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ΑΝΑΦΟΡΕΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΝ ΚΟΡΑΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΕΡΓΟ ΤΟΥ
ΣΤΟΝ ΑΓΓΛΟΣΑΞOΝΙΚΟ ΚΟΣΜΟ
K
ΟΣΜΗΜΕΝΟΣ ΑΠΟ ΠΛΗΘΩΡΑ ΔΙΘΥΡΑΜΒΙΚΩΝ αναφορών στο όνομά
του για το σύνολο του δημιουργικού του έργου αλλά και για τις επιμέρους συμβολές του στην πνευματική σκέψη την περίοδο του νεότερου
ελληνισμού, ο Αδαμάντιος Κοραής αποτελεί αδιαμφισβήτητα μια από τις
κορυφαίες προσωπικότητες που εργάστηκαν για τον φωτισμό των Ελλήνων και την απόκτηση της εθνικής ανεξαρτησίας.
Τόσο ο βίος του όσο και το έργο του αυτό καθαυτό έχουν μελετηθεί
διεξοδικά σε ειδικές μελέτες, μονογραφίες και αφιερώματα που αναμφίβολα ελάχιστο χώρο αφήνουν στη νεότερη έρευνα για επιπλέον προσθήκες στα ήδη γνωστά.
Το ερώτημα
Καθώς φαίνεται πως ήδη έχουμε φτάσει στο σημείο εκείνο όπου η αποτίμηση του έργου του Κοραή στη λεγόμενη ευρυχωρία του Νεοελληνικού
Διαφωτισμού είναι πλέον δυνατή σε κάθε της λεπτομέρεια, με βάση τα
διαθέσιμα στοιχεία ένα ενδιαφέρον ερώτημα έρχεται στο προσκήνιο. Ένα
ερώτημα βέβαια που δεν περιορίζεται μόνο στον Κοραή αλλά συναρτάται
γενικότερα με τους έλληνες λογίους εκείνης της περιόδου και την πνευματική τους δραστηριότητα. Το ερώτημα αυτό μας καλεί να εξετάσουμε το
βαθμό στον οποίο έχει αποτιμηθεί και αναγνωρισθεί το έργο των ελλήνων
λογίων από στοχαστές και επιστήμονες που δεν περιορίζονται στο χώρο
της καθ’ ημάς Ανατολής αλλά κινούνται στον ευρύτερο δυτικό κόσμο του
18ου και του 19ου αιώνα.
Η εργασία εκπονήθηκε στο πλαίσιο τοῦ προγράμματος Haephestus τοῦ ΙΝΕ/ΕΙΕ
(Seventh Framework Programme [FP7/2007-2013] under grant agreement no 229825).
1. Μια συνθετική παρουσίαση των εργασιών που κυκλοφόρησαν τον 19ο αιώνα και αφορούν τον Κοραή και το έργο του δημοσιεύτηκε πρόσφατα από τον Εμμ.
Φραγκίσκο: Emmanuel N. Franghiskos, “Α survey of studies on Adamantios Korais
during the nineteenth century”, The Historical Review 2 (2005), 93-128.
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Ο Ε Ρ Α Ν Ι Σ Τ Η Σ , 28 (2011)
Για κάποιους από τους έλληνες λογίους οφείλουμε να σημειώσουμε
ότι ήδη διαθέτουμε σχετικά στοιχεία, στοιχεία που είτε μας έχουν δώσει
οι ίδιοι οι λόγιοι μέσα από τα κείμενά τους, είτε τα γνωρίζουμε από προηγούμενους ερευνητές.
Θεωρούμε ότι η συμπλήρωση της εικόνας που ήδη έχουμε σχηματίσει θα μας βοηθήσει να απεγκλωβιστούμε από ορισμένα ερμηνευτικά
σχήματα που φαίνεται να έχουν εδραιωθεί όσον αφορά την αξιολόγηση
της συμβολής των ελλήνων λογίων στα γράμματα και τις επιστήμες της
εποχής τους ή τελικά θα δώσει εκείνα τα επιχειρήματα που είναι αναγκαία ώστε κάθε αμφισβήτηση αυτών των ερμηνευτικών σχημάτων να
θεωρηθεί άνευ ουσιαστικής σημασίας.
Ως μικρή συμβολή στην πορεία της υλοποίησης των στόχων που
ήδη αναφέραμε, καταθέτουμε ορισμένες πληροφορίες για την εικόνα του
Κοραή στον αγγλοσαξονικό κόσμο, όπως σε άλλη ευκαιρία είχαμε παραθέσει σχετικές πληροφορίες για την αντίστοιχη εικόνα του Ρήγα.2
Θα ήταν ίσως σκόπιμο να επισημάνουμε εδώ ότι, όπως φαίνεται από
τα αποτελέσματα της σχετικής έρευνας, ο Ρήγας και ο Κοραής θεωρείται
ότι πορεύονται παράλληλα, ότι η δράση τους είναι συμπληρωματική όχι
μόνο από την ελληνική –επίσημη και μη– ιστοριογραφία, όπως αυτή θα
μπορούσε να ισχυριστεί κανείς ότι αντιπροσωπεύεται από τη γνωστή
απεικόνιση του Ρήγα και του Κοραή να βοηθούν την Ελλάδα να σταθεί
και πάλι στα πόδια της, αλλά και από τα μνημονευόμενα στα ευρωπαϊκά
κείμενα όπου εντοπίσαμε αναφορές στους δύο αυτούς πρωτεργάτες της
εθνικής απελευθέρωσης και στο έργο τους.3 Φυσικά στις αναφορές αυτές
συνήθως ο Ρήγας μνημονεύεται ως ο φλογερός επαναστάτης που μάχεται
για την «εδώ και τώρα» εθνική απελευθέρωση από την τουρκική κυριαρχία, ενώ ο Κοραής ως ο σώφρων λόγιος ο οποίος επιζητεί τη σωστή
2. Γιώργος Ν. Βλαχάκης, «Η εικόνα του Ρήγα στον Αγγλοσαξονικό κόσμο.
Νεώτερα στοιχεία για την παγκόσμια ακτινοβολία του», Ε´ Διεθνές Συνέδριο ΦεραίΒελεστίνο-Ρήγας, Βελεστίνο, 4-7 Οκτωβρίου 2007 (Πρακτικά υπό έκδοση).
3. Ενδεικτική του ύφους και του περιεχομένου των σχετικών αναφορών είναι η ακόλουθη από τον Thomas Keightley, History of the War of Independence in
Greece, Edinburgh 1830, σ. 93: “Numerous Greek students resorted for instruction
to France and Germany, and many translations and original works of the modern
Greek language proceeded from the presses of Paris, Leipzig, Vienna and Venice. The
learned Coray, the imprudent and unhappy Rhigas and many others, both in verse
and in prose, sought to fan the flame of patriotism in the minds of their countrymen”.
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235
στάθμιση των κινδύνων και προβλημάτων που πιθανόν θα εμφανιστούν
εάν και εφόσον η Επανάσταση ξεσπάσει πριν την ώρα της.
Τα κείμενα
Τα κείμενα στα οποία συναντούμε αναφορές στον Αδαμάντιο Κοραή και το
έργο του δεν περιορίζονται σε ένα μόνο είδος, όπως π.χ. βιογραφικά λεξικά
ή ταξιδιωτικά ημερολόγια. Διατρέχουν ένα μεγάλο φάσμα συγγραφικών
ενδιαφερόντων και αυτό το γεγονός από μόνο του μπορεί να μας οδηγήσει
στην υπόθεση ότι ο Κοραής, χωρίς καμιά αμφισβήτηση, αποτελεί τον πλέον αναγνωρίσιμο εκπρόσωπο της ελληνικής λογιοσύνης έξω από τα στενά
όρια του ελληνισμού της περιόδου εκείνης. Οι αναφορές στον Κοραή και το
έργο του φαίνεται ότι ξεκινούν από τα τέλη του 18ου αιώνα και συνεχίζονται μέχρι και τα μισά του 19ου αιώνα, ενώ το περιεχόμενό τους μπορεί
να είναι βιογραφικού τύπου σχόλια και κριτική για τη συμβολή του στην
ανασύσταση της αρχαίας ελληνικής γραμματείας μέσω του εκδοτικού του
προγράμματος, παρουσίαση των θέσεών του για τη γλώσσα, σύνοψη των
πολιτικών του απόψεων, καταγραφή των πεποιθήσεών του για τη θρησκεία
γενικά και την εκκλησιαστική ιεραρχία ειδικότερα.
Τα βιογραφικού τύπου δημοσιεύματα σχετικά με τον Κοραή εντοπίζονται κυρίως σε δημοφιλείς για την εποχή εγκυκλοπαίδειες και βιογραφικά λεξικά. Στα περισσότερα από αυτά το κύριο σώμα των βιογραφικών πληροφοριών μοιάζει να προέρχεται από μια κοινή πηγή. Είναι
χαρακτηριστική άλλωστε η παραφθορά του μικρού του ονόματος, όπως
διαπιστώνει ο αναγνώστης με μια απλή ματιά. Σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις
το λήμμα σχετικά με τον Κοραή είναι εκτενές ενώ σε άλλες συντομότερο,
σε συνάρτηση πάντα με τον συνολικό αριθμό των σελίδων της έκδοσης.
Ωστόσο παραμένει πάντα αξιοσημείωτο το γεγονός ότι οι επιμελητές
αυτών των εκδόσεων συγκαταλέγουν το όνομα του Κοραή στο υλικό εκείνο που εκτιμούν ότι ενδιαφέρει εν δυνάμει τους αναγνώστες τους, αν και
αυτό είναι κάποτε ελεγχόμενο για πραγματολογικά σφάλματα.
Ας ξεκινήσουμε λοιπόν την περιδιάβασή μας στα κείμενα αυτά.
An Essay of Certain Points of Resemblance Between the Ancient and Mo
dern Greeks, Frederick Sylvester North Douglas, Λονδίνο 1813, σ. 77-78.
«If an invincible activity in the service of his country, be a claim to the
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Ο Ε Ρ Α Ν Ι Σ Τ Η Σ , 28 (2011)
admiration of the patriot, or an acuteness of conjecture and an inexhaustible and various fund of information, to the respect of the scholar, the
name of Koray will rank high among the illustrious characters of the age.
In his commentaries upon Theoprhastus and Herodotus, he has proved
how much light may be thrown upon the ancient authors, by an acquaintance with the vernacular idiom; while the letter to Vasili4 in the preface
of his edition of the Ethiopics of Heliodorus, will shew, that he has not
criticized the works of purer ages, without imbibing a considerable portion of their spirit and elegance. His merits are enthusiastically extolled
by his countrymen, and we may fairly expect the restoration of Greece,
as much from the writings of Koray, as from the arms of the Mainiots or
the commerce of Hydra.»
The New Monthly Magazine. The London Literary Gazette and Journal
of Belles Lettres, Λονδίνο 1823, σ. 215.
«The modern Greeks. – A Greek reviewer, M. Schinas, pronounces a high
eulogium on M. Coray, a native of the isle of Chios, who has for thirty
years devoted himself to erudition and philosophy, and who has published
editions of most of the ancient Greek authors, accompanied with learned
and valuable prefaces; in which the beauties of their various works, and
the benefits to be derived from the study of them, are pointed out at great
length, and with considerable ability. M. Schinas thinks that M. Coray
has materially contributed to the elevation of mind which the modern
Greeks have evinced. With a view to aid his countrymen in their present struggle, and to direct them in the course which they ought to pursue,
M. Coray has recently published an edition of Aristotle’s Policy, with an
elaborate preface on the political organization of modern Greece.»
The American Quarterly Observer, επιμ. Bela Bates Edwards, Βοστώνη
1834, τ. 2, τχ. 4 (Απρίλιος), σ. 199-226 [άρθρο για τον «Dr. Coray and
the Greek Church” του Gregory A. Perdicaris, καθηγητή στο Washington
College].5
«During the days of the Roman Greek emperors, the state and church
4. Πρόκειται για την εκτενή επιστολή που απηύθηνε ο Κοραής στον φίλο του
γιατρό Αλέξανδρο Βασιλείου στα προλεγόμενα των Αιθιοπικών του Ηλιόδωρου που
εκδόθηκαν στο Παρίσι, 1804, σ. α΄-οζ΄.
5. Παρουσιάζουμε εδώ ολόκληρο το σχετικό άρθρο λόγω του ιδιαίτερου ενδια-
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237
were in strange confusion. Emperors wore the sable mitre, and patriarchs
glittered with the royal purple: State officers wrote commentaries, and
monks practised the art of war. The temporal and spiritual power of the
empire had been blended together. A union of such conflicting elements
could not exist for any length of time without annihilating itself by the
very friction of its heterogeneous materials, and nothing but the Turkish
crescent prevented its total dissolution. The fatal blow which fell upon
the eastern empire, decomposed the temporal and spiritual power of the
state; and by the utter annihilation of the former, preserved the latter.
Had the conqueror of Constantinople refused to recognize and throw
around the Greek church the shield of protection, or had the Greeks
been free from superstition, the same tempest which levelled the liberties of Greece to the ground, would have also swept from the face of the
earth the Greek nation itself. The interest of the one, and the ignorance
of the other, prevented this calamity. The Turk found it his interest to
preserve the spiritual power of the nation in the most unspiritual condition imaginable. The common people were too ignorant to perceive that
the church had lost its primitive beauty and simplicity, and the more
enlightened –for there were such in process of time– of this community,
though sensible of the many errors and absurdities which from time to
time had crept into the system of their religion, were fully aware that
the venerable institution of the church, with all its defects, was the only
palladium of their national existence; they knew that under the existing
circumstances, the mere attempt to reform, would have a direct tendency
to break the only link which held the Greek nation together. Conscious,
therefore, of the beneficial effects of superstition, in this respect, upon the
minds of the ignorant, and anxious to strengthen the national ties, they
paid a due deference to all the ceremonies of the Greek church.
But ignorance and superstition, like learning and refinement, have
their aim. The ignorance and superstition of the Greeks had arrived at
its zenith on the capture of Constantinople; and, like the Ottoman power,
held its high throne for more than a century after this historical event. As
soon as the Turkish power began to wane, that instant the Greek nation
φέροντός του. Ο συγγραφέας του Gregory A. Perdicaris υπήρξε μετανάστης πρώτης
γενιάς στις ΗΠΑ. Σπούδασε νομικά στη Βοστώνη. Ορίστηκε πρόξενος των ΗΠΑ στην
Αθήνα το 1837 και δημοσίευσε ένα δίτομο έργο με τίτλο Τhe Greece of the Greek.
Επέστρεψε στις ΗΠΑ το 1846 και εγκαταστάθηκε στο Trenton όπου απέκτησε σημαντική περιουσία. Το 1880 με τον γιο του Ίωνα Περδικάρη, γνωστό για την υπόθεση
της απαγωγής του, εγκαταστάθηκε στην Ταγγέρη. Πέθανε το 1883.
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began to rise from the depths of ignorance. The common schools rose to
academies, academies to colleges, and colleges to universities. Commerce
began to flourish and pour its wealth upon the shores of Greece. The universities of Europe began to be visited by some of the best sons of Greece,
and a great part of the population were so far educated that there was little
danger of their being dazzled by the divine light of truth. At this interesting epoch, which was the precursor of the memorable revolution of 1821,
a number of literary characters set themselves to work, and, with the
powerful weapons of reason and ridicule, commenced a brisk attack upon
the abuses of the Greek church. These efforts though partially silenced by
the sound of war, have not been altogether discontinued, and though some
of the champions of this religious warfare have suffered by circumstances,
the illustrious Coray has been constantly gathering strength.
