpeter’ who would sound at times of danger. 48 Praise of God with ‘Paucken’ and ‘Harffen’ alone is mentioned for Psalm 149 in the Biblia Germanica, while ‘Posaunen, ‘Psalter’, ‘Harffen’, ‘Paucken’, ‘Reigen’, ‘Seiten’, 34 53 ‘Pfeiffen’ and ‘Cymbeln’ are added in Psalm 150. The term ‘Trommeten’ is absent from the Biblia Germanica in both psalms. The Vulgate includes among the instrumentarium in Psalm 150 the term ‘tubae’ in the Liber Psalmorum iuxta Septuaginta emendatus (the translation from the Greek version) and the term ‘ bucinae’ in the Liber Psalmorum iuxta Hebraicum translatus (the translation from the Hebrew text). The New Jerusalem Bible refers to the ‘fanfare of trumpet’. 49 Hentzschel immediately follows his discussion of the use of the trumpet in the Old Testament and mention of the names of some famous biblical trumpeters with a section concerning a selection of famous trumpeters and trumpet-associated events in the Christian era. This is an interesting progression since it would have been more logical (and also more time-honoured) to have considered similar events and equivalent trumpeters in the Classical Greek and Roman worlds first. This material (much less that would be expected, however) is reserved until much later in the book, at a point where the author introduces Aristotelian ideas. Perhaps Hentzschel was also motivated by religious scruples that caused him to delay his contemplation of pagan masters of his ‘God-given’ trumpeters’ art: see endnote 56 below. 50 This trumpeter may be identified with the ‘Lambert Blome, Klarinbläser’ employed at the Electoral Brandenburg court in 1620-1621 (see the Foreword, p. 6, above, endnote 51 below, and Sachs, Musik und Oper, p. 160) who belonged to a trumpeterinstrumentalist dynasty from Pavia. Variously named ‘Brume’, ‘Browne’ or ‘Broome’, the members of this dynasty first entered Scottish royal service around 1508; some entered English royal service around 1513, possibly as early as 1509 (see Henry Cart de Lafontaine, The King’s Musick (Novello, London, 1909), pp .3-4), and three attained the rank of Sergeant Trumpeter there. The antiquity claimed for the trumpet book is probably exaggerated but there are clear implications for both the notion of a paneuropean trumpeting tradition and the involvement in it of the insular periphery much earlier than previously expected: see my ‘On sounding the trumpet and beating the drum in 17th-century England’, Early Music, xxiv/2 (May 1996), p. 273, and, especially, Alexander McGrattan, ‘Italian wind instrumentalists at the Scottish royal court during the 16th century’, Early Music, xxix/4 (November 2001), pp. 534-551, in particular p. 538. 51 I have not been able to locate elsewhere the names of these trumpeter-composers. Surprisingly, none of them figure at either the Scottish court, where Lambert Blome’s trumpet-playing ancestors and their Italian companions had taken up their first employment in these islands, or subsequently at the English court; on this see endnote 50 above. It is possible that the surname ‘Pausor’ in the final entry may be a corruption of ‘de Pasii’, in which case there may be a connection with the Italian trumpeter ‘Vincentino de Pasii’ who took up employment at the Scottish court in 1503 and whose surname indicates that he came from the town of Pasi in Tuscany: see in McGrattan, Italian wind instrumentalists, p 536. Similarly, the penultimate name ‘Basilius Meijor’ may identify a trumpeter related to one or more of the trumpeters variously listed with the surnames ‘Mayer’, ‘Mayr’ and ‘Meier’ in the court establishments at Vienna, Stuttgart, Munich, Copenhagen and Berlin in the course of the 16th century; many of these were certainly related and some at least came from Northern Italy, whence the Scottish court had obtained its trumpeters. There is a faint possibility that the trumpeter ‘Peter Ursinus’ may have come from Northern Europe and that ‘Ursinus’ is a translation of ‘Baer’, or ‘bear’. Since there is no record of a singer named as ‘Peter Ursinus’ or a variant of that name among Pope Paul III’s chapel choirs, if he actually existed he must have served in another papal musical ensemble: see Franz Xavier Haberl, Bausteine für Musikgeschichte III: Die 54 Römische “schola cantorum” und die päpstlichen Kapellsänger bis zur mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Breitkopf & Härtel, Leipzig, 1888/r. Georg Olms, Hildesheim-New York, 1971), especially the personnel lists on pp. 109-130. It is more likely that ‘Peter Ursinus’ served in the the pope’s private service (‘servizio segreto’) at Castel Sant’ Angelo in Rome where the papal trumpet ensemble and windband were maintained. A complete account of this musical establishment has yet to appear. A study was announced in 1925 but apparently failed to appear: see Alberto Cametti, ‘I musici di Campidoglio ossia “Il concerto di trombone e cornetti del Senato e inclito Popolo Romano” (1524-1818)’, Archivio della reala Societa Romano di Storia Patria, xlviii, pp. 95-135, with the announcement in note 1 on p. 107. A general overview is provided by a more recent booklet and while this study is too short to present the necessary detailed personnel lists it does include transcriptions of a number of documents from the time of Pope Paul III (r 1534-1549) that relate to these musicians and show them to have been employed as singers and/or trumpeter-instrumentalists: see Luisa Giusto Carmassi, I Musici di Castel Sant’ Angelo, (Tipografia Porziuncola S Maria degli Angeli, Assisi, [1962]), pp. 70-2. Comparison with one of the reproduced documents that concerns the appointment of the trumpeter-instrumentalist (‘musico e suonatore di tromba’) Giovanni de Nigris as a supernumerary in the chamber and at the Castel Sant’ Angelo (‘nella Camera e in Castel S. Angelo’) it is clear that Hentzschel’s description of the employment of Peter Ursinus is representative of the norm in this papal musical establishment throughout the 16th century and that attracted a monthly salary of seven gold scudi (‘sette scudi d’oro’): op. cit., pp. 71-2, and is then likely to have some factual basis. Closer identification of Peter Ursinus would require a comprehensive archival examination at Rome. 52 The story related by Hentzschel in this paragraph seems to confuse an ancient Roman leader with an event from the age of the Crusades and requires much unravelling to uncover the most likely original event. There is no exact match with any particular historical event and Hentzschel’s identification of the trumpeters as Jewish may be a creative embellishment rather than a historical reference: see endnote 54 below for another instance of the same. There was an ancient Roman leader called Tarquinius Priscus but he was not an emperor: he was the fifth of the seven kings of ancient Rome, reigned from 616 BC until 578 BC and founded the alien royal dynasty of the Tarquinii. Tarquinius Priscus was probably a native of Etruria, although some ancient writers claimed that he was a refugee from Corinth: see Livy, Ab urbe condito libri, Book I, Chapter 34 (website at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/livy/liv.1.shtml#34, accessed on 3 January 2009). He began to transform Rome into a powerful state and reorganised the army by doubling the strength of the cavalry (and possibly doubling the size of the infantry also), but it was his successor Servus Tullius (reigned 578-534 BC) in whose major military reform that there was the creation of ‘two centuries of hornplayers and trumpeters’ (‘cornicines tubicinesque, in duas centurias distributi’): see Wilhelm Weissenborn and Hermann J. Müller (eds.), Livy - Ab urbe condito libri (20 books in 10 volumes, 1885 ff.), Vol I, Book I, Chapter 43, p. 210, or Aubrey de Sélincourt (trans.), Livy – The Early History of Rome (Penguin, London, 1971), p. 81 (website at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/livy/liv.1.shtml#43, accessed 3 January 2009). Tarquinius Priscus did not wage war on the Persians as his belligerency was restricted to the neighbouring Latins and Sabines on mainland Italy. Hentzschel may have mixed into his story a faulty recollection of a passage in the, for him, recently published Syntagma musicum by Michael Prætorius in which the seventh Roman King Tarquinius Superbus (reigned 534-510 BC) and the Persian King Cambyses II (reigned 529-522 BC) are both mentioned in the context of a chronological reference to the 55 ancient Greek