South-China Sea Dispute: Sovereignty over
the Scarborough Shoal
Yewande Olu-Ibukun
BSc| MA| PhD (In view)
Swansea University
Abstract
The Philippine islands are at the focal point of momentum sea debate in
the South China Sea (SCS). The Philippines has had maritime disputes
with various nations, including the US. Presently, policy consideration is
centered around power question between the Philippines and China on
the Scarborough1. China's affirmation of the South China Sea in its 2009
recording with the UNCLCS and its current activities to avoid Philippine
anglers from the waters around Scarborough Shoal encouraged the
Philippines to seek for assistance from the international arbitration
tribunal2. The paper will identify the privileges of the Philippines to
submerged elements as a feature of its continental shelf by examining
the brief historical standpoints of the Philippine archipelago and the late
activities by the Philippines to adjust its archipelagic cases to UNCLOS.
Keywords: South China Sea, Scarborough, International Arbitration
Tribunal, Philippine Archipelago
1
2
Rosen, M. Philippines Claims in the South China Sea: A Legal Analysis (CNA Occasional Paper 2014) at pag 1
Romero, A. China’s Maritime Ships operating within the Philippine Territory (Boston Global Forum 2013)
1
Introduction
The South China Sea is a halfway encased waterway in the western Pacific Ocean
covering a zone of right around 3.5 million square kilometers 3 also, home to more than
30,000 little islands and reefs extensively disseminated crosswise over three
archipelagos4. The ocean is bordered by several countries: on the east is Vietnam, on
the south are China, the Hainan Island and Taiwan; on the north are Malaysia, Brunei,
Singapore and Indonesia; and to the west lies the Philippines5 The sea is a major
shipping/transport route to over half of the world’s oil tanker traffic and its merchant
vessels by tonnage with an estimated $4.5tn (£3.4tn) in trade6 7; with rich fishing
grounds that caters to the livelihoods of thousands of fishermen within the region, it is
also believed to hold substantial oil and gas resources8.
China’s historical claim to a vast majority of the islands and reefs on the sea is defined by
a ‘nine-dash-line’ which stretches hundreds of miles across the south and eastern parts
of the Hainan province; and it is on this basis that China lays strong claims to the
territories it controls, carrying out unlawful and destructive acts to keep other countries
from encroaching on their space9 10. The islands, banks, shoals and surrounding waters –
maritime features China claims accounts for hundreds of islands, islets, sandbanks, rocks,
and shoals (Paracel, Spratly, Scarborough Shoal and Macclesfield Bank, and the Pratas
Islands) throughout the South China Sea region11 and in recent times, China lays claim to
more islands and maritime features than was originally stipulated in the jurisdiction
covered and demarcated by its nine-dash-lines12.
Several other Asian countries lay claim to different features in the SCS with China being
involved in every dispute: the Paracel Islands are disputed by China, Taiwan and
Vietnam; the Spratly Islands are disputed by China, Taiwan, Malaysia, The Philippines,
Vietnam, and Brunei; the Scarborough Shoal is claimed by the Philippines, China and
Taiwan; and the maritime boundaries of the Gulf of Tonkin are also disputed by China
and Vietnam13. These claims stem from territorial rights that have gone on for centuries
and with the failure of bilateral relations in resolving issues, international law has been
sought to bring about resolutions that are backed by law and mandatory to uphold.
3
Sreenivasa, R.P. The South China Sea Arbitration (The Philippines vs China): Assessment of the Award on
Jurisdiction and Admissibility (2016) 15 (2) JIL 265-307 at 265
4
Lunn, A and Lang, A. The South China Sea Dispute (House of Commons Library Briefing Paper 7481, 2016)
at page 1
5
See Sreenivasa, R.P, note 3, above, at page 266
6
Holmes, O. and Phillips, T. South China Sea Dispute: What you need to Know about The Hague Court Ruling
(The Guardian, 2016)
7
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 2
8
See Sreenivasa, R.P, note 3, above, at page 267
9
Austin, G. Why Beijing’s South China Sea Moves Make Sense Now (The National Interest, 2015) at page 1
10
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 3
11
ISDP Understanding China’s Position on the South China Sea Disputes (Institute for Security and
Development Policy, 2016) at page 1
12
See Rosen, M, note 1, above, at page 3
13
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 4
2
The South China Sea is of great economic significance in East Asia, rich in fisheries and
abundant natural resources and has understandably been a source of maritime and
territorial dispute between several ASEAN countries. These countries have been engaged
in disputes over sovereignty and historical rights over the islands, maritime features and
the surrounding waters around the South China Sea. The area is also home to hundreds
of geographical features living below and above the sea level. However, for the purpose
of this research, the focus would be between China and the Philippines. China and the
Philippines have been clashing over almost every aspect of the SCS14.