This enlightened son of Greece is a native of Scio. After he had
finished his preparatory studies in the college of Smyrna, he went to Europe, and received the degree of M. D. in the university of Montpellier.
Soon after the completion of his professional studies, he passed to Paris,
and while there, he offered to enlightened Europe a French translation
of the works of Theophrastus and Hippocrates. These first attempts of
Coray, though highly appreciated by the scholars of western Europe,
were not calculated to make his name known in the land which gave him
birth. To these, however, followed a pamphlet, written in the French
language, and entitled ‘‘De l’État actuel de la Civilization en Grèce’’.
This little essay, which was written with a view of correcting the erroneous opinions of Europeans respecting the actual condition of Greece,
was translated into modern Greek, and was the means of introducing the
author to his countrymen. Coray’s modern Greek translation of Beccaria
made him known to them as a man of letters and a patriot. The good success with which this able work met in Greece, encouraged the translator
in his career; he edited the Ethiopics of Heliodorus, and commenced under the liberal patronage of the benevolent Zosimades his ‘‘Bibliotheca’’,
or ‘‘Hellenic Library’’. To every volume of this Library, Coray added
not only copious annotations, but prefixed learned and able prolegomena. These prefaces bespeak him to be a man of extensive reading and a
scholar of powerful and profound mind. Every page of his prolegomena
seems to be animated with the spirit of a patriot and the soul of a philosopher. Through these, he succeeded in settling and establishing the long
fluctuating and disturbed element of the modern Greek language; and
he has fanned the dying embers of the Grecian intellect, and has fostered
the political independence and regeneration of Greece.
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Coray, imbued with the spirit and high morality of the gospel, and
conscious of the great and salutary influence which religion exerts upon
the moral and intellectual condition of nations, has never lost sight of the
Greek church. His literary efforts against the abuses of this venerable
institution, have been as constant as they have been well directed. It is
true that they have wrought, as yet, no apparent change in the external
appearance of things; but his eloquent appeals and powerful arguments,
his great name and authority, and more than all, his ingenuity in treating the subject, have already awakened inquiry in the minds of the most
enlightened Greeks; and one needs no light of inspiration to foresee that
Greece will soon undergo a religious revolution.
Whether we view this approaching event with the eye of a philosopher, or a statesman, with the feelings of citizens, or Christians, we find
ourselves equally interested. The mere anticipation of such a momentous
event, fills the mind with the most intense interest, and naturally turns
our attention to those who are destined to be the authors and actors of
an era calculated to produce great and important changes in the moral
and spiritual condition of Greece.
Much has been done in America for this nation by the friends of civil rights, and religious liberty. Their benevolent efforts, however great
in extent and pure in principle, can only be regarded, in reference to the
reformation of the Greek church, as secondary and auxiliary means.
Coming as they do from a foreign source, they may, through the medium
of education, and the judicious use of the press, operate indirectly, they
may mature and accelerate the desired reformation; but it will be impossible for them to create a general revolution. Such an attempt from any
other quarter but the Greeks themselves, will have the direct tendency
to arouse the prejudices of the ignorant, and the pride of the learned, and
thus retard, and possibly endanger the true interest of Greece and Christianity. In pointing out what seems to us to be the proper place of foreign
assistance, we do not mean to depreciate its worth, but we wish to call
the attention of our readers to the important truth, that the Greeks must
act or nothing can be done. A revolution is a change of existing circumstances, a search of happiness. The ingredients of this happiness must be
sought in their own bosom, and it will be well for the friends of Greece
as well as for the Greeks themselves to recollect
That those who would be free, themselves must strike the blow,
By their own right arms the conquest must be sought.
With a view of laying before the American public, the opinions of
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Ο Ε Ρ Α Ν Ι Σ Τ Η Σ , 28 (2011)
the Greeks, on the subject of the Greek church, we propose to give an
historical sketch with extracts from Dr. Coray’s works on this impor
tant subject. These writings of Coray which are scattered throughout
his prolegomena, are of great consequence, not so much for what they
have done, as for what they are destined to accomplish; for though the
hand which has traced them is already laid in the cold earth, the spirit
which animates them will ever continue to instruct, and direct the sons of
Greece. (‘‘The mournful news of Dr. Coray’s death has recently been received. Those who are acquainted with the life and literary productions
of this great patriot and illustrious philosopher, can alone feel his loss and
envy his fortune. Dr. Coray died in the 85th year of his age, and in the
midst of his literary toils. His long life, like that of the old philosopher of
Greece, has been the beginning of a lasting glory. He has only changed
one immortality for another. We have been informed by a friend who
visited Coray on his death-bed, that the last illness and consequent death
of this scholar was occasioned by his having fallen from his chair on the
floor of his room; and that he was attended in the last moments of his
life by two young Greeks, both of whom are alumni of Yale college. As
it is not in our power to give at present a more full obituary, we would
subjoin to our remarks the following sketch which we copy from a work
entitled ‘Cours de Litérature Grecque Moderne’.
’’The history of the third period can be comprised in the life of Dr.
Coray. This extraordinary man, who was born in Smyrna, in 1748, of
Sciot parents, having gone through a liberal course of study in the college of Smyrna, passed to Europe and has lately fixed himself in France.
It will be superfluous to expatiate on the details of his life, and more so on
those of his scientific works – subjects for which one can consult the biography of contemporaries. At the commencement of the present century,
Greece scarcely knew that France possessed a Greek called Coray. Little
did his countrymen care that he had taken his degree in the university of
Montpellier, that he had published some works on medicine, and that he
had offered to enlightened Europe a French translation of Theophrastus,
and Hippocrates. Greece knew not Coray till he had published in modern Greek the treatise of Beccaria on crimes and punishments, which he
accompanied with notes and prolegomena. This remarkable production,
either on account of the epoch in which it appeared, or on account of the
end which the translator had in view, made a lively impression upon the
minds of the Greeks. Coray dedicated this work to the republic of the
Seven Islands. This republic was created in 1800. It was the first time
that the Christian powers seemed to take an interest in the affairs of en-
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slaved Greece, and bestowed upon a small part of her territory a shadow
of political existence. The Ionic republic excited high expectations among
the other Greeks, who, from the bosom of darkness, viewed this pleiad
which presaged a brilliant day for the whole nation; they seemed to discover in the new constitution of the Seven Islands, a benevolent disposition of the European powers towards Greece. Under such circumstances,
the translation of Beccaria, which was dedicated to the Ionian republic,
was widely circulated, and Coray was celebrated throughout Greece, as
a learned man and a patriot.
’’In the meanwhile, Europe, notwithstanding the crowd of her
travellers, was as yet ignorant respecting the moral situation of Greece.
Coray was the first, who, in a memoir entitled ‘De l’État actuel de la
Civilization en Grèce’, pointed out the awakening of the Greek nation,
and its progress towards an intellectual state, infinitely better than that
in which the Europeans believed her to be, as yet, plunged. This pamphlet which was written in French and translated into modern Greek,
was circulated throughout Greece, and stimulated the Greeks, who doubled their growing powers.
’’After the edition of the Ethiopics of Heliodorus, Coray, a man
worthy of the age in which he lived, and above the vanity of an author,
commenced the beautiful edition of his Hellenic Library, or a collection
of Greek Classics, printed at the expense of the brothers Zosimades.
–The first volumes contain the works of two celebrated authors; the one
of them is lsocrates, a classic author and a virtuous citizen; The other is
the good Plutarch, a writer, who, in point of literary merit, belongs to
the second class, but whose patriotic sentiments are worthy of the age of
Phocion and Epaminondas. The musical language of lsocrates, his oratorical talents, and his expressions, which are full of grace and sentiment,
merited the admiration of his age; and though he is accused, sometimes,
of having made ill use of his oratory, his writings have never ceased to
be regarded as a model of taste and elegance; a precious source for the
legislators, the orators and the citizens of every age and every country. It
is for this reason that Coray, in commencing a work specially designed
for the high education of the young Greeks, and desiring to inspire them
with elevated sentiments as well as with a taste for the ancient literature,
chose, by way of preference, the orations of lsocrates. The Parallel Lives
followed. Plutarch, a native of Cheronea, the tomb of the Grecian liberties, was, in his time, the only child who thought of Greece, his mother;
he wished, in writing his Parallel Lives, to show to the Greeks, who
humbled themselves before their conquerors, that the ancient Romans
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could hardly bear a comparison with the heroes of ancient Greece, how
much less those when they then adorned with the absurd appellations
of divine and of august.
’’Coray accompanied his editions of lsocrates and of Plutarch, with
notes and prolegomena, which bespeak him to be a philosopher, a man
of letters, and a citizen. These preliminary essays are on the improvement
and perfection of which the modern Greek language is capable. On the
best method of composing grammars and teaching the youth. On the
manner of reading the ancient authors to the best advantage; on the light
of experimental philosophy; and on the duties which the Greeks of every
age and condition owe to their country. These counsels of Coray expressed with eloquence and simplicity, supported by powerful arguments,
and accredited by the European reputation of their author, produced
upon the reading class of the Greeks prodigious effects. In vain did pedantry oppose itself to these powerful truths. In vain did the old routines
of every college interpose an obstinate resistance; these innovations found
throughout Greece a favorable reception; so far had the nation already
advanced, so far were their minds free of prejudice.
’’Coray observing the intellectual revolution which his counsel produced in Greece, doubled his efforts, and continued without relaxation,
to give out edition after edition of the Greek Classics, accompanied with
notes and prolegomena. Next to the Lives of Plutarch, made their appearance, under the title of Prodromus, the Various History of Aelian,
and the fragments of Heraclides and of Nicholas Damascinus. Indefatigable in his exertions, he published the Fables of Æsop, the Geography
of Strabo, the first four books of the Iliad, and the odd witticism of the
Scholastic Hierocles. The young Greeks who were educated in the colleges of Smyrna, Cydonia, Scio, Bucharest and Coarutchesme, passed to
Europe, and particularly to France, where they were attracted by the
reputation of Coray’’.
Coray besides the works contained in the above sketch, has edited the Politics of Aristotle, of which we have already made mention;
and has also published five octavo volumes of Miscellanies. These five
volumes may be said to constitute a full but desultory work on the modern Greek philology; they contain some of the most various as well as
valuable information on the subject of the ancient and modern Greek
languages –history, ethics, politics, theology, &c. &c. Since the publication of these volumes, he has given to the world what he terms ‘‘The
Minister’s Vademecum’’. This work contains an able preface of at least
forty pages, on the subject of the Greek church, the two Epistles of St.
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Paul to Timothy, and the one to Titus, with the modern translation, and
ample annotations.)
In the prolegomena, which are prefixed to the first volume of Plutarch’s Lives, and edited as early as 1804, we find Coray touching for
the first time upon the subject of the Greek church. He seems to enter
into it without any premeditation or design.
‘‘Every city in Greece’’, says Coray, ‘‘ought to have under the roof
of its church two boxes of contribution; one for the support of and maintenance of its own school, and the other for the assistance of the general
fund at Constantinople. Should any one, in consequence of the numerous
boxes of contribution, designed for the support of different monasteries,
be terrified at the appearance of new ones; the antidote is at hand. All
those monasteries, which favored the cause of learning by supporting
instructors, who are capable of teaching the arts and sciences, or even
the Greek language only, ought to be allowed to send their boxes to
the different churches of Greece; but those which neither trouble themselves with the support of instructors, nor are willing to aid the course
of education, must be denied an assistance which ought to be applied to
the benefit of our common country. In saying this, I am far from being
apprehensive of giving offence; far, since many of those who belong to
the monastic order have, of their own accord, shown their zeal in behalf
of Greece. Such are the venerable fathers of Vadopedee. Anxious to illumine the tops of Mt. Athos with the light of Europe, they have already
invited from Cydonia a professor, and have thus offered to their mother
Greece an acceptable return for all the kindness they have received from
her. It is lamentable, it is shameful, that in the nineteenth century, when
many enlightened princes of Europe apply the enormous incomes of the
monasteries to the support of schools, we should give to a few monks
what is due to the whole nation of Greece. Philosophy instructs us that
every individual shall support himself by his own hands. Sacred history informs us that our Creator placed man on earth in order to gain
his livelihood not by the hand of others, but by the sweat of his own
brow; and St. Paul cries ‘If any should not work, neither shall he eat’.
Thess. b. iii. 10. He who supports indolent persons is at best a fool. But
he, who suffers himself to rust away in sloth or laziness, and stoops to
receive his substance from the hands of the active and the industrious,
be he a monk or a layman, is surely a shameless slave’’.
Here Dr. Coray recollecting, as it seems, that the Greek monasteries
were the favorite objects of the ignorant, and that the monks, who were
scouring the country with their boxes of contribution, were in the habit
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of paying largely to the bishops of the diocess, for the rights of begging;
recollecting that the whole body of the clergy, from the patriarch down
to the deacon and sexton, were monks, most of whom were ‘‘rusting in
sloth and laziness’’; recollecting that the church and state were bound to
each other by the ties of interest, and more than all, recollecting that we
can seldom reap advantage from a premature blow, retreats; but even in
his retreat he gathers the fruit of victory. Unwilling to show that he had
laid-his hand on sacred things, he places the spoils destined to achieve
the regeneration of Greece, in the hands of the patriarch. Whether the
high and eloquent eulogium which Dr. Coray pronounces on the wisdom
of this prelate is a tribute to true merit, or a mere adulation bestowed in
order to secure the right of whipping the rest of the monks with impunity, is not in our power to assert. Be this as it may, suffice it to say, that
Dr. Coray recommends to the head of the Greek church the common
schools of Greece with all their pupils and teachers; he entreats the venerable patriarch to lend his influence and assistance in sending to Europe
those young men who seemed devoted to the cause of their country, and
who were anxious to transplant to her shores the most improved methods
of instruction, as well as the lights of the arts and sciences; he calls upon
him in the name of the Greek church and religion, to assist and encourage those sons of Greece who were actively engaged in the glorious cause
of her regeneration, and reminds him that this ought to commence with
the improvement of his court.
‘‘The treasury of the national council at Constantinople ought to
pay the salary of the patriarchal secretary. This officer ought to be not
only a good Greek scholar, but a man well versed in the arts and sciences of enlightened Europe, and also familiar with the languages of the
most distinguished nations. The patriarchal palace is in some measure a
royal court. The decrees as well as circular letters, which issue from it,
ought to be such as to read well if translated in other languages. Hitherto the common misfortune of the nation was such that it did not permit
the council either to give great salaries, or procure the services of a man
worthy to be the secretary of the patriarch and the whole nation. The
misfortune was great, but fortunately it was known only to the Greeks,
that at present, when the enlightened nations seem to be interested in
the amelioration of Greece, no circular letters ought to issue from the
patriarchal palace unworthy our present condition and the fame of our
patriarch’’.
One of the greatest obstacles to the regeneration of Greece, was not
the want of able and learned men, but the absence of some medium by
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which they could communicate their thoughts and exchange their opinions. The intellectual empire of Greece resembled, previous to the Greek
revolution, a newly discovered continent, chequered with villas, towns,
and cities, but destitute of every communication, and deprived of all the
advantages derived from the exchange of native and peculiar products.