philosopher and mathematician Pythagoras, who (Prætorius notes) ’flourished in the age of King Cambyses II of the Persians, in the year of the world 3434, at the same time as Tarquinius Superbus, the last King of the Romans, 528 years before the birth of Christ (which occurred in the year of the world 3962)’ (‘Vixit autem Pythagoras Cambysis II. Monarchæ Persarum seculo, Anno mundi 3434. Tarquinio superbo, ultimo Romanorum Rege, rerū potito, ante Christum (quipped Anno mundi 3962) natum 528 annis’): see Michael Prætorius, Syntagma musicum I (Wittenberg 1614/r. Bärenreiter, Kassel-Basle, 2001), p 171. There was also a different ancient Roman leader, a general with the slightly different name Tarquintius Priscus who campaigned in Spain with Pompey the Great (106-48BC) against Quintus Sertorius (c. 121-72BC) in 80 BC before becoming involved in Pompey’s downfall, but without any association with trumpeters it is unlikely that Hentzschel is referring to him: see Frontinus, Stratagemata, Book II, Chapter 5 ( website at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/frontinus/strat2.htm, accessed on 3 January 2009). Three pieces of information - the year ‘1200 [AD]’, the city of ‘Rome’ and a campaign against‘the Persians’ – seem to indicate the Crusades, none of which actually embarked from Rome but all of which resulted from papal proclamations issued from the Eternal City. The Muslim rulers of the Holy Land against whom the wars were prosecuted were described variously at the time as Saracens, Arabs, Turks and Egyptians, but they were often referred to collectively as ‘Persians’, for example, when Pope Urban III proclaimed the First Crusade at Clermont in November 1095: see Thomas Asbridge, The First Crusade – A New History (Free Press, London, 2004), p. 33. While no crusade was launched in 1200 AD, two were announced on either side of it. The Fourth Crusade was proclaimed on 15 August 1198 and embarked in 1202 and provides two good candidates for identification with his leader: either Enrico Dandolo (c.1108-1205), Doge of Venice from 1192, who masterminded the diversion from the Holy Land by way of Cairo to Constantinople by way of Zara (now Zadar in Croatia) in furtherance of the Venetian interest; or Count Baldwin of Flanders (1171ca. 1205), one of the military leaders of the crusade who took the cross on 23 February 1200 and was crowned Latin Emperor Baldwin I of Constantinople in 1204. The Fourth Crusade was viewed as the harbinger of the Second Coming by Pope Innocent III (c.1160-1216) who, powerfully influenced by the Exposition on the Apocalypse by Joachim of Fiore (c.1132-1202) in which the Age of the Sixth Seal was indicated to end around 1200 and be followed by the final Seventh Age of the Holy Spirit around 1230, employed apocalyptic and eschatological exegesis in his diplomacy, as did those with whom he communicated. Innocent III proclaimed the Fourth Crusade with vivid trumpet imagery, stating that ‘the Apostolic See cries out, and like a trumpet it raises its voice, eager to arouse the Christian peoples to fight Christ’s battle and to avenge the injury done to the Crucified One’ (‘clamat adhuc apostolica sedes et quasi tuba vocem exaltat, excitare cupiens populos Christianos ad prælium Christi bellandum et vindicandam injuriam Crucifixi’): see Jonathan Phillips, The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople (Jonathan Cape, London, 2004), p. 5 (English translation), and Jacques-Paul Migne, Innocentii III Romani Pontificis Opera Omnia…Tomus Primus (= Patrologiae Latina…Tomus CCXIV) (Garnier Fratres, Paris, 1890), p. 308 (original Latin text). The crusade embarked from Venice in October 1202 with the main body of crusaders on board the ships of the Venetian fleet. The chronicler Robert of Clari described the event and noted that the Doge, in particular, was on board a galley which 56 was ‘all vermilion and it had a canopy of vermilion samite spread over him, and there were four silver trumpets trumpeting before him and drums making a great noise…When the fleet set out from the harbour of Venice…it was the finest thing to see that has ever been since the beginning of the world. For there were fully a hundred pairs of trumpets, of silver and of brass, all sounding at the departure, and so many drums and tabors and other instruments that it was a fair marvel’ (‘toute vermeille, et si avoit quatre buisines d’argent devant lui qui buisinoient et tymbres qui grant goie demenoient…Et quant li estoires parti du port de Venice, et…dromons et ches rikes nes et tant d’autres vaissiaus, que ch’estoit le plus bele cose a eswarder qui fust tres le commencement du monde, car il y avoit bien chent paire de buisines, que d’argent que d’arain,qui toutes sonnerent a l’esmovoir, et tant de tymbres et tabours et autres estrumens, que ch’estoit une fine merveille‘): see Edgar Holmes McNeal (trans.), Robert of Clari – The Conquest of Constantinople (University of Toronto Press, Toronto-Buffalo-London, 1996), p. 42 (English translation), and Jean Dufournet (ed. & trans.), Robert de Clari – La Conquête de Constantinople (= Champion Classiques, Série « Moyen Âge » 14) (Honoré Champion, Paris, 2004), p. 62 (original French text). Clari also recounted the critical event at the start of the first siege of Constantinople in July 1203, the attack on the city from across the Bosphorus when the Crusaders ‘had the trumpets sounded, of silver and of brass, fully a hundred pair, and drums and tabors more than a great many’ (‘si fisent sonner buisines d’argent et d’arain bien dusques a chent paire, et tabours et tymbres tant que trop ‘) and made their amphibious landing of mounted crusading knights. Such was the cumulative effect that the massive Greek army that had already been assembled into battle order to challenge the assault simply turned and fled ignominiously: see Mc Neal, The Conquest of Constantinople, pp. 689 (quoted English translation on p. 68), and Dufournet, La Conquête de Constantinople, p. 108 (quoted French text). The pope and the crusade leaders continued to employ apocalyptic exegesis in coming to terms with the twists and turns that deviated the Fourth Crusade from the Holy Land and caused the establishment of the Latin Empire of Constantinople (1204-1261): see Alfred J. Andrea, Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade (Brill NV, Leiden-Boston-Köln, 2000) [=The medieval Mediterranean, vol. 29] on this, particularly pp. 7-19, 59-64, 98-116, and 131-9. The Fourth Crusade provides a good match with Hentzschel’s story but it is arguably not close enough. A further search on either side of the watershed year of 1200 reveals two other suitable candidates, both of them emperors in the sense that Hentzschel would have immediately recognised. The third candidate, then, is the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa (c.1123-1190) who led the Third Crusade in 1189 against Salah ad-Din Yusuf (1138-1193), or Saladin. Emperor Frederick I set out for the Holy Land by the land route, rather than by making the more usual sea crossing. He had previously negotiated a safe passage agreement with the ambassadors of the Eastern Emperor Isaac II Angelus (c. 1135-1204) at Nuremberg, but his crusading army was continually harried by Byzantine troops as it passed through the Balkans and Byzantium. After suffering a number of humiliating defeats at the hands of Frederick I, Isaac II finally honoured his undertaking to supply the necessary ships to transport the imperial troops across the Hellespont (modern Dardanelles) at Gelibolu (modern Gallipoli) on condition that the crusaders avoided his capital, Constantinople. Emperor Frederick I’s army began the sea crossing on 22 March 1190, Holy Thursday. When Emperor Frederick I himself made his ceremonial crossing from Europe to Asia Minor on 28 March, the writer of the Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatoris noted that he traversed the Hellespont ‘with the last of his troops, screened by five war-galleys and by other vessels, while the Greeks sounded their trumpets on the sea and on the 57 shore’ (‘cum ultimis transfretavit, vallatus quinque galeis bellatorum et aliis navibus, Grecis quoque tam in mare quam in litore tubis concrepantibus’), a description that agrees with the account of the crossing by the author of the Historia Peregrinorum: see Anton Chroust (ed.), ‘Quellen zur Geschichte des Kreuzzuges Kaiser Friedrichs I’, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum Nova Series, Tomus V, (Weidmann, Berlin, 1928), pp. 71 (= Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatoris by the so-called ‘Ansbert’) and 152 (= Historia Peregrinorum). This crossing of the crusaders from Europe into Asia Minor to reclaim the Holy Land from the Saracens was a critically important event and it was interpreted as a re-enactment of the Israelites’ crossing over the River Jordan into the Promised Land as recounted in the Book of Joshua, chapter 14. While there is no mention here of the number of ‘foreign’ (in this case, Greek) trumpeters, Hentzschel’s required number ‘ sixty’ may derive from a slightly later passage in the Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatoris where it is recounted that, in a further encounter with Byzantine troops on 3 April 1190, ‘more than sixty of them were cut down’ by Frederick of Berg’s German forces (‘plus quam sexaginta ex eis trucidavit’): see in Chroust, Quellen zur Geschichte, p. 72. The fourth, and possibly the best, candidate is the Hohenstaufen Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250), Barbarossa’s grandson, who led the Sixth Crusade in 1228. Emperor Frederick II was simultaneously King of Sicily and King of Jerusalem. He was nicknamed the stupor mundi, or ‘wonder of the world’, by later historians for his wide cultural tastes, his struggles with the papacy, his engagement with non-Christian scholars and rulers, and his tolerance of Muslims and Jews in his different kingdoms. Emperor Frederick II publicly proclaimed his intention to set out on crusade a number of times: when he was crowned king of the Romans at Aachen in 1215; when he received the Imperial crown from Pope Innocent III at Rome in 1220; when he set out on his abortive crusade in 1227; and when he set out (as an excommunicate) from Otranto on the Sixth Crusade in the following year. Emperor Frederick II’s subjects in his European dominions included substantial numbers of Jews and Muslims, who were legally designated by him as servi camere nostre, or ‘serfs of Our chamber’, and who owed the privilege of loyalty and service to him alone. After quashing a major revolt of the Muslim minority in Sicily in the 1220s, Emperor Frederick II had ordered these ‘Saracens’ to be deported to Lucera on mainland Italy and had replaced them in Sicily with Jewish craftsmen and farmers. The Saracen colony at Lucera was permitted to practise Islam and to retain its own laws. Emperor Frederick II had a fine palace built there in the 1230s and Lucera formed an oriental oasis in Western Europe – and an affront to the emperor’s papal adversaries! Emperor Frederick II’s Saracens were not merely personal servants, concubines and musicians (he maintained all of these at Lucera), for he formed his personal bodyguard from them, a bodyguard that accompanied him to Jerusalem on the Fourth Crusade along with his Saracen trumpeters. Indeed, entries in his court register for 1239-40, the only register from his reign to have survived until recently (it was destroyed in 1943) contain instructions to his chief official in Sicily, Uberto Fallamonaca (himself of Muslim origin), to have five Muslim slaves aged between 16 and 20 years trained as trumpeters for use by him in his campaigning armies in northern Italy, and to have made for them five silver trumpets (described as ‘qatuor tubas, vnā tubectā argenteas’ in the register): see David Abulafia, Frederick II – A Medieval Emperor (Pimlico, London, 1988), especially pp. 145-8, 245-6, 252, 337 and 439; see also the photographic facsimile, fols. 29v, (dated 28 November 1239) and 54v (dated 17 January 1240, new style), see the Monumenta Germaniae Historica website under the title ‘Friedrich II: Register’ at http://141.84.81.24/Friedrich_ii/ (accessed on 3 January 58 2009). If the last candidate, the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, is the emperor alluded to by Hentzschel, then the ‘foreign’ trumpeters he mentions were Muslim, not Jewish. 53 The siege and destruction of Aquileia actually took place in 452. 54 This historical event is recounted by the Byzantine historian Procopius in his de belli, book III, chapter 4, lines 30-5: see Henry Bronson Dewing (ed. & trans.), Procopius – History of the Wars (6 vols, Heinmann, London and Macmillan, New York, 1914), ii, pp. 42-5) According to Procopius, Attila had decided to raise his unsuccessful siege of Aquileia and was departing from the area when he saw a family of storks flee from one of the town’s towers. He interpreted the event as a good omen and returned to the assault, whereupon the wall beside the tower collapsed and the town was captured and destroyed. The episode is recounted in German translation by Sebastian Münster in his popular (and much reprinted and updated) work issued in Latin as Cosmographia and in German as Cosmographey: see Sebastian Münster, Cosmographey oder Beschreibung aller Länder Herrschafftems vnd fürnemesten Stetten des gantzen Erdbodens/ samptjhren Gelegenheiten/ Eynschafften/ Religion/ Gebreuchen/ Geschichten vnnd Handthierungen/ rc. (Sebastian Henricpetri, Basel, 1588/r.r Konrad Kölbl, Grünwald bei München, 1977), [=Cosmographia]. This important, standard geographical text was nitially issued in German, Latin and Italian versions first appeared in 1544, and the book reached its twenty-first edition in 1628. Two accounts of the siege of Aquilea are found in the 1588 edition, a detailed account in ‘Das Ander Buch von Italia’, ibidem, pp. ccv-ccclxxxviij, and a less detailed account in the section of ‘Das Vierdte Buch’ that relates ‘von dem Ungerlandt’, ibidem, pp. mclxxviij.The opening of the earlier account in the German version is almost identical to Hentzschel’s later text and is obviously the latter’s source: ‘…Im jar Christi 434. da der Hunnen König Attila die Statt Aquileiam oder Aglar lange zeit belägert/ vnd sie doch nicht gewinnen mocht/…’; see Münster, Cosmographey, p. cccxli. It is notable that neither Procopius nor Münster make any mention of trumpets. Hentzschel embroiders the story and transforms it into a latter-day ‘walls of Jericho’ fable. It is most likely that the reference to Münster’s Cosmographia which is found in the ensuing paragraph of Hentzschel’s text is a transposition error and should belong to the present paragraph. Hentzschel’s reference to the ‘5. Buch von Italia’ is incorrect that book concerns Asia - and the reference should be to the ‘Ander Buch’ which, as has been noted already, concerns Italy. 55 Very little of the material presented here is actually found in Münster’s Cosmographia, certainly not in either the 1550 Latin edition (Basle, 1550/r. Theatrum Orbis Terrarum Ltd, Amsterdam, 1968) or the German edition of 1588 (details as in endnote 54 above). Münster simply notes in the 1588 German edition that ‘As Strabo writes, there was long ago in this [region of] Achaea a city called Helice situated 12 stadia from the sea and which was completely submerged by an earthquake that erupted in the sea, so high was the sea thown up by the earthquake’ (‘In diesem Achaia ist vor alten zeitē/ wie Strabo schreibt/ ein Statt 12. Roβläuff weit von dē Meere gelegen die heiβt Helice/ vnd ward vō einem Erdbidem der im Meere auβbrach/ gar ertrencket/ also hoch warff Erdbidem das Meere vbersich’): see Münster, Cosmographey, p. Mccxxix. As has already been noted in endnote 54, it is most likely that the reference placed here has been transposed from the previous paragraph. The story of the citizens of Helice and the Jonii is a confused conflation of a number of different historical events taken from sources that embrace a timespan of almost two thousand years. The first concerns the Jonii and the city of Helice and it is recounted by both Strabo (c.63 BC – c.24 AD) and Pausanias (fl 2nd century AD). This 59 first event is located geographically in Achaia, a region on the north of the Peloponnese peninsula that forms the southern part of Greece, and occurred sometime before 1000 BC and during the Greek ‘Dark Age’. According to Pausanias in the Hellados Periegesis, after the Achaeans had been expelled from Argos and Lacedæmon (that is, Sparta) by the Dorians, their king Tisamenus proposed to the Ionians (= Hentzschel’s Jonii) that they accept his people as their colonists. The Ionians refused the offer and war ensued. After their defeat in a battle during which king Tisamenus was killed, the Ionians retreated to their main city Helice, a