China claims sovereignty and historic rights of almost 100 percent of the sea elements of
SCS which lie past the 12-mile regional ocean limit of China and other bordering
countries15. While the Philippines also claim some islands but most importantly, dispute
China’s claims and general unlawful behavior over the natural resources in the sea. China
has utilized its claim to control the SCS for over 2000 years conducting surveys, creating
and renaming islands, and publishing maps showing its territories within and around the
dash-lines to prevent neighboring countries from encroaching on their ‘alleged’ property.
The nine-dash-lines historically represent China’s title to the maritime features enclose
within that demarcation. It gives China fishing rights, navigation rights, and the ability to
carry out planned marine activities and improvement in the waters and on the mainland
rack encompassed by the line161718.
On the Scarborough Shoal, the Philippines claim that China continually interferes with
their ability to carry out fishing activities on the Scarborough Shoal, a popular fishing
ground for Asian countries thereby preventing them from pursuing their livelihoods.
China on the other hand claims that the water surrounding Scarborough Shoal and took
actions to prevent Philippine fishermen from using the grounds. This increased the
already brewing tensions between both countries with Philippine filing a report against
China for violating Article 2(3) of the Convention, which gives that "sovereignty over the
regional ocean is practiced subject to this Convention and to different tenets of
international law 19.
This high tide feature is of no economic value to the Philippines as they can neither
derive economic value from it nor sustain human life. However, they use the surrounding
waters to carry out traditional fishing activities, while China claims sovereignty over
them. The Tribunal investigated and ruled that their disputes did not stem from maritime
boundary delimitation or sovereignty claims of the Scarborough Shoal20. They also did
not see the importance of having traditional shipping rights before using the fishing
grounds stating that past and present generations have carried out fishing activities
without problem up until recently. They termed China’s actions as unlawful and
14
See Rosen, M, note 1, above, at page 4
See Sreenivasa, R.P, note 3, above, at page 269
16
Jinming, L. and Dexia, L. The Dotted Line on the Chinese Map of the South China Sea: A Note (Oceanic
Development and International Law, 2003) at 294
17
Zhiguo, G. and Jia, B. The Nine-Dash Line in the South China Sea: History, Status and Implications (2013)
107(1) AJIL 98-124 at 124
18
See Sreenivasa, R.P, note 3, above, at page 270
19
UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, Art.2(3)
20
See Jinming, L. and Dexia, L., note 14, above at page295
15
3
condemned China for being discriminatory i.e. only allowing their nationals access to the
waters surrounding Scarborough Shoal.
Furthermore, the Philippines allude to the zone of the SCS that it controls as the West
Philippine Sea; and started arbitration under Annex 7 of the Convention on the 22
January 2013 against China keeping in mind the end goal to determine disagreements
regarding both nation's separate sea qualifications and exercises in the SCS21. The
Philippines dispute China’s claims on the following basis:
First is the Source of Maritime Entitlements in the South China Sea and China’s Claim to
Historical Rights where the Philippines contend with China over the source of its maritime
entitlement because China claims to own a vast majority of the maritime features in the
SCS, an issue that is also disputed by other countries22. Sovereignty is typically
determined under customary international law23, and the country that owns the islands
controls the surrounding sea and its resources including fishing and seabed rights. The
dispute between both countries stems from China’s alleged historical rights over the
islands and other oceanic elements on the SCS, with the Philippines expressing that
China's cases are contrary under the 1982 UNCLOS.