To throw some light upon our obscure figure, let us illustrate its meaning
by matter of fact. At the period of which we are speaking, Greece had
many sons of enlightened minds and high literary attainments in her
different towns and cities, but these scholars had no medium of communication. Greece, virtually, had no press. The only press in Greece, or
rather in Turkey, to which the Greek scholars could have access, was at
the patriarchal court of Constantinople; but this press was devoted, as it
might be expected, to religious works, and issued nothing but homilies
–all written in ancient Greek– and lives of saints. Such works produced
but little evil, and less good. Dr. Coray, anxious to free the press from
the fetters of ignorance, and thus put in the hands of the Greeks a power,
which, like that of Jove,
Shakes the feeble prop of human trust,
And towns and armies humbles to the dust,
– Iliad ii. 117, reminds the patriarch of its great importance in the following words:
‘‘The patriarchal press stands also in great need of improvement
and perfection. This ought to be done at the expense of the general fund.
If enlightened Europe thought the embellishment of the letters of every
language a thing worthy her attention, it is high time that we who are
anxious to introduce in Greece the arts and sciences, should imitate this
good action of Europe. Such attention is due to the press because it is a
heavenly gift, and a sacred invention. The press alone has subdued the
all-conquering time, and has preserved the wise precepts of our ancestors,
and the counsels of all the ancient philosophers. This alone has spread
and facilitated the perusal of ancient as well as modern works, has scattered among the common people correct opinions, and has enlightened
many nations of Europe. This, even now, like an angel from heaven,
disturbs the pool of the sciences, and dips in it Greece, in order to cure
her many and long afflictions, and cleanse her from the foulness of ignorance. This at last, by disseminating the wretched and miserable works
of the inhuman anti-philosophers shows, more and more, not only the gigantic power of philosophy, but also the foolish and ridiculous wrestlings
of her pigmy-like enemies’’.
Dr Coray, however, knew that the improvement of the patriarchal
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press was but poorly calculated to meet the end he had in view; he was
fully aware that even if it did succeed to issue works of worth and practical utility, it would have still been inadequate to supply the peculiar and
pressing wants of the country. A man like Coray could not be ignorant
that books of any size would have been of too great a bulk to find the
peasant’s cottage, and of too great a magnitude to force their way into little heads. The misfortune which then oppressed Greece, was indeed great,
but this great calamity consisted of little atoms, each of which stood in
need of an antidote peculiar and proportionate to the evil it was intended
to cure. None but a pedant pretends to write great books on little subjects.
Greece stood in need of some periodical, or newspaper, calculated, from
its very nature, to treat on every subject of life, and suit and benefit every
individual member of the society. But could the priests favor the operation of such an instrument? And if they did, could Constantinople be a fit
and proper place? Let us hear how Dr. Coray endeavors to enlighten the
patriarch on the importance of such a periodical, and how he attempts to
overcome difficulties inherent in the nature of things.
‘‘The greatest of all the benefits which the press has ever conferred
upon the civilized communities of the world, are political and philological
newspapers. Before the invention of the printing art, the communication
of philosophical opinions from one nation to another was either impracticable or subject to great delay. In ancient Greece, which was but a small
part of Europe, often whole years were requisite in order to make known
from one neighboring city to another new and useful discoveries in the
arts and sciences; while at present, a few days are sufficient to transport
every new invention from one end of Europe to the other. We should easily perceive how great is the benefit of such rapid communication; if
we recollect that the discovery of one truth is a rule and a guide for that
of a second, and this again for that of a third, and so on to infinity. A
rapid communication curtails, generally speaking, the time devoted to
the investigation of truth; it curtails it, because, should we, while in the
search of any object, learn that this has already been found, we should
naturally pass to other inquiries, without permitting ourselves to waste
our time in the study and investigation of what has already been discovered. From this we may easily conclude that a political and philological
newspaper, written in modern Greek, and containing not only the most
important transactions which agitate the enlightened communities of
Europe, but also the passing events of Greece herself, will greatly accelerate the regeneration of Greece. This ephemeral, however, in order
to meet the end proposed, ought to be the work of a philosopher, of a
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man capable of selecting from the European journals such materials as
would be useful to the present condition of Greece, and avoid such as
may be either useless or injurious. The council of Constantinople can
easily render this great and good service to Greece, by transmitting to
some literary individual of our nation, who resides either in Vienna or
Venice, the necessary means for the publication of such a journal’’. (The
above advice of Coray had its proper effect. Soon after the publication
of the work, from which we have translated the above paragraph, a
philological journal, under the appropriate title of ‘‘The Literary Mercury’’, commenced its operations at Vienna. This journal was conducted
by the well known and able Gazes, the very person whom Dr. Coray
recommended. Whether the ‘‘Literary Mercury’’ was under the immediate patronage of the patriarch, or depended wholly on the exertions of
the editor, we have not been able to ascertain. This, however, is entirely
unimportant. The Literary Mercury was liberally supported, and, like
the messenger of Jove, flew ‘‘over the sea and boundless earth, and with
his magic wand opened the eyes of many a sleepy mortal’’. The period in
which it was established, and the events which transpired, while it continued, are equally interesting and important. The means which achieved
the intellectual regeneration of Greece, as well as those which occasioned
her political independence, are to be found in its volumes, and as such it
cannot tail to be an object of curiosity to the historian and philologist.)
After a few remarks on the patriarchal election, the venerable man
takes leave of the subject under consideration. We need not remark that
Dr. Coray’s slight hints made little or rather no impression upon the
people. It ought to be borne in mind that the evil, at which he had only
levelled his mighty hand, was of a peculiar character, and nothing but
peculiar tact and skill could ensure him success. The established government of the country was tyrannical, and of course friendly to ignorance;
the whole host of the priests and monks of the Greek church, were, with
but a few exceptions, ignorant. The mass of the community superstitious, and the established ceremonies of the church, had long blended
themselves with the very vitals of religion. The arm of logic could have
no power against such evils, nothing but the scourge of ridicule could put
to flight superstition, or at least check its progress and arrest its baneful
and contagious influence. The peculiar nature of the case, therefore, compelled Coray to grasp the arm of ridicule, which, be it said to his credit,
he used with great moderation.
The first three books of Homer’s Iliad came successively out of the
press in the years 1811-17-18. To each of these books, which were wide-
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ly circulated throughout the schools of Greece, there was prefixed, by
way of preface, a fictitious letter. These letters purported to have been
written at Belissos, one of the sixty-four villages of Scio, and the identical spot where it is believed Homer wrote his humorous poems, and addressed to Dr. Coray in Paris. Coray being authorized by the annotator
to superintend the publication of the above mentioned books, took the
liberty, as he pretends, to prefix to the different books the letters which
were addressed to him, and which accompanied the manuscripts from
the shores of Scio. This is the garb under which the above mentioned
epistles made their appearance before the Greek public. The true state of
the matter, however, though it has never been avowed to our knowledge,
by the author, is, that Dr. Coray is the commentator of Homer, as well
as the author of the letters prefixed to each book.
These letters are in the form of dialogues, and the principal characters are an editor of Homer’s Iliad –alias Dr. Coray, and a nondescript
priest, Papa-Trechas. The pure and beautiful style of the author, the
classic taste which he displays throughout these epistles, and the nature
of the composition, reminds a scholar of those days of Greece, when
philosophy, unwilling to dazzle the eyes of ignorance, taught her sublime
truths under the mask of fiction.
Papa-Trechas, though an imaginary personage, is in every particular true to nature. He is a real ignoramus, and full of native genius. He is
–but let the editor introduce his own ideal Papa-Trechas.
‘‘I associate’’, says the annotator in the beginning of his first epistle,
‘‘with the minister of Belissos. He boasts, besides his other accomplishments, that in all the island of Scio, no other priest can be found who can
read faster than himself any given chapter of the psalms. In the evening
service of Christmas-day, he happened to sneeze so violently that he put
out the light. When the candle was relighted, calculating the time he had
lost by this unlooked for accident, he thought best to skip a whole psalm,
and that, the longest, rather than incur the blame of having extended the
service beyond the usual time, and the danger of losing his reputation.
’’The happy faculty of reading with great rapidity, and the inveterate propensity of the Sciots to bestow satirical nicknames, has probably
induced the citizens of Scio to name the pastor of Belissos, Papa-Trechas
–‘the running priest’–, and this nickname is so agreeable to the owner,
that he never answers when addressed by his proper name.
’’Besides, he has performed full sixty-four tours, and, consequently,
fancies himself a second Ulysses, and thinks that he differs from the old
hero of the Odyssey, in this single fact, viz., that his extensive travels have
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been made to the different villages of the island, and though he has suffered
much, he has never exposed himself to the dangers of the ‘divine deep’.
’’A few days ago –this will give you a slight idea of the great benefit he has derived from his travels– an English traveller came to the
island for the purpose of making some topographical inquiries respecting
Homer’s residence at Belissos. This gentleman was accompanied by two
little sons of his. When Papa-Trechas heard them conversing with their
father, he asked me with surprise, ‘What language are they speaking?’
The English, I answered. This information had nigh petrified him with
astonishment; the head of the modern Ulysses could not comprehend how
such young lads could converse in a language totally unknown to him,
and he could not refrain from exclaiming ‘The little fellows so young,
and yet speak English’ ’’!
Our, or rather Dr. Coray’s Papa-Trechas, though ignorant, is by no
means deficient either in moral worth, or in kindness towards the poor
and needy; and though uneducated, he is still a friend to men of letters
and education. Excepting his immoderate use of snuff, which, by the
by, he relinquished as soon as he learned that-neither his compatriot
Homer, nor Eustathius, the great commentator of the immortal poet,
made use of the delicious herb –he is represented as a man free from
vice, and a person whose errors are far more preferable than the prevailing virtues of the half-taught monks.
‘‘This’’, says the editor alluding to some irregularities of PapaTrechas, ‘‘was of course very improper; but in this case, it ought to be
overlooked, both in consequence of his virtues, as well as his child-like
simplicity. He forgot, probably, that his taking snuff or attending to any
thing else but to the sacred duties of the liturgy was, to say the least,
improper. Much more improper, however, are the actions of those, who,
with all their pretensions to education and piety are constantly scandalizing the public with their impudent slanders against all those who either praise or attempt to favor the cause of education in Greece.
’’The attention of these half-taught bragadocios being wholly engrossed with the idle ceremonies of religion, they use their utmost to expel
philosophy, which is the only efficient method of a good education; they
declare that philosophy is opposed to religion, and decry her followers as
atheists. Would it not contribute greatly to their happiness as well as to
their respectability, if, with their ignorance, they were also blessed with
the amiable manners and piety of Papa-Trechas, who has shown that ignorance is an evil less to be deplored than little-learning –that deformed
child of ill-managed education’’?
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The aim of Dr. Coray, in writing these fictitious epistles, being to
expose and ridicule the ignorance of those who belonged to the sacred
order, and thus render them sensible of their situation, he contrives to
put in the hands of his ideal personage –as it doubtless happened to many
a living Papa-Trechas– the epistle from which we have quoted the above
extracts. Papa-Trechas, perceiving that his whimsical originalities had
become an object of public ridicule, and finding that his ignorance was
a disgrace to his sacred office, and a stain upon the qualities of his noble
nature, addresses the editor, who happened to be in the mansion of the
good priest, in the following language:
‘‘ ‘You have done wrong, my young friend, yes, you have done
wrong, because you have not exposed all my faults, but satisfied yourself
with the narration of two or three follies of mine. It will be very useful
to those of the sacred order, who are of the same grade with myself,
and more so to those who ordain them, to know that though ignorance,
with the common people, is a fault, with the ministers of religion, is an
unpardonable disgrace. Can there be any thing more disgraceful, than
to pretend to guide the blind when we are equally destitute of sight?
To teach the untaught, when we are totally ignorant of the truths contained in the sacred Scriptures, and can scarcely be said to have clear
views even of the cardinal duties of our holy office? But how can I alleviate my misery? Shall I curse the day when without due consideration
I undertook the arduous duties of a minister, or shall I curse the more
inconsiderate personage, who, unable to compare the importance of the
office with the inability of the candidate, invested me with the ministerial functions? Tell me, what must I do?
’’ ‘Tell me’, continued Papa-Trechas, ‘what must I do? To give up
my office is impossible. I see no other remedy to my misfortunes than the
acquisition of the Greek language, and you, my young friend, must be
my instructor’. In order to pacify him, I nodded assent, and immediately
his stature assumed its natural size, his complexion recovered its proper
hue, and forgetting that he was in a small room, began to skip round and
round in a fit of joy’’.
Papa-Trechas began the study of the Greek language under the
tutorship of his friend, the editor, and in his rapid progress, evinced extraordinary powers of mind. The study of the ancient Greek language,
led the minister of Belissos to the perusal of the classics and the sacred
Scriptures; and the light of his own reason enabled him to distinguish
and compare the spirit of the latter with that of the former. His great
admiration for Homer, often leads him to place the authority of the poet
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side by side with the precepts of St. Paul, but he seldom fails in the proper application of either. Now and then he mistakes Constantine the Great
for a contemporary of Socrates, but generally speaking, he steers clear of
such chronological blunders. An enthusiast in the cause of education and
religion, he can no longer bear the neglect of the former and the abuse
of the latter; imbued with the spirit of civil and religious liberty, he can
no longer be confined by the trammels of superstition and tyranny, he
treats with ridicule the one, and with contempt the other. He is at once
an affectionate husband, and a good citizen, a warm patriot, and an
enlightened philosopher.
‘‘My curiosity’’, says the learned editor, ‘‘to hear the correct criticism
of Papa-Trechas on distinguished authors, has induced me to recommend
to him the dissertations of Epictetus. After he had carefully perused
them, I asked him if he was pleased with these as with the conversations
of Socrates. ‘You know’, said he, ‘how much I love my wife. In doing
this, I yield to the law of nature, to the precept of our holy religion, to the
power of her own virtues, and lastly to the example of Socrates, who was
extravagantly fond of his wife. And what a wife! Unworthy to brush
even the shoes of my companion. The result of my affection towards her,
is to participate in her joys and sorrows, and watch for the protection
and safety of my children’s mother; but were I to imbibe the spirit of
Epictetus’s philosophy, I must need remain undisturbed when my wife is
grieved, I must listen to her sighs with the ears of a marble statue, and if
death should happen to snatch her away, I must satisfy myself with this
unfeeling epitaph, ‘It is of daily occurrence’, and I will be wiser to leave
such philosophy to angels –if angels had wives and children– and follow
the philosophy of reason and that of our holy religion –‘Rejoice with them
that do rejoice, and weep with them that do weep’– Rom. xii. 15’’.
In attributing the misfortunes of Greece to the want of education
among the common people, Papa-Trechas remarks, ‘‘Education, my
son, (I am now convinced of it,) when duly apportioned and distributed
throughout the whole nation, becomes a mighty bulwark against the attempts of the unjust and the wicked, and though it often fails to reform
them, it at least compels them to appear good. Who are the subjects
of unjust tyrants? The uneducated; for it is they who neither know nor
are able to defend their rights. Whom do the robbers plunder? Those
who are not capable of guarding their property. Whom do the impostors
inveigle? Those whose ignorance exposes them to the attacks of the deceitful. What nations are overrun with magicians and enchanters? The
barbarous’’, &.c. &c.
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Papa-Trechas stops not here, he attacks some of the superstitions of
the church with as little regard as he does ignorance herself.