coastal settlement to the east of the city of Aegium (modern Aíyion) where they were besieged by their Achaean oppressors until they agreed to migrate to Attica. The Achaeans then assumed control of the territory and buried their leader in Helice: see Arthur Richard Shilleto (trans.), Pausanias’ Description of Greece, translated into English with Notes and Index (2 vols, George Bell and Sons, London, 1886), volume 2, pp. 1-2 (= Book VII, Chapter 1). The Achaeans then built upon their victory and offended the gods when they ‘drove some suppliants from the [most holy] temple [of Poseidon in Helice] and slew them’: ibidem, p. 51 (= Book VII, Chapter 24). Revenge came in two forms. Firstly, in 373 BC Helice was destroyed by a great earthquake and then submerged by the sea, leading Pausanias to note that ‘one may learn not only from this ruin of Helice but also from other cases that the vengeance of heaven for outrages upon suppliants is sure’: ibidem, p. 53 (= Book VII, Chapter 24). Secondly, in 146 BC a Roman army under Leucius Mommius defeated the Achaeans, their former allies, at the Isthmus of Corinth and sacked the city Corinth, which the Achaeans had captured from the Macedonians in 198 BC and then occupied, so that ‘most of those [men] that were left in the city were slain by the Romans, and the women and children were sold by Mummius, as also were the slaves who had been manumitted’: ibidem, p. 33 (= Book VII, Chapter 16). The latter event marked the final subjugation of Greece by Rome and the beginning of the eastward expansion of the Roman Empire. Strabo includes the story of the activities of the Achaeans against the Ionians in the Geographicon (= Book VIII, Chapter 7, Section 1-2) and mentions the destruction of Corinth by Mummius (= Book 8, Chapter 6, Section 23) but, as a good Stoic, he omits mention of any deistical involvement: see Horace L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo with an English Translation (8 vols, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and William Heinemann Ltd, London, 1969), volume IV, pp. 199-201 (= Book VIII, Chapter 6, Section 23) and pp. 207-215 (= Book VIII, Chapter 7, Sections 1-2). He describes in greater detail the earthquake and subsequent submersion of Helice at two points of the text and notes that ‘Helice was submerged by the sea…and, although the city was twelve stadia distant from the sea, this whole district together with the city was hidden from sight’: ibidem, volume I, p. 219 (= Book I, Chapter 3, Section 18), and volume IV, pp. 213-215 (= Book VIII, Chapter 7, section 2), with the quoted text found on p. 215. Hentzschel may have had access to one of the three available printed sources of Strabo’s Geographicon in which the original Greek text was placed in parallel with a Latin translation, either the edition by Mark Hopper published by Henricpetri (Münster’s printer) at Basle in 1549, the edition by Guilielmus Xylander (= Holtzmann) also published by Henricpetri at Basle in 1571, or the edition by Isaac Casaubon published by Eustathius Vignon at Geneva in 1587: see Aubrey Diller, The Textual Tradition of Strabo’s Geography (Adolf M. Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1975), pp. 167-9. Hentzschel provides a different type of ‘vengeance of heaven’ by replacing Greece, Leucius Mommius and the army of the Roman Republic with Asia Minor, the Eastern Emperor Theophilus Michael (r 829-842AD) and the army of the Byzantine 60 Empire. Emperor Theophilus had inherited the soubriquet Balbus, or ‘Stammerer’, from his father the Emperor Michael II Balbus (r 820-829AD), the founder of the ‘Phrygian’ dynasty. During the 9th century Byzantium (representing Hentzschel’s Jonii) found itself in continual conflict with the neighbouring Arabian Empire under the Abassid Calpih al-Mu´taṣim. Emperor Theophilus had noted that, in recent campaigns against the Arabs and especially when he had been defeated by them in 835, the side that had acted pre-emptively and had captured and brutally devastated a strategically important enemy town had always gained the upper hand. In 837, while al-Mu´taṣim was preoccupied with subjugating rebel Khurramites in Azerbaijan, Theophilus seized the opportunity and crossed the River Halys (modern Kizil Irmak) with an immense force to raid Arab Armenia. The Byzantine army bypassed the expected strategic target Melitene (modern Malatya), from which had come the troops who had defeated Emperor Theophilus in 825, and struck out instead for the nearby town of Sozopetra (modern Zibatra, representing Hentzschel’s Helicæ); later Byzantine chroniclers were to claim that Sozopetra was the birthplace of al-Mu´taṣim and was then of greater psychological importance. After the town refused to capitulate it was quickly stormed. Theophilus then avenged his recent defeat and made an example of Sozopetra to encourage other Armenian towns to surrender. He spared its Christian inhabitants, but had all of the captured Muslim men killed, their womenfolk and children taken prisoner, and the town razed to the ground. Hentszchel’s colourful description of the employment of psychological warfare during the siege of Helice may actually be found in an event that happened during the subsequent Arab invasion of Byzantium during which Armorium, the supposed ancestral home of Emperor Theophilus, was captured and destroyed. Emperor Theophilus was defeated by the Arab forces at Dazimon on 22 July 838 and found himself, his generals and two thousand Persian allies under the command of his brotherin-law Theophobus (a Persian who had been called Naṣr before his conversion to Orthodox Christianity) surrounded by superior enemy forces. In this perilous situation, Emperor Theophilus ordered his troops to simulate rejoicing by shouting aloud, clapping their hands, clashing their weapons together, playing stringed instruments and blowing trumpets. The strategem confused and instilled fear in the surrounding enemy forces and enabled Emperor Theophilus and his troops to escape. Both Byzantine events are recounted with various degrees of accuracy by Theophanes Continuatus in his Chronographia: see Immanuel Bekker (ed. and trans. into Latin), Theophanes Continuatus, Ioannes Camieniata, Symeon Magister, Georgius Monachus (Weber, Bonn, 1838), pp. 113-4 and 124 (= Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae). The destruction of Sozopetra is also related by Symeon Magister in his Annales and Georgius Monachus in his Vitae recentiorum Imperatorum: see ibidem, pp. 634 and 798, respectively. For more on Emperor Theophilus, see Warren Threadgold, The Byzantine Revival 780-842 (Stanford University Press, Stanford, California, 1988). Emperor Theophilus’ lucky escape in the disastrous campaign of 838 was turned into a brilliant victory by Byzantine court chroniclers who alluded to similar actions of the two famous Athenian leaders Pericles (c.495-429 BC) and his nephew Alcibiades (c.450-404 BC). Sextus Julius Frontinus, governor of Britain from 74 AD to 78 AD, notes in his Stratagemata, Book III, Chapter 9, that ‘Pericles, [leader] of the Athenians, when he was besieging a city that was vigorously defended, had the war-call sounded and shouts made in the night at that part of the [city] walls that faced the sea: thinking that they had been surprised, the enemy fled the city by another gate, allowing Pericles to enter the abandoned fortification. Alcibiades, leader of the Athenians, when he was approaching [the town of] Cyzicus [modern Balikhisar in Turkey] at night to attack it, 61 ordered the hornplayers to sound at another part of the fortification [where he was not]. The defenders rushed to that part of the walls so that, when [the Athenians] began their attack at another place, they gained the walls unopposed’ (‘Pericles, [dux] Atheniensium, cum oppugnaret quandam civitatem magno consensu defendentium tutam, nocte ab ea parte murorum, quae mari adiacebat, classicum cani clamoremque tolli iussit: hostes penetratum illic in oppidum rati reliquerunt portas, per quas Pericles destitutas praesidio irrupit. Alcibiades, dux Atheniensium, Cyzicum oppugnandae eius causa nocte improvisus accessit et ex diversa parte moenium cornicines canere iussit. Sufficere propugnatores murorum poterant: ad id latus, a quo solo se temptari putabant, cum confluerent, qua non obsistebatur, muros transcendit.’): see the website http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/frontinus/strat3.shtml, accessed on 3 January 2009. 