China was not particularly bent on sovereignty, rather, they wanted to use the ninedash-lines to ban other countries from fishing in the SCS, hence interrupting the
exploration, and offering discounted concessions to oil blocks operating within the ninedash line – an act that is completely outside the realm of their authority under the
Convention24. China’s controversial sovereignty claim in the South China Sea comes from
its historical rights within its nine-dash-lines25. These historical claims are not backed by
evidence, making it difficult to prove. The Philippines dispute China’s claim on the
grounds that the nine-dash-lines are invalid according to the international law, as
legitimate ownership and limits can only be given by the Convention and not through
transfer of rights based on unfounded historical control26. The Tribunal concluded that
the exact coordinates of the nine-dash-lines were not properly defined, legitimate, and
were inconsistent with the EEZ accommodated in the Convention, and all things
considered, there was no legitimate reason for China to guarantee notable rights to
resources in the nine-dash-lines27. The lack of coordination works to their disadvantage
as the nine-dash-lines on Chinese maps encompasses almost the entire SCS, making it all
the more unrealistic considering other countries bordering the Sea with competing claims
to some maritime features and territorial waters28.
The Philippines’ further argue that historical rights not backed by evidence do not matter
as each country must abide within the limits set by the Convention especially with regard
21
See Sreenivasa, R.P, note 3, above, at page 271
The Philippines v. The People’s Republic of China Award on Jurisdiction, para. 152
23
th
Wallace, R. and Martin Ortega, O. International Law (Sweet and Maxwell, 7 Edition 2013) at page 236
24
Beckman, R. China, UNCLOS and the South China Sea (Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore
2011) ay page 28
25
See Beckman, R., note 24, above, at page 28
26
The Philippines v. The People’s Republic of China Award on Jurisdiction, para. 160
27
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 7
28
See Holmes, O. and Phillips, T, note 8, above
22
4
to the nine-dash-line on Chinese maps29. Their claim to the waters, seabed and oceanic
components in the SCS are consequently conflicting with the Convention 30. The Tribunal
eventually concluded that only the convention can define the scope and limits of each
country’s maritime entitlements – which cannot be breached; and China’s claims to
sovereignty and historic rights within the South China Sea are contrary to the
Conventions limits, and as such, the Conventions definition of maritime entitlement
supersedes all historical rights and sovereignty claims that exist31
The second basis is on the depiction of Maritime Features in the SCS. The meaning of
individual maritime features has additionally been an issue debated by the Philippines, as
they looked for a decision on whether certain oceanic components asserted by both
nations were appropriately described by the Convention as islands, rocks, low-tide
heights or submerged banks32. These contending nations contend over the meaning of
every component particularly when it includes separating amongst rocks and islands. In
light of international law, just actually shaped islands that are above ocean level at high
tide can manage human home, and create a regional ocean or mainland rack. Islands
that can't maintain human or monetary life are considered as rocks which can just have a
regional ocean, not an EEZ or mainland rack33.
With regards to low tide elevations or submerged banks, several islands owned by China
were below sea-level at low-tide before they were sand filled and turned into islands.
However, according to the Convention, only naturally-formed land can be classified as
islands3435. Some of the islands owned by China were reconstructed i.e. altered from
their natural form, since they were below sea-level at low tide and at high tide, thereby
violating the UNCLOS stipulations. The ‘islands’ owned by China are actually classified by
the UNCLOS as rocks, low-tide elevations, or submerged banks, but not islands, thereby
invalidating their claims based on the nine-dash-line maritime features36. After a
thorough investigation, the Tribunal presumed that Scarborough has high tide
highlights/rocks and is not able to support residence or financial life. According to the
UNCLOS, high tide features/rocks are entitled to a 12-nautical mile territorial sea, and the
7 artificial islands built by China in the Spratly islands are therefore illegal under the
UNCLOS37.