‘‘I am not’’, says Papa-Trechas, ‘‘insensible to the charms of interest, but the epistles of St. Paul, which I peruse in this period of my life
with great pleasure, have inspired me with a due regard and respect for
religion. I am ashamed, yes, my son, I am ashamed to take away the substance of a poor man as a recompense for besprinkling his face with holy
water. If I regard it as common water, I surely deceive him by selling to
him what he can receive gratis from the ever-flowing fountains of nature.
If I regard it as sacred, then surely I treat with contempt holy things’’.
‘‘With the above before you, my friend’’, remarks the commentator,
‘‘I need not say how much has education benefited the venerable PapaTrechas, but allow me to inform you of the great effect his education
had on the common people of Belissos. While Papa-Trechas remained an
ignoramus, the Belissians had their magi and their fortunetellers; they
were accustomed to observe propitious and unpropitious days; and fortunate and unfortunate objects; they used to see apparitions, and vampires,
and sometimes witches themselves. Now, my friend –oil, the power of
education!– all these contrivances of superstition are daily disappearing
before the wise instructions of their minister. That you may know how
he proceeds on such occasions, allow me to relate an incident. One of
his parishioners, terrified and full of apprehension, was relating to him
one day, as something very extraordinary and marvellous, that the dog
of his neighbor was howling the whole night. ‘Every thing’, remarked
the witty Papa-Trechas, ‘which follows the established laws of nature,
is good, and predicts no ill. The same benign Providence which has
endowed you with the power of speech, has also bestowed upon the dog
the faculty of howling. It will be indeed an omen of impending danger,
should the dog be heard speaking and you howling’ ’’.
We have already exceeded the proper bounds and rights of a critic,
in our extracts, and yet we may justly assimilate ourselves to the pedant
who thought that a few stones were a sufficient sample of his house. It
will be quite impracticable to follow Papa-Trechas through his powerful attacks upon the superstitions of the church, or through his pungent
philippics, which are sufficiently seditious to kindle ten rebellions, and
entitle him to the stake. It will suffice to say that he found his way in
the library of every Greek scholar, whether at home or abroad; he was
admitted in the presence of bishops, and stole into the closet of the secluded monk; he amused the careless, and was humored even by those
whose dignity and sanctity he treated with disrespect; and though he oc-
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casioned no apparent revolution on the subject of the church, he prepared
the minds of the Greeks for the reception of sober truths.
Soon after the appearance of Papa-Trechas, the Greek revolution broke out; a part of Greece declared herself independent, and Dr.
Coray, whose exertions to revolutionize Greece were already crowned
with success, added Aristotle’s Politics to his Hellenic Library. In his
prolegomena, which have long ago been noticed in the periodicals of
Europe and America, and which have already been translated into the
German language, he gave an epitome of Aristotle’s Politics, accompanied with an able essay on the causes which occasioned the decline and
fall of the Grecian states, and with a feeling appeal to his countrymen.
In the latter he warns his compatriots to guard against those shoals on
which the liberties of ancient Greece were wrecked. Before the Greek
revolution, circumstances obliged him to use the language of adulation
and the mask of fiction, but now that these circumstances were removed,
he assumes the authoritative tone of a legislator, and for the first time
handles the subjects of the church in a manner which none but he dare
assume. His manner and aim will easily be evident by inserting a few
heads of his appeal.
‘‘Since the ministers of the gospel watch over the eternal interests of
our souls, and since, in consequence of this care, our religion entitles them
to our obedience –Heb. xiii. 17.– it follows that their election demands
no less attention than that of our temporary rulers. The candidates for
the ministerial office, ought, before they are honored with the apostolic
profession, to be severely examined whether they possess those virtues,
which are inseparable from this sacred office, and whether they have
that education which will enable them to teach the high precepts of
religion, and inspire the citizens with such moral sentiment as will advance the civil and religious interest of the state. Ignorant and immoral
ministers are sufficient to upset the best constituted government, while
on the other hand, an educated and virtuous minister, by reforming the
individual members of a community, uproots by degrees the wickedness
of the whole nation. Hitherto we have submitted to the ignorance of
our ministers, and have overlooked the conduct of some of them, whose
lives differ but little from that of the satraps of our barbarous tyrant.
Few of our ministers have troubled themselves with the education of
the nation. These, and particularly those who took an active part in the
revolution, if the sword of the blood-thirsty tyrant has not put an end
to their lives, ought to be invited to take part and advance the interest
of this reformation. Most of our ministers have either permitted them-
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selves to be indifferent to the cause of education, or they have boldly
and without shame declared their hatred against it. From such sprung
those, who, a few years ago, calumniated philosophy, and advised our
young men to avoid the schools and lessons of enlightened Europe.
From such sprung those, who lately (first secretly and then openly) attacked our gymnasia, and threatened even the lives of the professors.
Their indifference or their opposition to the interests of national education, has probably been the cause which occasioned the death of so
many innocent ministers and citizens; for had the cause of education, at
the very instant when it commenced its operations in Greece, met with
the indulgence of the sacred order, and had it called forth the co-operation of the ministers; the educated members of the community would
have multiplied to a greater extent; they would have invented a greater
number of means to attack the inhuman tyrant and paralyze his bloody
hand. Their –but what is the use of further accusations against the sacred order? Were we, the laymen –if you but except a few true friends
of Greece– better than the priests? Is not the prophesy, ‘And there
shall be like people like priests’ –Hosea iv. 9.– fulfilled? The inhuman
yoke of tyranny oppressed and broke the spirits of all, and none could
expect from such degenerate souls, those great and noble actions which
our despair has accomplished.
’’The fruit of this happy revolution ought to be the regeneration of
all the nation, and consequently that of our ministers. Here is the way by
which this great and important good can be accomplished.
’’1. While Byzantium remains defiled by the throne of the bloody
tyrant, liberated Greece need not recognize the patriarch of Constantinople as the head of her church. Our church, like that of the primitive
Christians and the Russians, ought to be governed by a synod appointed
by the free votes of the clergy and the laymen. It is the most ridiculous
thing imaginable, that the clergy of free and liberated Greece, should
obey the orders of a patriarch elected by a tyrant and compelled to
worship a tyrant.
’’2. Whosoever hereafter should desire to take orders of whatever
grade he pleases, ought to be elected by the synod of the city, and also by
the people or the rulers of the people. As it regards the qualifications of
the candidates, I refer them to the counsels of St. Paul on this subject. 1
Tim. iii. 1-8; Tit. i. 5-10.
’’3. No individual ought to be elected if he is not conversant with
the ancient Greek language. The present condition of the system of education renders it necessary to confine ourselves within these limits. Our
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gymnasia, besides the existing confusion and consequent cessation of operations, have not as yet reached that desirable state of perfection which
will put within the reach of their professors the means of teaching our
citizens, and particularly our ministers, the useful arts and sciences. We
must therefore confine ourselves to the simple requisition of the ancient
Greek language. This, however, must be indispensable, otherwise we
run the risk of being thought more foolish than our senseless masters. If
then Ulemas know to a man the language in which their pseudo-koran is
written, is it not ridiculous –to say nothing harsher– for us to admit for
teachers of the sacred gospel, those who are ignorant of the language in
which the holy book is written? But when we shall have been fortunate
enough to establish, in our literary institutions, professorships of all the
sciences, then something more than the knowledge of the ancient Greek
language ought to be required. It ought, therefore, to be understood by
the public, that this moderate demand shall have ceased at the expiration
of ten years. After the lapse of ten years, no one who has not studied in
some of our gymnasia, ecclesiastical history, logic, and particularly moral
philosophy, ought to be admitted as a candidate. Besides the above requisitions, he ought to be well versed in the Latin and Hebrew languages.
The one necessary for the perusal of those fathers who wrote in Latin,
the other for the purpose of reading the Old Testament in the original.
’’4. All settled fees and perquisites, which the ministers and bishops
were wont to receive from the Christians as a recompense for particular
services, must be immediately abolished; and instead of these, the actu
al ministers of religion in the different cities, ought to be paid from the
public treasury; it is in direct opposition to the dictates of our religion,
that the soldiers of Christ, as St. Paul calls them, should become merchants, and the sacred temples turn to dens of merchants. ‘No man that
warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of this life’ – 2 Tim. ii. 4.
’’5. The age of ministers demands the attention of the law. Aristotle ordained that the ministers of their false gods, should be old men,
and Plato requires them to be sixty years old. The true religion of the
Christians has been no less provident in this particular –the ministers of
the primitive church were called presbyters, (as they are called to this
day by the western Christians,) because they were in fact old men. We
call our rulers old and elders, because the rulers ought to be of this age,
and ought to have the prudence which belongs to this age. Those, whose
upright and virtuous life, entitles them to the sacred office of ministers,
would be much more revered when their age also claims the due confidence of their citizens. The office of confessor ought never to be intrusted
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to the hands of a man who has not reached the sixtieth year of his life,
(Will it not be best to intrust it to the bands of those who are already
laid in the coffin?) and this if for nothing else, at least for that blameless
character which St. Paul –1 Tim. iii. 2, and Tit. i. 7– requires from the
candidates for the sacred office.
’’6. For the same reason it would be proper that those who are about
to receive the sacred office should belong to the class of married men,
and not to that of monks. The licensed monks are fit for serving in churches belonging to monasteries; in cities, among married people, a married
minister has a better title, since he is a member of the civil community,
and apt to be more alive to the wants and interests of his fellow-citizens.
’’7. What though the ministers are citizens, this need not entitle
them to political offices, nor subject them to the duties of common citizens. On the contrary, they ought to avoid political distinctions, as they
would the snares of Satan. Appointed to watch over the eternal interests
of our souls, they have scarcely time and power to perform this arduous
duty; how would they be able to do justice to their important and laborious station, should they incumber themselves with political duties? It is
true they are citizens, but their occupation is of a peculiar character, and
altogether different from civil occupations. They would be sufficiently
useful to their country, should they confine themselves to the paramount
duty of elevating the moral character of their citizens, by precept as well
as by example.
’’8. The number of the ministers ought to be proportionate to the
inhabitants of the place, and the number of the churches –which ought
to be neither too numerous nor too costly. History informs us that with
the immoderate increase of ministers, and the magnificence of churches,
the due reverence to religion decreased. The renowned and magnificent
temple of St. Peter, is in Rome, where the church is governed by a person, who, in opposition to the precepts of Christ –John xvii. 36.– has
united –what a monstrous union!– to his sacerdotal office, temporal power. The no less renowned and splendid edifice of St. Paul’s, is in London,
where the English bishops, contrary to the precepts of St. Paul –1 Tim.
vi. 5-11.– are as wealthy as Croesus. Such misfortunes, or rather evils,
are more to be lamented, inasmuch as their correction has become almost
impossible. Free, as yet, from such encumbrances, and fully aware how
much they have injured us when we had them, let us beware, on the
outset, how we introduce them again into our political system. As we
appoint no greater number of rulers than are necessary to conduct the affairs of the public, and as we erect neither larger nor greater number of
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courts than are sufficient to contain the assembled officers, so in religious
matters, let us not have either ministers or churches more than necessity
demands.
’’I would desire, and wish were it in my power to order, that each
city, and particularly, that what is destined to be the seat of the legislative
body of the nation, should have one distinguished church. What church?
Let it not appear ridiculous to my reader, if I should answer, a temple of
justice, bearing on its vestibule this short inscription, ‘for the righteous
Lord loveth righteousness’– Psalm xi. 1. Justice is one of the inseparable
and peculiar attributes of the Most High, as well as wisdom and all his
other perfections; but neither the Old nor the New Testament bestows
upon God any of the above epithets, more often than that of justice. To
teach us probably that justice, which is the mother of peace, is also the
fountain of virtue, and that through this, will a citizen live peacefully in
this life, and cherish a good hope for that which is to come. A good citizen, therefore, ought always to revere justice, and if at any time, he should
be tempted to injure his fellow-citizen, let him, as though he were pursued
by the evil and wild demon injustice, betake himself to the sacred temple
of justice, and there let him kneel before God, and beg fervently to be
saved from such impious tyranny. In this temple, should the legislators
of the nation hear the religious services, before they enter the senate hall;
and in this, should the judges take their oath before they have taken their
seats on the bench. The necessity of such a temple extends itself to other
civil actions, which I omit for the sake of brevity. I will, however, add,
for those who might be inclined to marvel at what I have said respecting
the temple of justice, that the habit of seeing and praying in such a temple
has greater power to withdraw a citizen from unjust actions, than the fear
of the laws. The power of habit softens by degrees our souls, and by continual action moulds them as though they were made of wax.
’’All the world knows, either by report or actual observation, the
temple of St. ‘Sophia’, which is still polluted by the impious prayers of
the barbarians; but probably few are those who know that Justinian, in
order to erect this expensive and magnificent temple, curtailed, contrary
to the dictates of justice, the supports of the schools and the salaries of the
professors. If this unfortunate –what else can I call him?– emperor, took
it into his head to honour the wisdom of God with the foolishness of his
nation –why shall we not appear more pious, and more sensible than Justinian, should we erect, without injuring others, a temple of justice, with
a view of having before our eyes an ever-present monitor of our conduct
towards one another?
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’’While on the subject of religion and its ministers, it may not be
irrelevant to say a few words in reference to those systems of religion
which branch out of Christianity –as well as in regard to those which
are in direct opposition to the precepts of the gospel. The irreligion which
prevails to-day, throughout all the enlightened nations, is well known;
but the mutual persecutions for difference in religious opinions, which
once were considered as the pious deeds of zealots, are now laughed at
as the ferocious acts of maniacs. One persecutor of every religion remains yet in Europe –this is the tyrant of Greece. He is as savage as
the religion, of which he is called the kalif, is the most false of all the
false religions. We, who are the children of the true religion, and the
followers of Christ, ought to exhibit that mildness of which He is the
pattern –not only towards the different systems of Christianity, but
even towards the religion of our tyrants, should they submit to the same
laws with ourselves.
’’The mildness and forbearance due to other religions need not degenerate into indifference to the interests of our own. While we ought to
renounce persecution, as we would injustice, we ought to beware lest we
suffer it ourselves. Of all the religious systems no one will dare at present
to persecute us openly; we ought to know, however, that there are secret
persecutions, one of which is particularly practised by the missionaries
of the Pope. These followers of the Roman church, often lead astray our
ignorant brethren, and catechize them in the Roman creed, with greater
zeal than if the proselyte had been a Turk. The mania of these missionaries ought the more to be feared, since they inspire their proselytes with
a most implacable hatred against the rest of the Greeks. Some of the
islanders, as soon as they are entangled in the nets of the Capuchins, as
soon as they have heard a Latin mass, think –poor wretches!– that they
cease to be Greeks, and prefer the name of children of Rome, to that of
sons of Greece.
’’Leaving, therefore, to all, the liberty of obeying the dictates of
their conscience in religious matters, our laws ought not to permit any
one to lead away our fellow-Christians, or separate them from the body
of our church. Whatever missionary of the Pope will dare hereafter to
ensnare any member of the Eastern church, and induce him to join that
of Rome, ought to be expelled Greece forthwith, and without much ceremony. We would promise to give them as little trouble, now that we are
independent, as we did while under the yoke of Turkey, and, moreover,
we would offer them the protection of our civil laws, and would protect
them from the injustice of the Turks, from which neither their consuls,
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nor their ambassadors were able to defend them. We have a right, however, to expect from them all that a stranger owes to a native citizen. We
would permit all those of our brethren whom they have drawn within
the pale of the Western church, to be the spiritual children of the Pope,
without ceasing to consider them as brethren and citizens. Let the ministers of the Roman church regard them as their spiritual children
–but let them recollect, in conformity with their duty to our laws, that
they belong to the political body of Greece, and this being the case,
they ought to be taught, not what will benefit Rome, but what will
advance the interest of Greece.