56 Hentzschel gives the year incorrectly as 1400. The erroneous date for the start of the Council of Constance, which actually lasted from 1414 until 1417, may have been triggered by a date given in an account of the life of Jan Hus (who is the object of Hentzschel’s text here) that is found in ‘Das dritte Buch Von dem Teutschen Landt’ of Sebastian Münster’s Cosmographey, where it is noted that ‘in the year 1400 the Bohemians and Germans engaged in a lot of squabbling with each other concerning the [religious] instruction [at the University of Prague] and fought with each other with bitter disputation (‘…Es hetten die Böhem vnd Teutschen anno 1400. viel Gezäncks miteinander der Lehr halben/ vnd stritten mit Disputierem hefftig widereinander…’); see Münster, Cosmographia, p. mcxx. The controversy in question centred on the teachings of Jan Hus (ca. 1372-1415) who had been appointed lecturer in theology at the University of Prague in 1398 and was promoted to dean of the faculty of philosophy in 1401 following his ordination in the previous year. 57 Despite Hentzschel’s claim, the Anti-pope John XXIII was entitled to and had a personal entourage of twenty-four cardinals, rather than trumpeters, at Constance: see Michael Richard Buck (ed.), Ulrichs von Richental Chronik des Constanzer Concils 1414 bis 1418 (Stuttgart, 1882/r. Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim, 1962), pp. 37 and 154-7. The cardinals also arrived in Constance in small, separate groups over a number of days, rather than together; see ibidem, pp. 24, 25, 28, 32 and 34. 58 Sebastian Münster employs the same term as Hentzschel in labelling Jan Hus the ‘Ertzketzer’ in his account of the Council of Constance, indicating that he is probably Hentzschel’s source: see Münster, Cosmographey, p. dlxxxj. 59 The hereditary title of ‘Duke of the Florentine Republic’ was created in 1533 for Alessandro de’ Medici (1510-37) by the Medici Pope Clement VII, otherwise known as Giulio de’ Medici (1478-1534), under pressure from Holy Roman Emperor Charles V to bring stability to a strategically important part of northern Italy. The second Duke of Florence, Cosimo I de’ Medici (1519-74), reigned from 1537 until 1569 when he was created Grand Duke Cosimo I of Tuscany by the reforming Pope Pius V (1504-72; reigned 1566-72) at the instigation of Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian II due to his astute political acumen in the fraught affairs of mid-16th century Italy. Hentzschel erroneously conflates the two titles in describing Cosimo as ‘Grand Duke of Florence’. Note that the choice of ‘Tuscany’ rather than ‘Florence’ in the Grand Duke’s title was deliberate and it advertised the attainment of sovereignty (one rank below royalty) by the de’ Medici dynasty. Duke Comino I’s Habsburg guest was born in 1503, was created Count Ferdinand of Tyrol in 1519 and King Ferdinand I of Bohemia in 1526, and served as Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I from 1558 until his death in 1564. King Ferdinand I favoured the employment of North Italian trumpeter-instrumentalists at his court and their names bear indications of their origin in places such as Padua, Mantua, Brescia 62 and Modena: see Martin Ruhnke, Beiträge zur einer Geschichte der deutschen Hofmusikkollegien im 16. Jahrhundert (Merseburger, Berlin, 1963), pp. 259-260. 1548 was an important year for Imperial-Florentine relations. In that year Duke Cosimo II of Florence brokered a peace between Siena, which had revolted against the Holy Roman Empire, and Emperor Charles V by which Siena recognised the suzerainty of the Emperor and accepted a Spanish garrison while the Emperor, in his turn, accepted the legitimacy of Siena’s ancient form of government. Ferdinand’s ‘business’ in Florence in 1548 was thus related in some way to Cosimo’s high-profile diplomacy and support for the imperial cause. 1548 was also an important year for trumpeters in the Holy Roman Empire since, in the 37th article of the ‘Reformation guter Policey’ that was issued in Augsburg in that year, Emperor Charles V and King Ferdinand I gave their permission for trumpeters and other craftsworkers to form guilds for the regulation and protection of their, their elders’ and their children’s interests throughout the Empire: see the Foreword on p. 4 and endnote 5 above. Hentzschel was seeking to advance from this position through his promotion of the actual institution of a trumpeters’ guild, which was achieved in 1623. 60 1000 ducats was approximately equal in value to 2750 Reichsthaler, or 3440 Gulden. The apprenticeship fee was fixed at 100 Reichsthaler in the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges in 1623. A facsimile of the original manuscript entitled Confirmatio/ vber 13. von Irer Matt. vnd der ÿezt alhie anweβenden Chur: vnd Fursten Hoff: vnd VeldtTromettern auch Horpaugger/ vbergebene Articul (original in the Oesterreichisches Staatsarchiv, Abt.: Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna) is found in Detlef Altenburg, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Trompete im Zeitalter der Clarinblaskunst (3 vols., Gustav Bosse, Regensburg, 1973), ii, pp 47-55. For an English translation of the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623, see Peter Downey, The Trumpet and its Role in Music of the Renaissance and Early Baroque (PhD diss., 3 vols., The Queen’s University of Belfast, 1983), I, pp. 326-9 (the apprenticeship fee is indicated in Article 2 on p. 327). Ferdinand was prevented from offering Cosimo any material gift as a sign of his gratitude by a legal nicety of the Holy Roman Empire that had appeared with regularity since 1497 in the ‘Reichs-Abschiede’, the formal declarations of the gatherings of princes and nobles of the Holy Roman Empire. The most important version of these declarations was issued as Section XXIX of the Reformation guter Policey zu Augsburg Anno 1548 and it includes a regulation restricting the award of money to trumpeters and others for services rendered as part of their normal duties: ‘XXIX Concerning Pipers and Messengers. Item: Every Prince and Authority shall prohibit their Pipers, Trumpeters, Instrumentalists, etc, and earnestly ensure moreover that they are henceforth be forbidden to attend on other people (apart from their subjects, which is permitted) for the purpose of obtaining money-offering, drink-money or gifts and they [ie, the Princes and Authorities] shall include the same [prohibition] in their terms of employment. Since the messengers are considered among these [servants], so shall it be with them as is stated above.’ (‘XXIX Von Pfeiffern und Botten. Item: ein jeglicher Fürst und Obrigkeit soll ihren Pfeiffern/ Trummetern/ Spielleuten/ ec. verbieten, und ernstlich darüber halten, daβ sie hinfürter andere Leut/ ausserhalb ihrer Unterthanen, das sie es leyden mögen, um Opffer=Geld/Trinck=Geld/ oder Gaben/ unbesucht lassen/ und ihnen auch solchs in ihre Pflicht einbinden. Nachdem auch die Botten unterstehen, dergleichen zu sammlen, soll es mit ihnen, wie obsteht, gehalten werden.’): see Schmauss and Senckenberg, Neue und vollständigere Sammlung, p. 602. 63 Under the strict application of this ordinance Ferdinand was prevented from making any outright gift to Cosimo’s trumpeters. However, and given the international prestige of his own trumpet ensemble and his role in promoting the court trumpeters’ cause, Ferdinand bestowed great honour on Cosimo and increased his host’s stature through the gesture of creating trumpeter apprentices and placing them under one or more of the duke’s trumpeters, who then received the gift in the form of a very substantial apprenticeship fee. The size of the fee may be judged against leading musicians’ salaries at around the same time. For example, Zarlino’s annual salary as maestro di capella at St Mark’s Basilica in Venice was 200 ducats in 1565: see Eleanor Selfridge-Field, Venetian Instrumental Music from Gabrieli to Vivaldi (3rd Edition, Dover, New York, 1994), p. 330; while. Palestrina’s annual income from his various employments in Rome from the late 1550s averaged around 144 silver scudi, or approximately 131 ducats: see Noel O’Regan, ‘Palestrina, a musician and composer in the market-place’, Early Music, xxii/4, (November 1994), p. 566. 