Notes on a Connected History of Canada and Ottoman Armenians through 1930 Daniel Ohanian University of California, Los Angeles last updated 5 May 2018 https://www.academia.edu/35591903/ i Contents Preface............................................................................................................................................. 1 Missionaries in the Ottoman Empire before WWI ......................................................................... 2 Missionaries and Relief Workers during and after WWI ............................................................... 6 Books and Periodicals as Sources of Knowledge and Proponents of Sympathy............................ 7 Armenians in Canada and Armenian Relief Campaigns .............................................................. 11 ԵhՆ NՆwnhՂm, FՆgՂn’s, ՂnՅ ԴՂlvՂtion Army Boys ՂnՅ Ղ CՂtholiՄ ԱroposՂl .............................. 15 The ARAC and the Georgetown Boys and Girls .......................................................................... 17 Jewish Orphans in Georgetown .................................................................................................... 20 ii Preface This text is meant to serve as a resource for those interested in the connected history of Canada and Ottoman Armenians (i.e., Western Armenians) from the beginning of that relationship through 1930. Most of this information was gathered while I was an undergraduate student at York University and Ղ mՂstՆr’s student at York University and Istanbul Bilgi University, as well as in my capacity as director of research for the Sara Corning Centre for Genocide Education in Toronto. Many of my findings were used to write an article called “Sympathy and Exclusion: The Migration of Child and Women Survivors of the Armenian Genocide from the Eastern Mediterranean to Canada, 1923–1930.”1 But some things, of course, had to be left out. I am now placing these miscellanea online with the hope of giving new research on this topic an extra boost. I also hope that the descendants of the children discussed in my research will find this information helpful for piecing together the lives of their parents and grandparents. The goal of this document is not to present a comprehensive narrative. For the best such work, readers should first consult Isabel Kaprielian-ChurՄhill’s mՂgnum opus,2 then Aram AՅjՆmiՂn’s3 ՂnՅ JՂՄk AprՂmiՂn’s4 books, and then my recent article.5 This text will serve its full potential only when it is read alongside these other works. DՂniՆl OhՂniՂn, “ԴympՂthy ՂnՅ ExՄlusion: ԵhՆ MigrՂtion of ChilՅ ՂnՅ WomՆn Դurvivors of thՆ ArmՆniՂn Genocide from the Eastern Mediterranean to Canada, 1923–1930,” Genocide Studies International 11, no. 2 (2017): 197–215. 2 Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains: A History of Armenians in Canada (Montreal & Kingston: McGillԲuՆՆn’s UnivՆrsity ԱrՆss, 2005), covering the period 1887–1988. 3 Aram Adjemian, The Call from Armenia: Canada’s Response to the Armenian Genocide (Lorraine: Corridor Books, 2015), covering 1879–1923. 4 Jack Apramian, The Georgetown Boys, ed. and rev. Lorne Shirinian (Toronto: Zoryan Institute, 2009; first published 1976), covering 1922–1976. The 5 OhՂniՂn, “Sympathy and Exclusion,” ՄovՆring 1923–1930. 1 1 Missionaries in the Ottoman Empire before WWI It makes sense to begin a study of Canadian connections to Ottoman Armenians in the early nineteenth century, with an organization called the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM). Often referred to as simply the American Board, the ABCFM was a Massachusetts-based, ecclesiastically independent missionary organization with Congregational roots established in 1810.1 It was through its fieldworkers that Canadians received the most information about Ottoman Armenians.2 When the first (American) ABCFM missionaries reached Ottoman territory in January 1820, the organization was primarily interested in converting the Jews and Muslims of the Levant to Protestantism.3 Their millennialist theology, animated by a strong evangelical zeal, encouraged them to seek the conversion of Jews and Muslims as part of a larger vision of consecrating Palestine to Jesus Christ and bringing about his return to Earth. Finding little success during their early years, these missionaries soon turned their attention to the Eastern MՆՅitՆrrՂnՆՂn’s existing Christian churches, which too, they felt, would benefit from a Protestant intervention. By the middle of the nineteenth century, Armenians had become their primary targets.4 ABCFM workers and many of those writing about them have stressed that missionaries were initially careful to avoid causing a schism within the Armenian Apostolic Church (i.e., the Armenian national church).5 Rather, they are said to have encouraged reform by translating the Bible into vernacular Armenian and Armeno-Turkish (i.e., the Turkish language written in Armenian script), discouraging the excesses of Apostolic rites and rituals, and calling for a revival of thՆ ՆՂrly ՄhurՄh’s ՆvՂngՆliՄՂl spirit.6 In order to win their targets over, to refashion them in 1 Henry Otis Dwight, H. Allen Tupper, and Edwin Munsell Bliss, eds., The Encyclopedia of Missions: Descriptive, Historical, Biographical, Statistical, 2nd ed. (New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company, 1910; first published 1891), 26–28. 