’’This also demands our consideration. The missionaries of Rome
are many, and they are divided into many and different orders, distinct
from each other. These different orders, notwithstanding the injuries to
which they were liable from the party of our tyrants, have never ceased
to wander over Asiatic and European Greece; it is very probable that
now, attracted by the happiness of liberated Greece, as well as by the
hope of a richer harvest, and deprived, in consequence of political changes, of their monasteries and wealth; it is probable, I say, that they will
rush upon us, as upon a new field of supports. Will it be wise, will it be
politic, to suffer such a cloud of monks to tax Greece, while we have so
many of our own? Will it be wise to open the gates of Greece, to all their
orders, and suffer our country to be overloaded by their churches and
their monasteries, and that too at a time, when their religious establishments are abolished in their own home, and their wealth, accumulated
by the folly of Christians gone by, transferred to the interests of their
country? Wisdom indeed bids us anticipate these evils, that might arise
in consequence of our neglect; and common sense commands us to keep off
these locust-like monks from the labours of our farmers, to preserve our
church free from foreign religious notions, and our political institutions
from misfortunes that might shake their newly erected foundations.
’’Let them watch over the interests of their religion, while amongst
us, as they would while in their own country. Let them be protected
by our own laws, and let them keep all their religious establishments
already acquired in the shores of Greece. Hereafter, however, no monasteries ought to be erected; and if the children of Rome stand in need of a
new church, this also ought not to be permitted, without the sanction of
the Greek government. The Greek government, after it shall have discovered that the number of Catholics –be they in a city or island– is so
great that they stand in need of a new church, ought to exhibit towards
them that justice which it owes to all.
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’’The number of Catholic monks ought to be proportionate to the
number of their churches and their followers; the surplus must return
to the monasteries and churches of their own country, except in the case
where any of them, throwing off the monastic habit, should employ
himself in cultivating the Grecian fields, or adopt some other honorable
occupation for his support. Who can complain for subjecting them to
what we would justly subject our own monks; our government cannot
suffer either a stranger, or a native, to live in indolence. It does not hinder any one, however, from becoming a monastic instead of a gregarious
animal. He must lead, however, a life consonant to his pretensions; he
must shut himself up in some monastery, and must not revel in the cities
–an idler living on the pains of the industrious, and disgracing his office.
The apostles have emphatically declared themselves against such a conduct, and have expressly condemned an indolent life –2 Thess. iii. 8-12.
(‘‘Neither did we eat any man’s bread for nought; but wrought with labor and travail night and day, that we might not be chargeable to any of
you: Not because we have not power, but to make ourselves an ensample
unto you to follow us. For even when we were with you, this we commanded you, that if any would not work, neither should he eat. For we
hear that there are some which walk among you disorderly, working not
at all, but are busy bodies. Now them that are such, we command and
exhort by our Lord Jesus Christ, that with quietness they work, and eat
their own bread’’.)
’’I have said that the western church has many and various orders
of monks. It is our duty to see which of these orders ought to be entrusted
with the religious care of our Catholic brethren, and which of them
ought to be excluded. Suffice it at present to put our veto against one
–the order of the Jesuits– the European princes have long abolished, and
with the sanction and approbation of the Pope, expelled the Jesuits, as
an order inadmissible by its very nature in any state (inadmissible par sa
nature dans tout État) –I will not add the many, and terrific things written against the Jesuits, upon whom report ascribed for their last exploit,
the poisoning of the Pope who abolished their order. I say, I will not add
all that has been said against the Jesuits, because the few words contained in the above parenthesis, are sufficient to show whether it would
be proper to admit such an order of monks, in the very infancy of our
political institutions. This abolished order of the Jesuits, has lately had
the impudence to raise its beaten head –enter openly, wherever it could,
and thrust itself wherever it could not, under the new name of Fathers
of Faith-Patres de la fois. The difficulty which they meet on the part
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of those who belong to the same religion with themselves, and the hope
of accomplishing among the independent Greeks, what they could not
bring to pass among the oppressed, will compel and induce them to burst
like a torrent upon the shores of Greece. If the wise autocrat of Russia,
who could easily restrain their madness, thought best to expel them from
his dominions, and thus free himself from the apprehension of their ever
corrupting his subjects; is it not incumbent upon us, who have hardly
been able to put in order our political fabric, to keep aloof every thing
which might tend to disturb the good order of the state? These Jesuits
–whether they are called Fathers of the Faith, or lurk under any monastic garb, must not be admitted into Greece’’.
It may not be superfluous to remark, for those of our readers who
may not be intimately acquainted with the true state of Greece, previous to the revolution of 1821, that the above observations of Dr. Coray,
which seem to have the appearance of preventative measures, are in fact,
levelled at existing abuses. Notwithstanding that Greece had declared
herself free and independent of Turkey, and had already set in defiance
the authority of sultan Mahmoud, her children, as though they were under the spell of infatuation, still continued to regard the authority of the
patriarch. Yes! while her civil institutions were regulated by her sons, her
church was permitted to be swayed by the sceptre of a person, who was
at the best, a tool of her former tyrant. The patriarch of Constantinople,
is virtually elected by the council of bishops, but in fact, he is appointed
by the sublime porte. (Genadius Scholarius, was the first patriarch, who
was elected by Mohammed II, after the capture of Constantinople, and
endowed with privileges more consonant to the spirit of the Koran, than
the Gospel, and bought by dint of money, rather than merit. ‘‘The patriarchal treasury, which is called, par excellence, the common treasury,
pays to the imperial revenue, an annual tribute of twenty-five thousand
Turkish piastres. This annual tribute, which is paid under the soft name
of a present, is given from the patriarch, and all the archbishops who reside in the Turkish empire. In lieu of this general tribute, the high clergy
are by law exempted from the tax of capitation, which is paid to the porte
by the subjects of the empire. The bishops, however, are not exempted
from this tax, except when they reside in their diocess; for they are always subject to it whenever they please to stay in Constantinople. The
patriarchal treasury forms a sort of bank, wherein people deposit great
sums of money, at interest; the government borrows sometimes from this
bank, and the Turks themselves often place their money at interest in this
bank, as the most safe place.
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A certain class of civil affairs belong to the jurisdiction of the patriarch; these are the contracts of marriage and divorce, legacies and
testaments, larcenies and crimes of little importance. In general, in order
to avoid the summary process of the Turkish tribunal, and the arbitrary
sentences of the Viziers, they have recourse to the mediation of the patriarch. The patriarch takes cognizance of differences existing between
Greeks and Greeks, Greeks and Armenians, and even between Greeks
and Turks.
The patriarch holds in his palace a court of justice, which is composed of his secular clergy; the sentence pronounced in this court is recognized as valid even when the process takes place between a Turk and
a Greek.
When the patriarch wishes to banish a Christian, he addresses, by
his agent, a petition to the porte, and demands the firman of exile. The
porte grants it immediately; none of the patriarchal requests remain unnoticed; if the contrary arrives, it is the sign for a second petition.
The patriarch has a prison, in which he condemns Christian delinquents –be they clergy or laymen. He has the right of despatching them
to the bagnio without even informing the porte –which never pretends to
set at liberty a person condemned by the patriarch.
Whenever any Christian charged with some crime, is pleased to
declare openly, while conducted to the public prison by the officers of
the police, that he desired to embrace Islamism, he would, forthwith, be
delivered and conducted before some tribunal, or before the porte itself
to receive the turban. But the Christians, whom the Janissaries of the
patriarch, conducted to exile or to the prison, though they might manifest
on the way to their utmost, their wish to become Mohammedans, no one
dares wrest them from the hands of the Janissaries.
In fine, the patriarch enjoys the paramount privilege of riding on
horseback in the streets of Constantinople. On such occasions, he is preceded by two Janissaries, and surrounded by a dozen of priests and deacons. (Cours de Litérature Grecque Moderne.)
Hence the fountain whence emanate all the ecclesiastical offices, may be
traced to the Turkish divan; and this may account for the sad fact that
every ignoramus –nay, every fool! if he only has money and Turkish influence, may rise to the highest ecclesiastical office. But the evil does not
stop here; the patriarch, in order to answer the enormous demands of the
sultan and his divan, tyrannized over the bishops; the bishops, anxious
to satisfy the calls of the patriarch and his synod, behaved like so many
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uncircumcised Janissaries towards the priests and monks of every order;
and the priests and monks, like so many respectable beggars, preyed
upon the vitals of their spiritual children. These multifarious demands
gave rise to heavy fees, and numerous perquisites; to the enormous increase of churches (It is impossible to give a correct idea of the excess
to which the Greeks went in this particular. Not only the most distinguished cities, but even the most insignificant villages were absolutely
crowded with churches. ‘‘I ought not to forget that Belissus, whose
territory is as limited as its population (six hundred souls) possesses as
yet seventeen churches, though most of its inhabitants are beggars by
profession’’. –Voyage dans la Macédoine, p. 216) and monasteries, and
to the observance of holidays, which amounted to nearly two thirds of
the year, and which enriched the monks and priests, but impoverished
the labouring class of the people. The greatest of all misfortunes, however, is the progress of the Roman church in Greece. Its convents, as
well as its monks, increased the misfortunes of the country, but neither
of them is of any importance, when compared with the spirit which its
missionaries inspired in the bosom of their proselytes; this is of such a
nature, and of so implacable a character, that it had the direct tendency
to withdraw them from the church, and destroy the only bond of union.
Such have been, and such; with more or less asperity, continue to be, the
evils and misfortunes of Greece. The present government of that long
afflicted land, will, it is hoped, succeed to cut asunder the bands which
fasten the church of liberated Greece to the throne of Turkey. Should
it succeed in this, there is little doubt, that the proper election of the
ministers of the nation, will engage its attention. When the ministers of
the Greek nation, shall be enlightened men, then there will be little or
no difficulty in freeing and purifying the church from all the paraphernalia of superstition, and the errors of the dark ages, which deface its
beauty and simplicity.
Had it not been that we have already exceeded the limits which
we proposed to ourselves, when we commenced the above article, we
would have expatiated on the subject of freeing the Greek church from
those superstitions which seem to be inherent in its present constitution, and which subject is treated in the prolegomena of Dr. Coray’s
‘‘Vade Mecum’’; as it is, however, we must leave this to some future
opportunity.»
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Encyclopaedia Americana, A Popular Dictionary of Art, Sciences,
Literature, History, Politics and Biography, brought down to present
time, επιμ. Francis Lieber, Edward Wigglesworth, Thomas Gamaliel
Bradford, τ. 3, 1836, σ. 530.
«Coray Adamantios; a learned physician and scholar, born at Scio, or
Chios, in 1748. After having studied the ancient and modern languages,
and translated, while a boy, a German catechism into Greek, he went,
in 1782, to Montpellier, to finish his education, where he studied medicine and natural history, and received the degree of doctor. In 1788, he
settled in Paris. Since he has been naturalized in France, he has greatly
contributed, by his learned works, to give a favourable opinion of the
progress of improvement among the modern Greeks. He has always retained a great attachment to his native country; and we owe to him
several excellent accounts of the intellectual progress of his countrymen.
During the youth of Coray, a fondness for learning was revived among
the modern Greeks by some ecclesiastics, who translated valuable books
of instruction, principally from the German, and made them their textbooks in their schools upon mount Athos. The wealth of several Greek
commercial houses made them feel the want of skilful bookkeepers and
clerks, and they were desirous of taking them from among their own
countrymen. Moreover, the Russian armies had destroyed the illusion of
the invincible power of the sublime Porte, and the Greeks, being protected in their property by the influence of the Russian consuls, became
active and industrious, and the knowledge which they gained by commerce with other nations helped to eradicate the superstitions and prejudices which had grown up in the long darkness of Turkish despotism.
Coray has referred to these favourable circumstances which attended the
time of his education, in his Mémoire sur l’État actuel de la Civilisation
dans la Grèce lu à la Société des Observateurs de l’Homme, in 1803; and
has offered, in his preface to a translation of Hippocrates upon Climate,
Water and Locality, an apology for his nation. This, together with his
preface to Aelian’s Historical Memorabilia, in the Hellenic Library, in
which he gives a history of the modern Greek language, belongs to the
pieces called forth by the exaggerated praise and censure which his views
have received. The improvement which Coray has given to the modern
Greek language has by no means been universally acknowledged. He has
chosen a style borrowed from every century, and deviating much from
the style of the people, and the language of the patriarchs and Byzantines
of latter times. H. Codrika, professor of Greek grammar and modern li-
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terature at a lyceum in Paris, has attacked him violently in several publications, asserting that his style is artificial, and has but little effect upon
his nation. The imitators of his style are called Coraists. The critical
editions which Coray has published of the ancient authors cannot be entirely trusted, for he often makes very bold alterations. They are, however, very useful for his own countrymen. They have been published in
Paris since 1806, under the general title of Hellenic Library, embracing
chiefly Aelian’s various histories, Polyaenus, Aesop, Isocrates, Plutarch’s
Lives, Strabo, Aristotle’s Politics, &c. This venerable old man lives in
Paris, devoted to literary labors, and has never answered the writings
directed against him, satisfied with the respect that is continually paid
him by many of his countrymen. A marble statue of him, executed by
Canova, stands in the lecture-room at Chios. His old age has prevented
him from joining in the struggle of his nation against their oppressors.
The warmth and sincerity of his good wishes in their cause may be seen
from his excellent introduction to Aristotle, which has been translated
into German.»
Childe Harold’s pilgrimage, a romaunt, George Gordon N. Byron, 1837,
σ. 266.6
«Coray, the most celebrated of living Greeks, at least among the Franks,
was born at Scio (in the Review, Smyrna is stated, I have reason to
think, incorrectly), and besides the translation of Beccaria and other
works mentioned by the Reviewer, has published a lexicon in Romaic
and French, if I may trust the assurance of some Danish travelers lately
arrived from Paris; but the latest we have seen here in French and
Greek is that of Gregory Zolikoglou. Coray has recently been involved
in an unpleasant controversy with M. Gail, a Parisian commentator and
editor of some translations from the Greek poets, in consequence of the
Institute having awarded him the prize for his version of Hippocrates
‘‘Περί υδάτων’’ &c. to the disparagement and consequently displeasure
of the said Gail. To his exertions, literary and patriotic, great praise is
undoubtedly due; but a part of that praise ought not to be withheld from
the two brothers Zosimado (merchants settled in Leghorn), who sent
him in Paris and maintained him, for the express purpose of elucidating
the ancient and adding to the modern, researches of his countrymen.»
6. To εδάφιο αυτό δημοσιεύτηκε και σχολιάστηκε από τον Δ. Θερειανό, Αδαμά
ντιος Κοραής, τ. Β΄, Τεργέστη 1890, σ. 123-124.
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The Penny Cyclopaedia of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful
Knowledge, επιμ. G. Long, τ. 13, 1839, σ. 252.
«Κoray, Adeimantos, born at Smyrna in 1748, of a family from Chios,
studied first at Smyrna, and afterwards at Montpellier, where he took
his degree as doctor of medicine, and settled in France. He wrote several
works on medicine, and published French translations of the treatise of
Hippocrates ‘‘On Air, Water, and Situation’’, with copious notes, and
of the ‘‘Characters’’ of Theophrastus. In 1801 he translated into modern Greek Beccaria’s treatise ‘‘On Crimes and Punishments’’, which
he dedicated to the then newly constituted republic of the Ionian Islands.