61 This claim is impossible to verify due to the paucity of 16th century archives of the Knights of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, better known as the Knights of Malta, occasioned by their settlement in Malta in 1530 (after they had lost possession of Rhodes in 1522 to the Turks under Suleiman the Magnificent) and by the Great Siege of Malta in 1565, when they inflicted defeat upon the invading Turks. Search of the Archives of the Order of Malta at the National Library of Malta and of published accounts of the Order have so far failed to locate the name Johann Levire: see Giacomo Bosio, Dell’ Istoria della Sacra Religione et Ill.ma Militia di San Giovanni Gierosolimitano (3 vols, 2nd Edition, Anto[nio] Parrino, Naples, 1734), Abbé René de Vertot, The History of the Knights of Malta (English Edition, 2 vols, Strahan et al, London, 1728/ facs Midsea Books Ltd, Valetta, 1989), Ernle Bradford (trans.), Francisco Balbi di Correggio - The Siege of Malta 1565 (Penguin, London, 2003). However, there is no reason to doubt Hentzschel’s statement since there is clear evidence of direct diplomatic, family and military involvement of the Medici in the affairs of the Order of Malta throughout this time. Passim references in the abovementioned books show, for example, that Duke Cosimo I of Florence prevented Leoni Stozzi, a member of a rival noble family, from being elected Grand Master of the Order in 1553; that members of the Medici extended family served in the Order, including Camillo de’ Medici who fought at the Great Siege in 1565 and the commander Hasdrubal de’ Medici who died in action during the same siege; and that his ship la Fenice, together with its crew and military cargo, was in the relief fleet that set out from Sicily on 6 September 1565. It is probably as the result of one or more of these connections that Johann Levire made his way to Malta. 62 If Hentzschel’s claim is true, Simon Raudner must have been employed at the Habsburg court at Graz where he was a teacher of the trumpet. However, his name does not figure in the surviving 16th-century lists of the Imperial court trumpeters, whether at Innsbruck, Graz, Vienna or Prague, although it must be noted that there are large gaps in the records between 1530 and 1560: see Ruhnke, Beiträge zu einer Geschichte, pp. 262-5. 63 Hentzschel’s remarks echo the statement made by Michael Praetorius in 1619 that ‘[the trumpet] is a magnificent instrument when a good master comes upon it who can well and artfully control and rule it. And it is remarkable that in the high [register] almost all of the tones in order, as well as some semitones, may be produced on this instrument, making possible the playing of all kinds of melodies without [the help of] any slides (by which, of course, trombones are controlled)...’ (‘Ist ein herrlich Instrument, wenn ein guter Meister/ der es wol vnd künstlich zwingen vnd regieren kan/ 64 drüber kömpt: Und ist gleich zu verwundern/ daβ man ohne einige Züge/ (darmit sonsten die Posaunen regieret werden) auff diesem Instrument in der höhe fast alle Tonos nacheinander/ auch etliche Semitonia haben/ vnd allerley melodien zu wege bringen kan…’: see Michael Praetorius, Syntagma musicum II: De Organographia (Holwein, Wolfenbüttel, 1619/r Bärenreiter, Kassel-Basle, 2001), p. 32. In both cases it is emphasised that this recalcitrant musical instrument is only enabled to perform artfully through the application of the natural talent of particularly gifted people, rather than through the employment of any unnatural mechanical devices. Employment of the latter would, of course, reduce the element of awe at the achievement of the former. 64 Hentzschel draws upon his knowledge of the teaching of Aristotle, expressed in The Politics, Book VIII, Chapter 6, 1340b33 and 1341a5, that Greek citizens should be educated to be able to show discernment in their reception of music and to be ‘capable of enjoying fine melodies and rhythms, and not just the feature common to all music, which appeals even to some animals, and also to a great many slaves and children’: see Thomas Alan Sinclair (trans.) & Trevor J. Saunders (rev.), Aristotle – The Politics (Penguin, London, 1992), p. 469. The notion of the exclusivity of both the trumpet and trumpet music to princes, lords, nobles and other high officials was later enshrined in the ninth article of the first Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623. 65 The source of this anecdote is the second century AD Roman author and rhetorician Claudius Aelianus, who noted in his Varia Historia, Book XIV, Chapter 8, that ‘…When a pupil of the aulos player Hippomachus made a mistake in playing but was complimented by his auditors, Hippomachus struck him with his cane and said: “You played badly; otherwise these people would not have complimented you.”…’: see Nigel G. Wilson (ed. & trans.), Aelian – Historical Miscellany (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massechussets & London, 1997), p. 459. Another version of the same story, this time concerning ‘Hippomachus the trainer’ and ‘the athlete he was training’, is also given by Aelianus in Book II, Chapter 6, of the Varia Historia: see ibidem, p 71. The Greek rhetorician and grammarian from the same century Athenaeus notes in the Deipnosophistia, Book XIV, sections 613 e-f, that ‘in olden times the feeling for nobility was always maintained in the art of music… To-day, however, people take up music in a haphazard and irrational manner. In early times popularity with the masses was a sign of bad art; hence, when a certain aulos player once received loud applause, Asopodorus of Phlius, who was himself still waiting in the wings, said “What’s this? Something awful must have happened.” The player evidently could not have won approval with the crowd otherwise. (I am aware that some persons have narrated this story with Antigeneidas as the speaker.)’: see in Charles Burton Gulick (ed. & trans.), Athenaeus – The Deipnosophists with an English Translation (7 vols, Heinemann Ltd, London, & Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass, 1950), vi, p. 409. (Gulick employs the term ‘flute-player’ in the passage quoted, which has been silently replaced by the more accurate term ‘aulos player’.) Athenaeus notes in Book IV, section 131b, that ‘Antigeneidas’ was an aulete who served King Cotys of Thracia: see ibidem, ii, p. 103. Obviously the notion that popularity automatically implies bad artistry was as prevalent in the Classical Greek and Roman Eras as it is today in the continuing debate concerning ‘popular’ and ‘high’ art forms. 66 The argument maintained in the present paragraph, that the trumpeters’ art was associated exclusively with the nobility and was not meant to be shared with the common people (whether musicians or otherwise), became enshrined in the eighth and ninth articles of the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623. 67 The first wave of compositions in which trumpets played a purely musical part, rather than sounded from their own repertory of trumpet signal music at suitable breaks in 65 others’ musical compositions, began fitfully in 25 December 1587 at the Bavarian court at Munich, when the head trumpeter Cesare Bendinelli composed a trumpet ensemble piece to follow a related five-part setting of the Vespers hymn Fit porta Christi pervia which may have been made by the court Kapellmeister Orlando di Lasso. The new movement only began to gain momentum after Michael Praetorius had his polychoral setting of the Magnificat hymn Nun lob mein Seel’ den Herren performed at the wedding of Duke Frederick Ulrich of Brunswick and Lüneburg at Wolfenbüttel on 4 September 1614. That there was theological opposition to this type of inclusion of trumpets (and timpani) in sacred music is confirmed by the concentration of the surviving sources of early concerted pieces in only some areas of the Lutheran confession, such as Thuringia. However, and despite Hentzschel’s claim, this movement was not an exclusively Lutheran phenomenon and this is shown by the important contribution of Catholic Austria, particularly Imperial Vienna, at this time: see Downey, The Trumpet and its Role in Music, i, pp. 114-7 and 122-157. Hentzschel also refers here to another, but lesser known, conflict: the intraProtestant antagonism between Calvinist and Lutheran tendencies that had been on the increase in the German-speaking Protestant territories since the last third of the 16th century lands and that erupted at the Brandenburg court in Berlin in the second decade of the 17th century when it converted to Calvinism. Part of this conflict concerned service music. While the Lutherans positively promoted the employment of ornate service music, including the concerted settings with vocal and instrumental parts described by Hentzschel, the Calvinists took a very strict view and censured the employment of musical instruments entirely: see Sachs, Musik und Oper, pp. 51-2 and 56. 