2 Although Canada did not exist as a country during the first decades of Armenian-Canadian contact, I use the terms Canada and Canadians throughout this document for simplicity. 3 Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions; Compiled from Documents Laid before the Board at the Eleventh Annual Meeting […] 1820 (Boston: [n.p.], 1820), 30–31. 4 Hans-Lukas Kieser, “The United States and the Near East, circa 1800” ՂnՅ “A Quest for ‘Zion’ and Peace on Earth: Mission to the Bible Lands,” in Nearest East: American Millennialism and Mission to the Middle East (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010), 15–62. EՂrly ՂnnuՂl rՆports rՆpՆՂtՆՅ rՆgulՂrly thՂt thՆ rՆgion’s ChristiՂns— especially Armenians—would prove useful gateways through which non-Christians could be reached. See, for example, Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions; Compiled from Documents Laid before the Board at the Fifth Annual Meeting […] 1814 (Boston: [n.p.], 1814), 38. Protestant missionaries thus followed the same path trod by their Catholic counterparts—Jesuit and Capuchin missionaries—during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 5 ԴuzՂnnՆ ElizՂՃՆth MorՂniՂn, “ԵhՆ AmՆriՄՂn MissionՂriՆs and the Armenian Question, 1915–1927” (ԱhD dissertation, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1994), 58–62; William Nesbitt Chambers, Yoljuluk: Random Thoughts on a Life in Imperial Turkey (London: Simpkin Marshall, 1928), 102; Dwight, Tupper, and Bliss, Encyclopedia of Missions, 755. For introductions to the rites, structure, and theology of the Armenian Apostolic ChurՄh, sՆՆ ԵirՂn NՆrsoyՂn, “ArmՆniՂn ChurՄh,” in LinՅsՂy JonՆs Նt Ղl., Encyclopedia of Religion, Second Edition (New York: Thomson Gale, 2005; first published 1987), 487–490; and Malachia Ormanian, The Church of Armenia: Her History, Doctrine, Rule, Discipline, Liturgy, Literature, and Existing Condition, trans. G. Marcar Gregory (London: A. R. Mowbray, 1912; first published in French in 1910), 97–226. 6 When ABCFM missionaries arrived, a fringe reform movement already existed among Apostolics. However, it was the moral and financial backing of these Protestants that made widescale change possible. Vahan H. Tootikian, The Armenian Evangelical Church (Detroit: Armenian Heritage Committee, 1982), 15–19, ՄitՆՅ in MorՂniՂn, “AmՆriՄՂn MissionՂriՆs,” 57–58; H. G. O. Dwight, Christianity Revived in the East; or, A Narrative of the Work of God among the Armenians of Turkey (New York: Baker and Scriber, 1850), 10–18, cited in Clifton Jackson Phillips, Protestant 2 their own image, and to mould them into examples that Muslims and Jews could emulate, the ABCFM gave the people resources that government and millet (i.e., officially recognized ethnoreligious community) leaders either could not or would not.7 These included medical clinics, hospitals, schools, colleges, churches, and orphanages and access to religious and medical education in European, American, and Canadian institutions. Suzanne Moranian has emphasized that missionaries and converts alike seemed not to have realized that their efforts at reform might come to undermine the political stability of the Armenian millet. This disruptive aspect of thՆ ABCFM’s work is illuminated by contemporaneous texts written by Apostolic and Protestant Armenians alike.8 As the social and political influence of these missionaries grew, the Apostolic clerical cadre began to view infringements upon its authority as threats both to its position of power and to the existence of the millet overall.9 An Armenian Catholic millet having been created the decade prior, Apostolic–Protestant relations soured and sometimes became violent during the 1840s, when all apostates were excommunicated.10 This catalyzed the work of the missionaries and paved the way for the creation of a Protestant millet in 1850 responsible for all ethnicities and denominations.11 With a clear foothold among Armenians, the ABCFM invested a significant portion of its resources in its Ottoman missions (see Table 1). By the eve of the First World War and the beginning of the Armenian Genocide, it boasted approximately 330 stations and outstations; 56,000 adherents; 200 foreign missionaries;12 1,200 local workers;13 150 churches; 350 Sunday schools serving 33,700 students; and 460 colleges and theological, boarding, high, and common schools frequented by 25,300 males and females of various ages. Hence, over the course of the America and the Pagan World: The First Half Century of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 1810–1860 (Cambridge: East Asian Research Center at Harvard University, 1968), 150. 