He afterwards wrote in French a memoir, ‘‘De l’État Actuel de la Civilization en Grèce’’, 1803, which, being translated into modern Greek,
answered the double purpose of making the people of Western Europe
acquainted with the moral and intellectual condition of his countrymen,
and of making the Greeks acquainted with it themselves. Koray also
undertook to edit a series of ancient Greek writers, under the title of the
‘‘Hellenic Library’’. He began with the ‘‘Orations of Isocrates’’, 2 vols.
8vo., Paris, 1807, which he accompanied with interesting prolegomena
and explanatory notes. He afterwards edited in succession the ‘‘Lives of
Plutarch’’, the ‘‘Histories of Αelian’’, the fragments of Heraclides and of
Nicolaus Damascenus, the fables of Aesop, Strabo, the first four books
of the Iliad, and the ‘‘Politic of Aristotle’’. The reputation of Koray attracted many young Greeks to him, who profited by his conversation and
instruction. Although long absent from his native country he felt to the
last the most lively interest in her fate. He foresaw that a struggle was
approaching, and he wished the minds of the Greeks to be prepared for
it. He encouraged particularly the diffusion of education, the formation
of new schools in Greece, and he furnished directions for the method and
course of studies. He also contributed to fix the rules and orthography of
the modern Greek, in which he took a middle path between the system of
Neophytus Doukas, which Koray stigmatized with the name of ‘‘macaronic’’, and that of Christopoulos, which affected to write the modern Greek exactly as it is spoken. Koray wished to purify the language
by discarding the numerous Italianisms, Gallicisms, and Germanisms,
which had been introduced into it, and by substituting old Greek words,
at the same time avoiding the affectation of too great a purism or classic
pedantry. (Rizo, Cours de Littérature Grecque Moderne, 1827).7 Koray
7. Πρόκειται για την πηγή του κειμένου, το έργο του Ιακωβάκη Ρίζου Νερουλού
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died at Paris a few years ago, having had the satisfaction of seeing the
struggle in which his countrymen had engaged rewarded by success.»
The American Whig Review, 31 (Ιούλιος 1850), 485 [“Memoir of the
public life of Edward Everett”].
“Having completed his residence at Goettingen, he passed the winter of
1817-18 in Paris, devoted to the studies subsidiary to his department,
and especially to the acquisition of the Romaic, as a preparation for a
tour in modern Greece. At this time he formed the intimate acquaintance
of Koray, whose writings contributed so materially to the regeneration
of Greece. It was no doubt, from his interest afterwards manifested the
progress of her revolution.”
The Works of Daniel Webster, Speeches in the convention to amend the
constitution of Massachusetts and speeches in Congress, Daniel Webster,
Βοστώνη 1851, σ. 60.
«The Revolution in Greece, A Speech delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 19th of January, 1824.
The rise and progress of the revolution in Greece attracted great attention in the United States. Many obvious causes contributed to this
effect, and their influence was seconded by the direct appeal made to
the people of America, by the first political body organized in Greece
after the breaking out of the revolution, viz. ‘‘The Messenian Senate
of Calamata’’. A formal address was made by that body to the people
of the United States, and forwarded by their committee (of which the
celebrated Koray was chairman), to a friend and correspondent in this
country. This address was translated and widely circulated; but it was
not to be expected that any great degree of confidence should be at once
generally felt in a movement undertaken against such formidable odds.
The progress of events, however, in 1822 and 1823, was such as
to create an impression that the revolution in Greece had a substantial
foundation in the state of affairs, in the awakened spirit of that country,
and in the condition of public opinion throughout Christendom.»
(1778-1850), Cours de Littérature Grecque Moderne, που εκδόθηκε στη Γενεύη το
1828 και στο οποίο οφείλονται οι λανθασμένες πληροφορίες του λήμματος της Penny
Cyclopaedia, όπως π.χ. ότι το Mémoire του Κοραή (1803) είχε μεταφραστεί στα νέα
ελληνικά.
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The New Brunswick Review 1 (Μάιος 1844-Φεβρουάριος 1855), 211-219.
«The first symptoms of a revival of learning in Greece began to exhibit
themselves in the last century. The very state of subjection in which the
nation lay, was the occasion of the new impulse, which both the material
interests of the country and its learning now received. The Greeks were
cut off from all hope of enriching themselves from the cultivation of the
soil, by the continual presence and oppressions of the Turks; who, living
among the people, were ready at any time to seize upon the avails of their
industry. The fruits of years of hard labor were liable to be plundered in
a moment; and, more than that, they were sure to involve the possessor
in personal danger. The inhabitants of the maritime towns and of the
islands possessed far greater advantages. The navy of their masters was
manned almost exclusively by them. They enjoyed the right of carrying
on commerce under the flags of several of the civilized nations of Europe;
and they thus began to taste of various immunities, and of partial independence. They planted themselves in foreign cities, for the purpose of
carrying on their trade to greater advantage; and many of the commercial houses which originated thus became wealthy. Meanwhile, though
far from his native home, the Greek merchant preserved all his affection
for his country, and the hope of some day returning thither and spending
his old age in comfort, with the wealth he had acquired abroad. It was
impossible that such constant and intimate intercourse with the nations of
Western Europe should be without profit to a people, who, whatever defects they possess, certainly have an extraordinary love for improvement.
Schools now began to be established in different cities of Greece
and Asia Minor; and a high school was to be found at Jannina in Albania.
The chief teachers of these academies of learning were drawn from
Mount Athos, or the ‘‘Hagion Oros’’ of the natives, where some learning began to spread among the thousands of rich and idle monks, who
swarmed in the many monasteries. From such schools, as it may well be
imagined these were, it was not to be expected that there would arise
men much distinguished for mental culture. Accordingly, we find among
the authors who flourished up to the end of the last century, few or none,
if we except Meletius, the Geographer, who enjoyed a European reputation. Their scanty literature was almost exclusively confined, as Lord
Byron truly observed, to works of a religious character. His remarks
on the causes of this fact are just and forcible: ‘‘ ‘Ay’, but say the generous advocates of oppression, who, while they assert the ignorance of the
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Greeks, wish to prevent them from dispelling it; ‘ay, but these are mostly, if not all, religious tracts, and consequently good for nothing’. Well,
and pray what else can they write about? It is pleasant enough to hear
a Frank, particularly an Englishman, who may abuse the government
of his own country; or a Frenchman, who may abuse every government
except his own, and who may range at will over every philosophical,
scientific, sceptical, or moral subject –sneering at the Greek legends. A
Greek must not write on politics, and cannot touch on science for want
of instruction; if he doubts he is excommunicated and damned; therefore his countrymen are not poisoned with modern philosophy; and as to
morals, thanks to the Turks! there are no such things. What then is left
him, if he has a turn for scribbling? Religion and holy biography; and
it is natural enough that those who have so little in this life should look
to the next. It is no wonder, then, that in a catalogue now before me, of
fifty-five Greek writers, many of whom were lately living, not above
fifteen should have touched on anything but religion’’. (Lord Byron’s
remarks on the Romaic or Modern Greek Language.)
The popular literature of the times, if that term may be so applied,
comprised little more than the poetical legends of the saints, and a few
paraphrases of Bible stories. Some of these are not altogether destitute
of merit; and the quaintness of the style adds force to the narrative. We
have seen a thick volume of such poems, containing sometimes as many
as twelve hundred lines, called the ‘‘Cathreptes Gynaicon’’, or Mirror
for Women. Though in extensive circulation towards the end of the last
century, it is probable that the authorship of most of them dates further
back. To these must be added a large number of popular klephtic or banditti songs, as well as a few heroic hymns, such as that of Rigas, which
were rarely committed to writing.
Commencing our retrospect with the beginning of the present century, our attention is naturally drawn first to Coray, at once the father
of modern Greek literature, and the most distinguished writer it can yet
boast of.
Adamantius Coray or Coraes was born at Smyrna, on the 27th of
April, 1748. His father, John Coray, was, however, a native of Scio,
and his son, in accordance with the notions of the Orientals, always considered that island as his fatherland. The history of his early days has
been preserved to us in an autobiography, in which, within the compass
8. Αναφορά στο έργο του Καισάριου Δαπόντε, Καθρέπτης Γυναικών, Λειψία
1766.
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of a few pages, he has attempted to note the more important events of his
life. Like Franklin, he records its mistakes and failures, as well as its successes. He commences with the declaration that ‘‘whoever would write
his own memoirs, must note both the achievements and failings of his
life, with such accuracy, as neither to magnify the former, nor underrate
the latter. A thing’’, he adds, ‘‘most difficult of accomplishment, on account of the selfishness and vanity which is implanted in each one of us’’.
His father was a man of little education, but of great natural acuteness.
His maternal grandfather was the most learned Greek philologian of his
time, and had himself educated his four daughters, who were almost the
only young ladies in the large city of Smyrna who were able to read and
write. Adamantius was early sent to a school recently established by a
Sciote, which he informs us resembled all the other schools in Greece at
that time, –that is, the master gave very little instruction, accompanied
with over much chastisement. So severe, indeed, was the latter, that his
younger brother Andrew forsook his studies in disgust, contrary to his
parents’ advice. Besides the love of study and emulation, there was another cause which induced Adamantius to persevere. It was the provision
contained in his grandfather’s will, that his library should be adjudged
to that one of his grandsons who should first leave the school possessed
of as much education as the teacher himself. This prize was the occasion
of considerable rivalry between the grandchildren; but Adamantius was
the successful candidate. The number of books it contained was small,
but sufficient to convince the young student of the utter insignificance of
the titles of ‘‘Most learned’’, and ‘‘Most wise and learned’’, which at
that time were lavished upon all without exception, who knew the declensions of nouns and the conjugations of verbs. The limited extent of
his own acquirements, combined with the extreme difficulty of making
progress in study in the illiterate city of Smyrna, instead of discouraging him, only roused him to more earnest efforts. He finally succeeded
in obtaining masters to instruct him in Italian and French; which he
wished to acquire, less for any direct advantage which he expected
to reap from them, than for the assistance they would furnish him in
the study of Latin. His teachers, he tells us, were superior in nothing
to his former master, except that they imparted instruction without
beating. But it was to his acquaintance with a Protestant clergyman,
that Coray afterwards used to attribute, not only the progress he made
in literature, but the moral principles which formed the basis of his
excellent character. Bernard Keun, the chaplain of the Dutch Consul
at Smyrna, took an interest in the young man, and instructed him in
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Latin and other languages. His name was never afterwards mentioned
but with love by his scholar.9 Two years were subsequently spent by
Coray in Holland, as an agent of the commercial house with which his
father was connected.
It was not until 1782, when he was more than thirty-four years of
age, that Coray succeeded in carrying into execution a long cherished
plan of going to Montpellier in France to study medicine, –a profession
which was the best calculated to succeed among the Turks, who were
compelled to be respectful at least, to their physicians. For six years he
remained at Montpellier, engaged principally in his studies; and in 1787
he commenced his literary career, by the translation of the Catechism of
the Russian monk Plato into the modern Greek, and of several medical
treatises into the French language.
A year later Coray removed to Paris, which thenceforth became
his permanent home; where almost all his works were published, and
where he imagined that he could write with more freedom than in his
native land, oppressed as it then was by barbarians, whose very sight
was intolerable to him. It was at Paris, that Coray first acquired the
reputation of being one of the most excellent Greek scholars of Europe.
The First Consul Napoleon desired that a translation of Strabo’s Geography should be made into French, with copious annotations. This
work was intrusted to Coray, in connexion with two Frenchmen. The
first volume was presented to the Emperor Napoleon in 1805, and with
such favor was it received, that besides the annual appropriation made
to each of the authors during the continuance of their labors, a pension
of 2000 francs was conferred upon them for life. At the same time the
Emperor made each of them a present of a copy of the splendid and
costly work on the Egyptian expedition published under his auspices.
This translation, together with that of Hippocrates, which had been
previously made, established the Greek’s reputation as a scholar.
But Coray desired no such empty and unprofitable distinction as
that which is acquired by the mere accumulation of knowledge. He longed to diffuse its beneficial influence, especially among his own countrymen. The difficulty, however, was to determine how their interests
could be best promoted. The disastrous issue of the successive attempts
at liberating Greece, and more especially the bloody scenes which had
9. Για τη σχέση Κοραή-Keun βλ. D. C. Hesseling, “Korais et ses amis Hollandais”, στο Εις μνήμην Σπυρίδωνος Λάμπρου, Αθήνα 1935, σ. 1-6 και Ιφιγένεια
Αναστασιάδη, «Γκυς – Κεύνος – Κοραής», Ο Ερανιστής 15 (1978-1979), 253-260.
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occurred but a few years before, after the Russian invasion of the Morea,
must have convinced him of the impracticability, even if he had not been
already persuaded of the inexpediency of endeavors to render his native
land independent. He deplored the state of ignorance and intellectual and
moral degradation into which it had fallen, still more than its weakness
and political subjection. The fetters of the tyrant might by some lucky
conjunction be broken; but the chains of ignorance, which centuries had
riveted, could not be so easily cast off.
The first enterprise of Coray was to furnish those of his countrymen who were desirous of learning (and he knew that there were many
included in this class), with the means of instructing themselves. He
commenced, therefore, in 1805, what he had long contemplated, –the
publication of the principal Greek authors, with copious notes. The utility of such a series can be estimated only by those who consider the rarity
of books in Greece, and the still greater scarcity of dictionaries, works
on classical antiquities, and annotated editions. Few presses were to be
found in the country.
All the religious-works were printed at Venice or Vienna, as many
of them are to the present day. The zeal of Coray would, however, probably have fallen short of the accomplishment of his object, had it not
been for the liberality of the brothers Zosimades, rich Greek merchants
living in northern Europe, who furnished him with the requisite funds
for the publication of his works, until the malevolent intrigues of the superstitious party induced them to withdraw their assistance.
The following works succeeded each other at short intervals. An
edition of Isocrates first appeared, which raised yet higher the reputation
of Coray as a critic. Then followed Plutarch’s Lives, Strabo’s Geography, the Politics of Aristotle, his Nicomachean Ethics, the Memorabilia
of Xenophon, Plato’s Gorgias, and Lycurgus’s speech against Leochares. Then came the Strategies of Polyaenus and of Onesander, Aesop,
Xenocrates and Galen, Marcus Aurelius, Plutarch’s Politics, Epictetus,
Arrian, and several others, making in all thirty-nine volumes. In some
respects, the plan of these editions is quite peculiar. Each volume is preceded by a preface or prolegomena, forming what is now, at least, considered a most invaluable portion of the work. The prolegomena are
partly introductory to the study of the author; and yet are made at the
same time the vehicle for conveying such thoughts as, in the present state
of the nation, the editor thought most likely to prove salutary. Often,
indeed, their connexion with the subject of the text is very slight; and, on
the whole, the prolegomena must be viewed rather in the light of distinct
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tracts. Many of the more important have been collected and published in
a separate form.10
Among the most attractive of these prolegomena, are the series prefixed to the first four books of the Iliad. They are devoted to the imaginary history of an illiterate parish priest, a character, of which, unfortunately, too many specimens are still to be found in Greece. He is represented as officiating in his native village of Bolissos, in the island of Scio,
which the author supposes to be the birth-place of Homer. This priest
was surnamed Papa Trechas, from the rapidity with which he was accustomed to run over the church service, –a feat on which he prided himself
exceedingly. He used to boast of his sixty-four journeys, and hence esteemed himself another Ulysses, from whom he differed only in this respect, that he made them to the sixtyfour hamlets of the island, instead
of the distant seas and regions visited by the Homeric wanderer. The
opportunity is a good one for the exhibition of those errors in society,
which render the priesthood of the Greek Church in general, at once
the most ignorant and the most vicious portion of the community. For
Papa Trechas had, in his youth, been so wild and unruly, that a council
of his relatives had been called to decide what should be done with him.