68 Reference is made here to the story of the daughter of Jairus as it is recounted in the Gospel according to Matthew, Chapter 9, verses 18-26, where there is mention of the contribution of wind instrumentalists and wailers to funeral mourning. Descriptions of religious ceremonies that are found in the Old Testament indicate a more differentiated practice in which musical instruments were associated with celebratory ceremonies and funeral ceremonies were marked by the singing of lamentations, often by professional mourners. The story of the daughter of Jairus indicates that this division had become blurred by the time of the New Testament and that musical instrumentalists were also participating in the funeral rites. This intrusion came to be interpreted as a growing eschatological belief that death was not an end in itself but marked a transition to the new and eternal state that would be prefaced by the Last Judgement. Hentzschel may have come across this particular association through reading the work of Michael Praetorius, particularly chapter 11 ‘De Tuba & Buccina’ of the section ‘Theoria Organices Sioniae’: see Praetorius, Syntagma musicum I, pp. 123-124. In the Vulgate the instrumentalists are described as ‘tibicines’ - literally ‘pipers’ – and this is translated as ‘Pfeiffer’ in the Biblia Germanica. Although the term Pfeiffer formally indicated musicians who played instruments such as shawms, cornets and trombones, it was also employed generically in the German-speaking world to represent all types of wind and brass instruments. For example, it was with the latter meaning in mind that Samuel Scheidt described the two optional trumpet parts in his setting of the Christmas hymn In dulci jubilo à 8 et 10 from the collection Cantiones Sacrae (Hering, Hamburg, 1620) as suitable for performance by ‘duabus tibijs minoribus (vulgo clarien)’, that is ‘two small pipes (commonly known as clarino [trumpets])’: see Gottlieb Harms et al (eds.), Samuel Scheidts Werke (13 vols., Hamburg, 1923-65), iv (1933), pp. 70-5, or Downey, The Trumpet and its Role, i, p. 149, ii, pp. 121-4, and iii, pp. 183-194. 66 The Biblia Germanica reads ‘Gott feret auff mit jauchzen/ Vnd der HERR mit heller Posaune’. The phrase ‘mit heller Posaune’ is represented in the Vulgate as Psalm 46 by the phrases ‘in voce tubae’ (Septuagint) and ‘in voce bucinae’ (Hebrew). 70 The Biblia Germanica version reads ‘Singet frölich Gotte/ der vnser Stercke ist/ Jauchtzet dem Gott Jacob. Nemet die Psalmen/ vnd gebet her die Paucken/ Lieblich Harffen mit Psaltern. Blaset im Newmonden die Posaunen In vnserm Feste der Laubrust’. The phrase ‘Blaset im NewMonden die Posaunen’ is given in the Vulgate as Psalm 80 by the phrases ‘bucinate in neomenia tuba’ (Septuagint) and ‘clangite in neomenia bucina’ (Hebrew). 71 The Biblia Germanica reads ‘JAuchtzet dem HERRN alle Welt/ Singet/ rhümet vnd lobet. Lobet den HERRn mit Harffen/ Mit Harffen vnd Psalmen. Mit Drometen vnd Posaunen/ Jauchtzet fur dem HERRN dem Könige‘. The phrase ‘Mit Drometen vnd Posaunen’ is given in the Vulgate as Psalm 97 by the phrases ‘in tubis ductilibus et voce tubae corneae’ (Septuagint) and ‘in tubis et clangore bucinae’ (Hebrew). 72 The Biblia Germanica reads ‘LObet den HERRN in seinem Heiligthum/ Lobet jn in der Feste seiner Macht. Lobet jn in seinen Thaten/ Lobet jn in seiner grossen Herrligkeit. Lobet jn mit Posaunen. The phrase ‘mit Posaunen’ is given in the Vulgate as Psalm 150 by the phrases ‘in sono tubae’ (Septuagint) and ‘in clangore bucinae’ (Hebrew). 73 The ‘outward sign’ is a key component of ‘the greatest good’ according to Aristotle, for example, in The Politics, Book III, Chapter ix, sections 1280b29 and 1281a10: see Sinclair & Saunders, The Politics, pp.197-8; with regard to music, see also 1339a30, ibidem, p. 462. 74 The Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 were drawn up partly to enable properly trained trumpeters to ‘enjoy honour and virtue’. 75 The rank of ‘Cornet-rider’, or ‘Cornet’, was a commissioned position in a cavalry troop and it referred to the officer responsible for carrying the troop’s colours. 76 This section introduces the long-awaited references to anecdotes concerning trumpeters in the writings of the Classical Greek and Roman world. Hentzschel seems to have considered these stories as illustrations of philosophical principles, rather than as examples of actual, praiseworthy trumpeters so that many of the expected names are missing. As was noted in endnote 49 above, he may also have been motivated by an aversion to the presentation of non-Jewish or non-Christian role models as historical persons, rather than philosophical examples. 77 The stories given in the two paragraphs concern episodes in the lives of Empedocles and Pythagoras, respectively. Their original source is to be found in Boethius’ De institutione musicae, Book I, Chapter 1: see G. Friedlein (ed.), Anicii Manlii Torquati Severinui Boetii De Institutiione Arithmetica Libri Duo De Institutione Musica Libri Quinque (Leipzig, 1867, facs Minerva GMBH, Frankfurt-am-Main, 1966), p. 184, line 10 – p. 185, line 26; see also Oliver Strunck, Source Readings in Music History I Antiquity and Middle Ages (Norton, New York and London, 1965), pp. 82-3; see also J. Donald Cullington, ‘That liberal and virtuous art’: three humanist treatises on music (University of Ulster, Newtownabbey, Co Antrim, 2001), pp. 34 and 51. 78 In Ad adolescentes, Chapter VIII, lines 32-43: see Nigel G. Wilson (ed.), Saint Basil on the Value of Greek Literature (Duckworth, London, 1975), p. 29, where the musician is named Timotheus. The same forename is used in the Suda Lexicon under the Adler references alpha 1122, tau 620 and omicron 573: see Ada Adler (ed.), Suidae Lexicon (5 vols., B G Teubner, Leipzig, 1928-38), i, p 103 (alpha 1122), and iii, pp 556-7 (tau 620) and 588 (omicron 573); an English translation is underway in the internet project Suda On Line at http://www.stoa.org/sol (accessed on 3 January 2009). 69 67 The other accounts of the story give him different forenames. He is named Antigenidas by Plutarch in the section of the Moralia concerning ‘On the Fortune or the Virtue of Alexander’, 335A: see Frank Cole Babbitt et al, Plutarch’s Moralia (16 vols., William Heinemann Ltd, London, & Harvard University Pres, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1927-1969), iv, p. 431; by Athenaeus in the Deipnosophistia, XII, 538f, and XIII, 565a: see Gulick, ATHENAEUS – The Deipnospohists, v, pp. 437 and 565a, respectively; and by Dio Chrysostom in the first section of the Oratio concerning ‘On Kingship’: see James Wilfred Cohoon, Dio Chrysostom (5 vols., William Heinemann Ltd, London, & G P Putnam’s Sons, New York, 1932-1951), i, p. 3). Seneca identifies the musician as Xenophantes in the second section of Book 2 De Ira of his Opera Moralis: see John W. Basore (trans.), Lucius Annasus Seneca. Moral Essays (3 vols., William Heinemann Ltd, London, & Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1928-35/r 1951-64), i, pp. 170 (Latin original) and 171 (English translation). Interestingly, and despite the reading in the English translation that ‘Xenophantus played the flute’, the Latin original only claims that it was ‘with the musicmaking of Xenophantus’ (‘Xenophanto canente’) that Alexander was affected, although it is clear that the episode described by Seneca is based on the Timotheus story. Timotheus is also variously described as a player of either the aulos or the trumpet in the sources. Indeed, the treatise Complexus Effectum Musices by Johannes Tinctoris, which survives in two sources, includes the story and indicates his profession as tibicen in one of the sources and as tubicen in the other: see Cullington, That liberal and virtuous art, pp. 81 (Latin text), 64 (English translation) and 72, endnote 56. Alexander’s musician Timotheus is often confused with, and even identified with, the cithara-player Timothy of Miletus. The variant name Antigenidas employed by Seneca may be connected in some way with an aulos player called Antigenidas who played at the wedding of Iphicrates to the daughter of the Thracian king Cotys (r. 383358 BC) and who was later mentioned by Athenaeus in the Deipnosophistia, IV, 131b, and see Gulick, ATHENAEUS – The Deipnospohists, ii, p. 103. Hentzschel’s source of the story may have come from one of two influential 16th century publications, either Baldassare Castiglione’s Il libro del cortegiano (1528) or Vincenzo Galilei’s Dialogo della musica antica, et della moderna (1581), rather than from the classical writers. Convenient English translations of the story as found in the two sources may be found in Oliver Strunck & Leo Treitler (eds.), Source Readings in Music History (WW Norton & Company Inc, New York & London, 1998), pp. 326 (Castiglione in Thomas Hoby’s translation of 1561), and 466 (Galilei). 