On a third note, there is the interference with the Philippines Maritime Zones and
Sovereign Rights. The abundance of fish in the SCS coupled with oil and gas resources
makes the disputing countries claims more intense as the owner of a maritime feature
with these untapped resources would automatically become economically relevant in the
29
The Philippines v. The People’s Republic of China Award on Jurisdiction, para. 121
See Sreenivasa, R.P, note 3, above, at page 274
31
PCA Case [2016] Nº 2013-19
32
ABS-CBN News. Arbitral Court’s Ruling on Philippines vs China (The Hague 2016)
33
UNCLOS Art.121
34
Art.13
35
Morton, K. China’s ambition in the South China Sea: Is a Legitimate Maritime Order Possible? (2016) 92(4)
JIA 909-940 at 922
36
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 11
37
Ankit, P. International Court Issues Unanimous Award in Philippines V, China Case on South China Sea
(The Diplomat 2016)
30
5
East Asian region and even globally. It is evident why bilateral negotiations between
China and the Philippines failed to bring about a resolution of their conflict leading to the
dependence on international law and intervention from the UNCLOS who cover a widearray of issues relating to the world’s oceans, including the rights over the sea-bed as
well as fishing, navigation and shipping as at 20 June 201638. The Tribunal decided that
the Philippines had the privilege to work within its Exclusive Economic Zone without
Chinese provocation39.
The fourth basis deals with the unlawful actions of Chinese officials. China’s law
enforcement teams violated the Philippines right to fish in the area, carry out seismic
surveys, and oil exploration within their exclusive economic zone and continental shelf40.
They use their vessels to hinder the Philippine nationals in ranges inside 200-nautical
miles of the Philippine baselines in the SCS41, and illegally constructed artificial islands in
areas used for geographical and environmental survey42. The Tribunal disagreed with
China’s contradicting comprehension of its rights particularly as they are invalid under
their authority. They likewise found that China abused the Philippines' sovereign rights in
its restrictive financial zone, and overlooked the Philippines customary angling rights at
Scarborough Shoal without thought43, hence, the ruling.
The fifth basis for the Philippines Claim is the inability to ensure and protect the marine
environment at Scarborough Shoal. China violated the Conventions instructions to
preserve and protect fragile ecosystems, as research showed that their artificial
construction of islands and excessive fishing had depleted the habitat, endangered more
species, and greatly altered the ecosystem and natural habitat of the marine
environment44. Chinese fishermen also carried out large scale fishing of not only fish, but
other endangered mammals using extreme methods that were damaging to the marine
environment45. The Tribunal found the Philippines complaint genuine, and China guilty of
destroying the marine environment in Scarborough Shoal and also accused them of
intentionally interfering with the natural order of the sea, causing harm for personal
reasons/gain46. Their unlawful actions were destructive to the ecosystem breaching
Articles 192 and 194(5) of the Convention.
The final basis for the claims is intentionally aggravating the dispute between both
countries as China began constructing a simulated island in the Philippines elite financial
zone and decimating naturally occurring marine features for their own purposes47. The
Tribunal found China’s actions to be intentional and unlawful. The use of military officials
38
UNCLOS, Art.1
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 15
40
The Philippines v The People’s Republic of China. -Award on Jurisdiction, para. 405
41
PCA Case [2016] Nº 2013-19
42
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 15-16
43
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 16
44
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 17
45
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 17
46
See Sreenivasa, R.P, note 3, above, at page 276
47
The Philippines v The People’s Republic of China (The Hague Press Release 2016)
39
6
to frustrate the efforts of Philippine nationals fishing and carrying out activities on the
South China Sea was unnecessary in settling disputes48.
The Court Ruling
With respect to the intervention organized by the Philippines against China, the UNCLOS
under Annex 7 decided for the Philippines on a few perspectives putting a conclusion to
China's authentic case in the locale4950. The arbitration covers China’s rights and claims to
the SCS resources, inclusive of the sea privileges they are equipped for creating; and
their general conduct and activities towards normal assets and part states in the locale51.
China was against Philippines from the beginning, debunking their claims, and as such,
refused to participate in the arbitration process or accept its results. However, this
attitude did not disrupt the proceedings as Annex VII of the Convention states that “the
absence of a party or failure of a party to defend its case shall not constitute a bar to the
proceedings.” It also goes further to state that “in the event that a party does not
participate in the proceedings, a tribunal must satisfy itself not only that it has
jurisdiction over the dispute but also that the claim is well founded in fact and law”52, and
this was applicable in the absence of China at the proceeding.