Various trades were proposed, but it was evident that the lad would
not learn any of them. At length, the wisest of the whole said, ‘‘You see
before you an ignorant, lazy, thriftless, and most vicious youth, and do
you counsel to bind him out to some mechanic, as though he were capable of learning any trade? What else can you do with him than make
him a priest’’? The proposition was adopted by acclamation, everybody
wondering that the idea had never struck himself before. And so the
boy was set apart for the priesthood. But Papa Trechas is a character
in many respects far superior to his fellows. Under his rough exterior
there is hidden a good heart; and his intellect needs only the first taste,
in order to thirst for learning. The awakening of his conscience, and the
regrets experienced in looking back on so many years of his life worse
than wasted, are portrayed in a forcible manner. In short, Papa Trechas
is a fair example both of what the priesthood are, and what they may
become. His history exhibits, also, the influence they will exert, when
religion and education have fitted them for their sacred work.
We have selected this example of the Prolegomena of Coray, as il10. Για μια σύγχρονη έκδοση των Προλεγομένων του Κοραή βλ. Κ. Θ. Δημαράς, Αδαμαντίου Κοραή Προλεγόμενα στους αρχαίους Έλληνες συγγραφείς και η
Αυτοβιογραφία του, τ. Α΄, Αθήνα, ΜΙΕΤ, 1986.
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lustrating the method which he took to enlighten the minds of his fellow
Greeks, on subjects which he thought to be of vital importance to their
advancement. In his religious opinions, Coray was far superior to most
of those with whom he was associated. Philosophy had not disturbed
his religious convictions; but had, on the contrary, strengthened them.
When the tares of a heathenish superstition had been eradicated, the
pure grain was left to strike its roots unobstructed in a soil well adapted
for its growth. In his works the subject of religion is nowhere avoided,
but ever treated in an honest and manly way. After reading his writings, no one can doubt that on almost if not every important doctrine,
his belief coincided with that of the Reformed Churches. It was with
the object of opening the eyes of the Greeks to the fact that their superstitious observances were not an integral part of their religion, but
a perversion which had crept in, in the course of ages, that in 1820 he
published a translation of the remarkable ‘‘Advice of Three Bishops to
Pope Julius the Third’’. (This singular production, in the form of a letter
of counsel written, in 1553, by the three bishops of Brescia, Capri, and
Thessalonica, to the pope, was rescued from oblivion by the diligence of
the scholar Llorente, and first published in his Monumens historiques
concernant les deux pragmatiques sanctions de France, etc. 1818. Llorente having been chief Secretary of the Spanish Inquisition, and having
had the principal documents in his hands, had an admirable opportunity
of discovering the iniquities of the system with which be was connected.)
‘‘The publication of such a work’’, he informs us, ‘‘had for its object
the improvement, and at the same time the justification, of the Eastern
Church. It was impossible that long servitude, while it deprived the race
of education, should not corrupt the clergy, and confuse our religious
belief. Whatever, and however numerous, may have been the sins of the
Eastern Christians, they are not to be compared with the frightful abuses of the Papal Court; they are but drops in comparison with the ocean.
For any one to condemn all the Eastern priesthood, on account of the
luxury of a few Sardanapalus-like bishops at Constantinople, is as if one
should liken all the laity to the Fanariotes of Constantinople’’. (Βίος Α.
Κοραή, σ. 31-32.) This little work, containing so many thrusts against
the Eastern Church, under cover of the superstitions of the West, was,
as it may be imagined, very obnoxious to the hierarchy. Even the well
known fact that Coray was the author of the notes (though it was issued
anonymously), would scarcely have saved it from the fulminations of the
‘‘Holy Synod’’, had not his friends managed to postpone the consideration of it, until it was too late to arrest its circulation.
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How devoted a well-wisher of his country’s prosperity Coray was,
we have already seen. Yet, strange as it may seem, no one was more
grieved than he to hear the tidings of the commencement of the Greek
revolution. During its continuance, he places the following words in the
mouth of one of the persons of a dialogue: ‘‘They (the instigators of the
revolution) are scarcely deserving of forgiveness’’; since, ‘‘with the blood
of many myriads of men, with the disgrace of unnumbered women, with
the conversion to Islam of multitudes of young men and maidens, with
the destruction of whole cities, –they have purchased freedom (or rather
an image of freedom), which, after twenty, or, at most, thirty years,
would have been surely and absolutely obtained, with incomparably
fewer evils’’. About the same time he thus writes to a friend:
‘‘Kontostavlos has brought me a sacred relic, a dry twig of a plant
from the tomb of the founder of American happiness, Washington. If
our political revolution had been delayed but twenty years more, there
would certainly have arisen among us also, if not some Washington, at
least some diminutive Washington. But now, my friend, from the particulars they write me from Greece, our government is in a deplorable
state. Ambition, covetousness, strife for power, complete infatuation, in
a word, have taken possession of the heads of some few, who would long
since have ruined their country, had it not possessed Marathonian warriors, and an enemy to fight against still more stupid than themselves’’!
Coray lived to see his country freed from the domination of the
Turks. He died at Paris in April, 1883, at the advanced age of eightyfive years.»
The Southern literary messenger: devoted to every department of litera
ture and the fine arts, επιμ. James E. Heath, Thomas W. White και
Edgar Allan Poe, τ. 22 (Φεβρουάριος 1856), 95.
«And if the character of Adamantius Koray were only better known, we
think that no man would any longer challenge the Greece of our day for
a truly great son. We should be glad, if our present limits permitted, to
make the readers of this article better acquainted with such a man. We
can only say that, in our opinion, any person who reads his biography,
his letters, his political and literary writings, will place him among the
great men of the world, in the age in which he lived, and feel that modern as well as ancient Greece has had her Socrates. He was a scholar,
a philosopher, a patriot in whose bosom burned a love of country and of
liberty seldom surpassed by any example in ancient or modern story. His
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admiration for our institutions and his veneration for the great men of
our earlier times, especially Washington and Franklin, have done more
perhaps than any thing else to install the American name in the high
place which, as we have already stated, it holds in the Greek mind.»
Photo the Suliote, Α Tale of Modern Greece, David R. Morier, Esq., 3
τόμοι, τ. 3, Λονδίνο 1857, σ. 374, σημ., σ. 169.
«The sentiment attributed to the Bishop of Arta was shared by the
celebrated Koray, well known to his countrymen for his zeal in advancing the cause of education among them, as an indispensable preliminary
to their emancipation, and also to the learned of Europe by his writings,
in which he aimed at the purification of the national language and mind
from the corruptions contracted by both during their long subjection to
the Turkish rule.
Shortly after the severance of the Greek territory from the Turkish
empire, and before the establishment of the present regimen, Koray expressed to me his regret that the revolution had broke forth a generation
too soon, before his countrymen were ripe for the exercise and enjoyment
of freedom, and his fear lest it should issue in their subjection to a barbarian king: ‘‘εις ένα βάρβαρον βασιλέα’’.”12
Mια δεύτερη κατηγορία αναφορών στον Κοραή είναι εκείνη που εντοπίζει κανείς σε άρθρα που αναφέρονται σε άλλες προσωπικότητες οι οποίες
έχουν κάποια άμεση ή έμμεση σχέση με αυτόν. Τα άρθρα αυτά δημοσιεύονται κυρίως σε περιοδικά ποικίλης ύλης που φιλοξενούν νέα από την
«εξωτική» Ανατολή.
The European Magazine and London Review, Λονδίνο 1793, σ. 731.
“There is now at Paris a remarkable man, a Monsieur Coray, a learned
Greek Physician, from Smyrna, who lives with Monsieur Clavier. Mon11. Αναφέρεται στον Ιγνάτιο Ουγγροβλαχίας, που διετέλεσε επίσκοπος Άρτης
και θεωρείται ο ιδρυτής της Φιλολογικής Εταιρείας του Βουκουρεστίου. Σημαντικά
είναι τα στοιχεία για τη δράση του που περιέχονται στο πρώτο τεύχος του γνωστού
περιοδικού Ερμής ο Λόγιος, 1811.
12. Πρόκειται για μια προφητική πραγματικά δήλωση του Κοραή, ο οποίος, με
την πολιτική διορατικότητα που τον διέκρινε, είχε προβλέψει την πολιτική κατάσταση
στο νεαρό ανεξάρτητο ελληνικό κράτος του 19ου αιώνα.
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sieur Coray, who is not rich, could not have made a better acquaintance
than Monsieur Clavier, in whose house he is lodged.
Monsieur Clavier is very much at his case, has an excellent library,
is an ingenious and elegant scholar, and well informed in many branches
of ancient and modern learning. Monsieur Coray, Docteur en medicine,
is at present employed in collating the Manuscript of the Septuagint for
Mr. Holmes, but this is not what he likes best. His favourite Author is
Hippocrates, whom he has corrected all through in the most masterly
manner, and of whom he will, it is to be hoped, publish an edition. The
London physicians should set this on foot, for the thing is so well done,
that I think it would prefer great credit on the Order. In the course of
Monsieur Coray’s corrections on Hippocrates, he has restored Sophocles
and Euripides, and the Poets in Athenaues, in the happiest manner, as
Polician says: ‘‘magna eruens sensa e penu vatum’’.”
The New Monthly Magazine, 1820, σ. 407-408.
«State of Literature and Public Education Among the Modern Greeks
(From the Allgemeine Zeitung)13
Lord Guilford, who spent the whole of last winter in Italy and the Ionian Isles, has been actively engaged in making preparations for the
establishment of an Ionian university, where he proposes to maintain
professors, at his own expense. He has sent several young Greeks, of
promising ability, to finish their education at German universities, as
his lordship has a high opinion of the system of education adopted in the
public institutions of Germany. It is proposed that these students shall
deliver lectures on the most important branches of science at the new
Ionian university. Lord Guilford intends to travel through Germany on
his way back to England. In the course of the present summer he is expected at Leipsick, to visit Professor Spohn, with whom he has for a long
period maintained a literary correspondence. According to the plan of
Lord Guilford, the Ionian university will be divided into several faculties –students will be received from the various public schools of Greece
and the Archipelago, and furnished with stipends,– and prize questions
will be proposed after the plan of the English universities.
13. Σχετικά με τις αναφορές για τα ελληνικά βιβλία στον γερμανικό τύπο βλ.
Μαρία Στασινοπούλου, «Ειδήσεις για το ελληνικό βιβλίο στον γερμανόφωνο περιοδικό τύπο του 19ου αιώνα», Μνήμων 12 (1989), 117-148.
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The public schools established at Smyrna and Chios have hitherto
been attended with the happiest success. The great College of Chios
is particularly distinguished, and students flock to it from all parts of
Greece. Its three most celebrated professors are Bardalochos, Seleri, and
Bambas. Bardalochos has published a compendium of experimental philosophy, and an essay on Greek pronunciation, in which the modern
Greek etacism is treated with more than usual leniency. Professor Seleri
has nearly ready for the press, a Manual of Mathematics, selected from
his lectures. Bambas, who for a long period studied mathematics, philosophy, and natural history, in Paris, is now about to publish, in the
modern Greek language, an elementary book on chemistry from Thenard. His compendium of rhetoric has already had an extensive circulation. Some time ago, a new printing-office was established at Chios, the
whole apparatus for which was brought from Paris. A German, named
Bayrnoffer, is at the head of this establishment. The speech which Professor Bambas delivered at the opening of his lectures, has been printed
here in a style of elegance that may rival the productions of any European press.
Chios at present enjoys perfect tranquillity, for in consequence of an
agreement entered into with the Turks, it is governed entirely by Greek
magistrates. In the meanwhile large sums are devoted to the maintenance
of public institutions –a library is forming under the superintendence
of the celebrated Greek scholar, Coray of Paris; through the liberality of private individuals, about 30,000 volumes are already collected.
The College of Chios at present contains about 700 students, and their
numbers are constantly augmenting. Professor Kaumus14 is at the head
of the College of Smyrna; he has published a System of Philosophy, in 4
volumes, modelled after the system of Professor Krug, of Leipisick. The
work is dedicated to Coray.
The grand object of all these undertakings is to multiply and circulate the works of the ancient Greek authors, and gradually to improve
the Romaic or Modern Greek language. It is only by such means that
blind priestcraft and deep-rooted superstition can be effectually opposed.
Too much praise cannot be bestowed on the meritorious exertions of the
two brothers Zosimas, the eldest of whom resides in Moscow. They
have established an excellent school at Janina, their native city, and
subscribed liberal sums to assist the indefatigable Coray in the publication of the Greek classics. They have also formed at Moscow a collection
14. Πρόκειται προφανώς για τον Κωνσταντίνο Μ. Κούμα.
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of antiquities, which they intend, at some future period, to transport to
Greece. The Empress Maria, the mother of the Emperor Alexander,
during her last visit to Moscow publicly pronounced the most flattering
eulogiums on these two brothers. They may indeed be ranked among the
noblest benefactors of their native country, which by no means deserves
to be viewed in the equivocal light in which it is represented in Hope’s
Romance of Anastasius; for the author, to render his work piquant, has
not scrupled to introduce individual singularities and errors as characteristic trails of the whole people.
These improvements among the Modern Greeks must naturally tend
to render their language popular throughout Europe. Weigel, the bookseller of Leipsick, has published an excellent dictionary and a Modern
Greek grammar by Professor Schneider; and in England there has lately appeared a very useful little grammar of the Modern Greek language,
by Dr. Robertson, who is a member of the Philomusa Society of Athens, and of the Ionian Academy. The stereotyped editions of the Greek
authors published by Tauchnitz of Leipsick, are extensively circulated
throughout Greece on account of their cheapness. Weigel is also engaged
in preparing a corrected edition of the principal Greek prose writers and
poets, which is to be published under the general title of the Bibliotheca
Graeca; it will no doubt be eagerly sought after in Greece. Even the observations on Greek geography are gradually acquiring fresh accuracy.
The learned Sir William Gell has lately written on this subject. His
topographical works on Argolis, Ithaca and Morea, may justly be styled
classical. He has lately published an Itinerary of Greece, departing from
Corinth and traversing Attica in every direction, and describing the
longitude and the situations of places with the utmost accuracy. From
Attica he proceeds to Boeotia, Phocis, Locris, and Thessaly; his plan also
embraces the islands Egina and Salamis. He is at present, in conjunction with Colonel Leake, occupied in drawing up a map of the whole of
Greece on the scale of a foot to every degree. The Athenian Society of
the Philomuse, which was instituted by the Vienna Congress in 1815,
proposes sending four young Greeks to Italy and Germany to complete
their education; the society consists of 300 members, most of whom are
foreigners. According to letters from Mr. Robert Pinkerton,15 that active
agent of the British Bible Society, it appears that a society for the promulgation of the Gospel has been established at Athens. The Archbishop
15. Robert Steiner, “Robert Pinkerton (1780-1859)», Die Bible in der Welt 6
(1963), 151.