79 This recommendation was not included among the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges until 1650, when Elector Johann Georg II of Saxony, patron and adjudicator of the Trumpeters’ Guild, issued an amendment condemning performance on trombones which were played in a trumpet–like manner after the style of the trumpet ensemble: see in Altenburg, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Trompete, iii, pp. 92-4. 80 The preamble to the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 includes as one of its justifications the need to counter the serious abuses of the apprenticeship training system that had led to an abundance of untrained or partially-trained trumpeters in princely and noble employment. 81 It was a long-standing custom for newly-qualified trumpeters to gain experience in military service with cavalry regiments before settling down to life as an honourable trumpeter in noble employment. It also became a matter of honour, so that military service was considered by ‘honourable’ trumpeters to be at least as important as their more musical duties at the courts and in the cities. The title of ‘Field Trumpeter’ was 68 much sought after and also treasured by trumpeters until the demise of the court trumpet establishments during the late 18th century, much more so than the other, more musical title of ‘Court Trumpeter’. 82 The Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 were codified to counter such longstanding abuses. Article 1 restricted the number of apprentices that a teacher could have at one time to one, with a penalty of 50 Reichsthaler. No exceptions were permitted and trumpeters who were asked - or ordered - by their noble employers to accept two or more apprentices at one time were authorised to refuse the instruction. The restriction was eased in the 1630 to permit a trumpeter to teach his son at the same time as the apprentice. Article 5 of the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 fixed the apprenticeship fee at 100 Reichsthaler, while Article 10 prevented newly-qualified trumpeters from accepting apprentices in his turn for at least seven years after his own release from apprenticeship. 83 This paragraph may contain an attack on the ‘Hausmann’ (also known as ‘Turmmann’), an employee attached to noble residences, cities and towns, whose general duties included the playing of trumpet signals from the tower at certain times of the day. The trumpeting duty attached to this position had been under attack from court trumpeters for much of the 16th century so that, for instance, the Hausmann at a noble residence was permitted to play the trumpet only when there were no noble trumpeters present. Even this restricted trumpeting duty was removed by the early 17th century. 84 Article 8 of the Imperial Trumpet Privileges of 1623 restricted tower musicians to their watch towers when they played the trumpet. An exception was made in the 1653 revision of the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges in that trumpeters employed in the free and imperial cities that had received imperial permission to employ trumpeters were not categorised as the tower musicians but continued to be considered as honourable trumpeters. 85 This story is recounted by Strabo in the Geographicon, Book XIV, Part 2, Chapter 21: see Jones, The Geography of Strabo, vi, p. 291. In the original story the bell was rung to announce the opening of the fish-market. In the Hellenic age, Iasus (or Iasos) was a harbour town situated on an island just off the mainland of the province of Caria and roughly midway between Halicarnassus and Miletus. The ruins of the ancient settlement are to be found today beside the modern town of Kiyikişlacik in the province of Muğla in Turkey. 86 The postscript to the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623 includes an exhortion to the nobility to treat honourable trumpeters with respect and decency and to endow their art with honour and advantage. 87 Athenaeus reports in the Deipnospohistai, Book XIV, Section 623, that the famous cithara player and singer Amoebus, who lived in Athens, was able to attract one Attic talent for a day’s performance: see Gulick, Athenaeus – The Deipnospohists, vi, p. 361. In ancient Greece the Attic talent was considered equal in coinage to 300 stater or 6000 drachma, and in value to almost 26 kilograms of silver. Hentzschel apparently equates the ‘stater’ with his ‘Krohne’. It is not clear whether he considers the ‘Krohne’ to be equivalent to either the contemporary Reichsthaler or the Gulden (the latter was also known as the Florin). The size of Amoebus’ daily earnings may be gauged by comparison with Caspar Hentzschel’s annual salary at the Berlin court in 1621, 300 Reichsthaler (approximately 375 Gulden): see Sachs, Musik und Oper, p. 160. 88 Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony and his descendants were appointed to the position of patron and adjudicator of the Imperial Trumpeters’ and Kettledrummers’ Guild in the Imperial Trumpeter Privileges of 1623. 69 89 Hentzschel is careful in his request for better conditions and balances the hope for prestige (that is, for better pay and conditions) with the repeated mantra concerning recognition of fame (that is, better appreciation of the value of their work). Tinctoris accounts for the difference between the two in a different context, that of the great composers of his time, in the Complexus effectum musices, lines 167-9, but the same argument holds in the present instance: ‘Who does not heap supreme praise on those whose compositions, circulated throughout the world, fill God’s churches, kings’ palaces and private houses with supreme sweetnes? I pass over those many musicians who have been granted uncommon riches and honours, since whatever prestige they have gained from these is in no way comparable with the undying fame which the foremost composers have laid up for themselves. The first is fortune’s work, the second is virtue’s’. (‘Quis eos summis laudibus non prosequitur, quorum conpositiones per universum orbem divulgatæ Dei templa, regum palatial, privatorum domos summa dulcedine replent? Taceo plurimos musicos eximiis opibus dignitatibusque donatos, quoniam et si honores ex his adepti sunt, famæ immortali quam primi compositors sibi extenderunt, minime sunt conferendi. Illus enim fortunæ, istud autem virtutis opus es.’): see Cullington, That liberal and virtuous art, pp. 65-6 and 83. 90 The Gebetlein begins with a section that is inspired by the fourth verse of the hymn Allein zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ, the first verse of which has inspired the second verse of the Geistlich Lied: see endnote 92 below. 91 See Martin Luther’s hymn Gott sei gelobet und gebenedeiet; the associated melody is found in Johann Walther’s Geistliche Gesangbuchlein of 1524. 92 See Konrad Hubert’s hymn Allein zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ; the associated melody is found in the broadsheet Eyn schön Lied, (Wittenberg, 1541). 93 See Hans Vogel’s hymn Singen wir aus Herzen Grund; the associated melody is in the Straβburger Liederbuch of 1589. 94 See Martin Moller’s hymn Nimm von uns, Herr, du treuer Gott from 1598; the associated melody is the plainchant-derived melody used for the Vater unser in Himmelreich. 95 See Martin Luther’s hymn Christum wir sollen loben schon; the plainchant-derived melody is in Enchiridion (Erfurt, 1524). 96 For a possible source, see Hilf uns o Herre Gott in the Straβburger Liederbuch of 1560. 97 See Petrus Herbert’s hymn Preis, Lob und Dank sei Gott dem Herren; an associated melody is included in the Geneva Psalter of 1551.