The Tribunal tested the accuracy of the Philippines’ claims, requested for additional
evidence, and carried out independent research and investigations with the help of
experts on its own to validate or disprove the claims put forward53, this enabled them to
review the case from all angles, and make judgments. UNCLOS stipulated a 200-nautical
mile zone of the coast for economic exclusivity but with regard to the SCS, China claims
90% of the area, raising further concerns as to the legitimacy of their historical
sovereignty. A ruling in favor of the Philippines according to Glassier would not discredit
the majority of Beijing's cases to arrive or sea zones in the SCS, rather, it would
constrain the measure of water that China has sovereign rights over 5455.
The Tribunal consisting of 5 judges at the PCA at the Hague ruled that China’s historical
claims were invalid under international law, and that no maritime feature is recognized as
an island under UNCLOS. They went further to criticize the behavior of Chinese ships in
obstructing Philippine vessels on the SCS – classifying the act as unlawful56. Based on the
Tribunal’s ruling on the historical evidence presented, they agreed that China may have
previously used the islands in the SCS; however, there is no evidence proving that China
forcefully took control over the resources in the SCS.
48
See Lunn, A and Lang, A, note 6, above, at page 19
See ABS-CBN News, note 32, above
50
See Holmes, O. and Phillips, T, note 8, above
51
See ABS-CBN News, note 32, above
52
See ABS-CBN News, note 32, above
53
See ABS-CBN News, note 32, above
54
Glaser, B. Seapower and Projection Forces in the South China Sea (Congressional Testimony, Center for
Strategic and International Studies 2016) at page 1
55
See Holmes, O. and Phillips, T, note 8, above
56
See Ankit, P, note 38, above
49
7
The SCS arbitration on the Philippines-China issue concerned an application by the
Philippines for decisions in regard to the SCS of which the Philippines looked for decisions
on whether China's activities in the SCS have disregarded the Convention, by meddling
with the practice of the Philippines' sovereign rights under the Convention or through
development and angling exercises that have negatively affected the marine
environment.57.
By January 2013, the Philippines at the Arbitral Tribunal under UNCLOS filed a case
against China. After years of deliberations, the PCA ruled and made decisions that were
properly justified on the Philippine-China issue58. Territorial disputes, especially those
with great economic value as is the case with the SCS is of enormous importance. China
has repeatedly refused to dialogue with countries claiming features on the sea. The
arbitration process would have offered China better opportunities to defend their claims
and provide evidence backing their actions, however, they chose to disregard the
proceedings, going as far as to harm the ecosystem, intensify their disputes with the
Philippines, publishing derogatory statements about the PCA rulings etc. Each issue
deliberated upon by the Tribunal was backed with decrees and thoroughly justified. They
were able to clarify terms to avoid confusing the disputing parties, and by carrying out
their independent investigations, they were able to make informed decisions relevant for
resolving the disputes in favor of the Philippines.
In conclusion, it is unclear whether China would uphold the Courts rulings with regards to
their sovereignty claims and maritime rights and entitlements; however, going against
them could set in motion a legal process that could hinder their ability to carry out
economic activities in the SCS. Wemin identified that “China will neither accept nor
participate in the South China Sea arbitration unilaterally initiated by the Philippines59.
This longstanding position is fully supported by international law and subject to no
change.” This comment gives an insight into the kind of actions China would take to
stake their claim over the features of the South China Sea.
This uncertainty is a cause for concern, and China repeatedly states that they would not
accept the Tribunals award to the Philippines or their other rulings affecting their
actions60. Most importantly, involving the UNCLOS in the dispute does not seem to have
created room for future negotiations. China stands by its historical rights based on the
nine-dash-lines, while the Philippines stands by the rulings given by the PCA in the hopes
that China would finally agree to the terms set and not take further actions to violate the
provisions and guidelines issued by the UNCLOS. Future relations between both countries
on the SCS would determine if the dispute will be resolved, or continue to work against
the China in light of increased economic development.
57
See ABS-CBN News, note 32, above
PCA Case [2016] Nº 2013-19
59
See Ankit, P, note 38, above
60
Wemin, L, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, People’s Republic of China (Regular Press Conference 2012)
58
8
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