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residing at Constantinople has been chosen President, and the British
consul, Logotheti, together with Mr. Tirnaviti, are vice-presidents.»
Encyclopaedia Americana. A popular Dictionary of Art, Sciences, Lite
rature, History, Politics and Biography, τ. 3, Βοστώνη 1851, σ. 530.
«Coray, Adamantios; a learned physician and scholar, born at Scio, or
Chios, in 1748. After having studied the ancient and modern languages,
and translated, while a boy, a German catechism into Greek, he went,
in 1782, to Montpellier, to finish his education, where he studied medicine and natural history, and received the degree of doctor. In 1788,
he settled in Paris. Since he has been naturalized in France, he has
greatly contributed, by his learned works, to give a favorable opinion of
the progress of improvement among the modern Greeks. He has always
retained a great attachment to his native country; and we owe to him
several excellent accounts of the intellectual progress of his countrymen.
During the youth of Coray, a fondness for learning was revived among
the modern Greeks by some ecclesiastics, who translated valuable books
of instruction, principally from the German, and made them their textbooks in their schools upon mount Athos. The wealth of several Greek
commercial houses made them feel the want of skilful bookkeepers and
clerks, and they were desirous of taking them from among their own
countrymen. Moreover, the Russian armies had destroyed the illusion of
the invincible power of the sublime Porte, and the Greeks, being protected in their property by the influence of the Russian consuls, became
active and industrious, and the knowledge which they gained by commerce with other nations helped to eradicate the superstitions and prejudices which had grown up in the long darkness of Turkish despotism.
Coray has referred to these favorable circumstances which attended the
time of his education, in his Mémoire sur l’État actuel de la Civilisation
dans la Grèce, in 1803; and has offered, in his preface to a translation
of Hippocrates upon Climate, Water and Locality, an apology for his
nation. This, together with his preface to Aelian’s Historical Memora
bilia, in the Hellenic Library, in which he gives a history of the modern
Greek language, belongs to the pieces called forth by the exaggerated
praise and censure which his views have received. The improvement
which Coray has given to the modern Greek language has by no means
been universally acknowledged. He has chosen a style borrowed from
every century, and deviating much from the style of the people, and the
language of the patriarchs and Byzantines of latter times. H. Codrika,
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professor of Greek grammar and modern literature at a lyceum in Paris,
has attacked him violently in several publications, asserting that his style
is artificial, and has but little effect upon his nation. The imitators of his
style are called Coraists. The critical editions which Coray has published
of the ancient authors cannot be entirely trusted, for he often makes very
bold alterations. They are, however, very useful for his own countrymen.
They have been published in Paris since 1806, under the general title of
Hellenic Library, embracing chiefly Elian’s various histories, Polyaenus,
Aesop, Isocrates, Plutarch’s Lives, Strabo, Aristotle’s Politics, &c. This
venerable old man lives in Paris, devoted to literary labors, and has
never answered the writings directed against him, satisfied with the respect that is continually paid him by many of his countrymen. A marble
statue of him, executed by Canova,16 stands in the lecture-room at Chios.
His old age has prevented him from joining in the struggle of his nation
against their oppressors. The warmth and sincerity of his good wishes
in their cause may be seen from his excellent introduction to Aristotle,
which has been translated into German.»17
The Mercersburg Review, έκδ. του Συλλόγου Αποφοίτων του Κολεγίου
Franklin and Marshall, Pittsburg, Ιανουάριος 1860, 9-15.
«Constantinos Rhigas, a native of Thessaly, was the founder of the patriotic society, the Hetaria, which twenty-five years later, in 1821, succeeded in uniting all the Greeks for the glorious delivery of Hellas. He
was the enthusiastic poet of liberty, who in a pure and noble strain, composed those beautiful war-songs which thrilled the hearts of the Greeks
from the banks of the Danube to the promontories of Morea and led
them on to battle and victory. Hunted down by the Turks and betrayed
by treacherous Austria, the noble-minded Rhigas was delivered into
the bands of the Pasha of Belgrad, who, with cannibalian cruelty, in
1791, slaughtered the first martyr of regenerated Greece. But the happy
reform which he had begun in the poetry of his native tongue survived,
and was extended to its prose by the Adamantios Korais from Chios,
who is regarded as the father of the new Hellenic language.
16. Aναφέρεται στον σημαντικό ιταλό γλύπτη Antonio Canova (1 Νοεμβρίου
1757-13 Οκτωβρίου 1822). Για το έργο του βλ. Johannes Myssok, Antonio Canova.
Die Erneuerung der klassischen Mythen in der Kunst um 1800, Petersberg, Michael
Imhof Verlag, 2007.
17. Βλ. J. K. Orelli, Adamantios Korai’s politische Ermahnungen an die
Hellenen, Zurich 1823.
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The purification of the vulgar dialect, which Korais now attempted,
did not consist in introducing words and set phrases from the ancient
language unintelligible to the mass and mixed up with the vulgar expressions of daily life. Such a medly, which Korais called η μιξοβάρβαρος
γλώσσα or, the mixed barbarian dialect was then in fashion among the
clergy and half-learned Greeks of Constantinople, the Phanariots, –and
he most severely reprobated it as detrimental and quite contrary to the
spirit of the Romaic tongue.
‘‘The design of these mixed Hellenizers’’ –said the worthy Korais–
‘‘is in itself laudable, because they strive, poor men, to bring the modern
language as near as possible to its mother, the Hellenic. But since the first
virtue of a writer is perspicuity, or to write in such a manner as to be well
understood by those for whom he writes, and the second to write with
elegance, which may give pleasure to the ear, I think that such Hellenizers have neither the one nor the other of those merits –who involve the
ancient language in the most grotesque and ridiculous manner with the
modern syntax, and form out of the two an obscure harsh, unharmonious and truly monstrous style of diction, a mere patch-work of phraseology’’.
Korais then gives a curious letter written in this compound of ignorance and pedantry –quite a dish of maccaroni.
Such being the sound principles from which he started on his great
reform and taking both the standard of education in Greece and the spirit
and coloring of the modern Greek as his basis, he, by the most solicitous
comparison of both dialects, the ancient and the modern –and by the nicest
regard for the beauties of both, with good sense, taste and discrimination,
adopted only such words and forms of the Hellenic as were indispensable
for the modern language, in order to enrich and purify it, without changing its leading character. Only a man of such talents, of such profound
learning, excellent judgment and amiable character as Korais, was able to
undertake so herculean a work and to ensure its full success.
The whole nation soon hailed his laborious exertions with veneration
and gratitude. His numerous works, written in an extremely pure and
truly elegant language, were understood even by the illiterate, because
they breathed the spirit of the people; they were expressed in a nobler,
more perfect style, which elevated the minds of the Greeks and contributed more to their civilization and the exalted feeling of their nationality,
than all the other political and commercial influences of the time.
Adamantios Korais by profession a physician, lived retired at Paris,
as a member of the French Institute, and highly honored by Napoleon,
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who charged him with the publication of new editions and translations
of Strabo and Plutarch, and rewarded his labors with an honorary pension of 4,000 francs.
But being poor, Korais would have found an insurmountable difficulty in publishing and distributing his powerful exhortations to his
suffering countrymen. He, therefore, in his modern Greek translation of
Beccaria’s celebrated work on crimes and capital punishments, addressed
himself to the wealthy and virtuous men of his country and said:
‘‘Let all the rich and patriotic men of the Hellenic race unite for the
name and love of one common mother-country and let them contribute
each according to his power, –since Greece, being in misery and servitude,
has no public treasury to support schools for the maintenance and instruction of her destitute youths. But unite quickly, while Greece has need of
your assistance, if you wish to have the gratitude of Greece. True friends
hurry to their friends’ assistance in time of danger; –flatterers do not appear until the danger is over! Instead of repining at the expense for good
and useful objects, you ought to thank the Providence of God for living
in circumstances and in times, in which, by the superfluity of your wealth,
laid out with prudence, you may gain immortal honors and be named the
benefactors of Hellas, upon whom a new morn of light begins to dawn’’!
These powerful words were published in 1802, nineteen years before the shout of liberty and victory began to reach from the mountains
and valleys of Greece.
They were heard and understood by the two noble-minded brothers, Zozimades, rich merchants from Epirus, who had passed the greater
part of their industrious career at Leghorn, in Italy, and at Moscow, in
Russia –and they were the first to stand forward as the benefactors of
the nation and help on its progress toward civilization. Many wealthy
Greeks in London, Paris, Vienna, Trieste and Odessa afterwards followed their example. All the works of Korais and other modern authors of Greece, were published in Paris at the expense of the benevolent
brothers, and distributed gratuitously all over Greece and Turkey.
Korais lived to enjoy the deliverance of his beloved native country.
He died of old age, in Paris, in 1832.
The path was now opened and many were his followers yet it would
have been wonderful indeed if Korais should have escaped the envy and
jealousy of his rivals. He was continually attacked by the learned Constantinos Koumas from Thessaly, and other Greek writers, who, during
the wars of Napoleon, flocked to Vienna and Paris. They all accused
the worthy Korais of a too modern French or Italian style of diction,
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which they pretended to be detrimental to the spirit of the Hellenic language. But all these clamors soon died away. Time has now sanctioned
the correctness of the judgment and good taste of that benevolent man,
and a comparison of their rough and affected language with his, would
immediately prove the acute discrimination of the Greek nation, who
have awarded to him the merit of being the founder of the written language of modern Hellas.
The world at large, both in Europe and America, beheld with astonishment the first fruits of this reform of a language, which was then
hardly known to exist, in the manly and spirited proclamations of the
Greek nation that in 1821 rose in arms to reconquer their independence,
in the able and well written Constitutions of Argos and Troizen in 1823,
in the famous funeral oration of Spiridon Trikupis at the bier of Lord
Byron, and in the public edicts of Count Capo d’ Istria, the first president of the new Hellenic kingdom.
The great work of Korais, the rational restoration of the Hellenic,
was continued and extended with activity and excellent judgment by the
learned Greeks after the ascension of King Otho on the throne of Hellas in 1833. The purification and completion of the language became an
object of the highest importance to the Royal government, though at that
time it still presented many difficulties. Among all other nations the development of the language and the introduction of scientific or technical
terms follow gradually the successive progress of civilization. In Greece,
on the contrary, with the sudden introduction of European institutions,
laws, sciences and arts, thousands of terms and expressions, were immediately, either to be borrowed from the ancient Hellenic dictionary, or,
on the principles of the classical language, to be formed and adapted to
modern inventions, altogether unknown to the contemporaries of Pericles and Demosthenes.
It was particularly in the military language that the beginning of
this interesting reform was made, even during the war, by the learned
Colonel Rhodios, and it was continued with great diligence at our Military College of the Evelpides, where my friend and colleague, Captain
Andreas Zabunzakis, from Crete, Professor of the Military Sciences,
published a complete work on fortification, containing more than twelve
hundred terms, laboriously gathered from Xenophon, Polybius, and other military authors of antiquity, and suitably applied to modern science.
These labors had become the more necessary since intellectual cultivation
and every trace of a political life in Greece had been swept away during the long and barbarous oppression of the Turks. What still existed
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Γ. Ν. Βλαχάκης, ΚΟΡΑΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΓΛΟΣΑΞOΝΙΚΟΣ ΚΟΣΜΟΣ
285
in the modern Greek dialect of technical expressions in the different
branches of science and art, had been supplied by uncouth Turkish or
Italian words, which were still in the most ridiculous manner employed
by the mass of the Greek people. Nor did the reform of Korais extend so
far: it remained only the sound foundation on which to build: and it was
left to others to rear the edifice. It was the glory of the great Chiote to
give form to the new language, but his works being mostly disquisitions
on general literature or on political topics or new editions of the classics,
they did not enrich the language with technical terms.»
Επίλογος
Χωρίς να φιλοδοξούμε να θεωρήσουμε την παρουσίαση αυτή των αναφορών στον Κοραή και το έργο του, σε κείμενα, βιβλία και περιοδικά, του
αγγλοσαξονικού κόσμου ολοκληρωμένη, θεωρούμε ότι αποτελεί μια ακόμα συμβολή στην προσπάθεια για τη σωστή αξιολόγηση του έργου των
ελλήνων διαφωτιστών και την κατανόηση της σημασίας του.
Δεν αναφερθήκαμε στην αλληλογραφία του Κοραή με τον Jefferson
ούτε στη σχέση του Edward Everett με τον Κοραή, καθώς πρόκειται
για «στιγμές» της ιστορικής παρουσίας του Κοραή που έχουν μελετηθεί
λεπτομερώς ήδη από σημαντικούς ερευνητές της ιστορίας των νεοελληνικών γραμμάτων.
Θεωρούμε, ωστόσο, ότι μέσα από τα κείμενα που παρατίθενται διαπιστώνεται, πέρα από τις ειδικές αναφορές στον Κοραή, και η ευρύτερη
εκτίμηση των δυτικών στις προσπάθειες των Ελλήνων για πνευματική ανάπτυξη και εθνική ανεξαρτησία. Αναγνωρίζεται το φιλοπρόοδο του
έθνους, που παρά τις αντικειμενικές δυσκολίες επιδιώκει την ανασύσταση
του ελληνικού πολιτισμού.
Οι διαμάχες που μνημονεύονται, όπως αυτή του Κοραή με τον Κοδρικά για το ζήτημα της γλώσσας, δεν θα είχαν βέβαια καμιά σημασία αν
η περί τα γράμματα κίνηση της εποχής ήταν ανάξια λόγου.
Ενδιαφέρον έχουν ακόμα οι θέσεις του Κοραή για την εκκλησιαστική
ιεραρχία μέσα από την οπτική ενός Έλληνα της διασποράς, καθώς και
η επιμονή στην αναφορά των ενστάσεων του Κοραή για την έναρξη της
επανάστασης.
Αν και η παρουσίασή μας είναι ίσως το πρώτο βήμα προς την κατεύθυνση αυτή, εκτιμούμε πως μας βοηθάει να αντιληφθούμε και κυρίως
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να αποδεχτούμε, αποβάλλοντας τις όποιες ενδεχομένως επιφυλάξεις μας,
ότι η παρουσία των ελλήνων λογίων στον δυτικό πνευματικό χώρο δεν
πέρασε απαρατήρητη στον καιρό της. Και ίσως αυτή η διαπίστωση να
είναι ό,τι αξίζει πραγματικά να κρατήσουμε ως ιστορική παρακαταθήκη
σε μια εποχή που η Επανάσταση του 1821 επιδιώκεται να παρουσιάζεται
σαν ένα γιουρούσι αγράμματων και βάρβαρων ανθρώπων.
ΓΙΩΡΓΟΣ Ν. ΒΛΑΧΑΚΗΣ
Su m m a r y
REFERENCES TO KORAIS AND HIS WORK
IN THE ANGLO-SAXON WORLD
This paper presents some of the most significant references to Adamantios Korais in the Anglo-Saxon world of the late 18th century and the
19th. Through these references, readers may garner a view of the image
that Western scholars had of the intellectual movement in Greece before
the revolution of 1821, as well as gaining an idea of the opinion of Anglo-Saxon scholarly circles about Korais and his work. This evidence is
of some importance because it gives us a more complete picture of the status Greek scholars in general and Korais in particular held outside of the
Greek-speaking world of the period.
GEORGE N. VLAHAKIS
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