7 On what millets wՆrՆ ՂnՅ how thՆy opՆrՂtՆՅ, sՆՆ MՂurits H. vՂn ՅՆn BoogՆrt, “MillՆts: ԱՂst ՂnՅ ԱrՆsՆnt,” in Religious Minorities in the Middle East: Domination, Self-Empowerment, Accommodation, ed. Anh Nga Longva and Anne Sofie Roald (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 27–45. Although Ottoman studies scholars dispelled certain myths about the provenance and insularity of these units in the Ottoman structure long ago, their revisionist work has yet to permeate into other fields. 8 Simon Payaslian, United States Policy toward the Armenian Question and the Armenian Genocide (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); Controversy between the Missionaries of the American Board and the Evangelical Armenian Churches in Turkey (NՆw York: ArmՆniՂn Young MՆn’s ChristiՂn AssoՄiՂtion, 1882); American Missionaries and the Armenian Protestant Community ([n.p.]: [n.p.], [1869 or later]); . [MՂnuk G. ChizmēՄhՆՂn], Պ , 1890–1925 [History of the Armenian-American political parties, 1890–1925] (Fresno: « », 1930), 1–136, 535–562; Armayis P. Vartooguian, Armenia’s Ordeal: A Sketch of the Main Features of the History of Armenia; An Inside Account of the Work of American Missionaries among Armenians, and Its Ruinous Effect; and a General Review of the Armenian Question, 2nd ed. (New York: [n.p.], 1896); Օ ԼMՂghՂkʿiՂ ŌrmՂnՆՂn], .Հ [National history: the events of the Armenian Orthodox Church narrated from the beginning until our days within their related national contexts], vol. 3 (Jerusalem: Տ Ս , 1927), § 2541–2543, 2589–2590, 2636, 2722. 9 MorՂniՂn, “AmՆriՄՂn MissionՂriՆs,” 63. 10 HՂgop BՂrsoumiՂn, “ԵhՆ EՂstՆrn ԲuՆstion ՂnՅ thՆ ԵՂnzimՂt ErՂ,” in The Armenian People from Ancient to Modern Times, vol. 2, Foreign Domination to Statehood: The Fifteenth Century to the Twentieth Century, ed. Richard G. Hovannisian (New York: Դt MՂrtin’s ԱrՆss, 1997), 175–201, 186–187; MorՂniՂn, “AmՆriՄՂn MissionՂriՆs,” 67. 11 Kaiser, Nearest East, 47–48. Missionaries published accounts of anti-Protestant persecutions at the hands of the Apostolic clergy during this period. Mention of these events seems to have disappeared by the 1890s, when calls for humanitarian aid became prominent. Dwight, Tupper, and Bliss, Encyclopedia of Missions, 218. 12 By thՆ ABCFM’s ՅՆfinition, missionaries included lay- and ordained men, physicians, nurses, wives, and unmarried women. In this paper, missionary refers to any of these who were working under the auspices of a religious organization. 13 That is, lay and ordained preachers, teachers, and other helpers from among the Ottoman population. 3 nineteenth century and into the twentieth, close relations developed between Armenians and missionaries, some of whom remained in the field for decades. Some became recognized members of communities and formed strong friendships with locals.14 These social bonds were an important element of what galvanized many missionaries to put pressure on their fellow Westerners to send aid during times of crisis. Table 1. ABCFM involvement in the Ottoman Empire compared to missions internationally, 1912–191315 Ottoman Empire worldwide percentage Ottoman adherents 56,163 193,742 29% stations and outstations 328 1,542 21% 16 foreign missionaries 195 615 32% local workers17 1,270 4,999 25% churches 153 629 24% Sunday schools 349 1,269 28% Sunday school students 33,701 74,100 45% 18 other schools 462 1,505 31% other school students 25,268 78,953 32% local donations $148,596 $306,896 48% The first Canadian missionary in Ottoman territory seems to have been William Wallace Livingston, an ABCFM Congregationalist who left for the empire in 1860.19 Over the next 60 years, he was followed by more than 50 Canadian Congregationalists and Presbyterians, threequarters of whom were affiliated with the ABCFM.20 Owing to their connections with specific 14 For examples of close relations, see R. Yeghiazaryan, Armenians in England: The History, Up to 20-ies of the XXth Century (Yerevan: Yason Printing House, 2014), 99 (an Armenian missionary who married Ղ British womՂn); “ԳosՆ B. MacLՂՄhlՂn,” DigitՂl LiՃrՂry for International Research Archive, click for link (a Canadian missionary couple who took in ArmՆniՂn orphՂns); DՂniՆl OhՂniՂn, “Canadians in the Ottoman Empire through 1923,” AՄՂՅՆmiՂ.ՆՅu, click for link (Ղ CՂnՂՅiՂn nursՆ who ՂՅoptՆՅ Ղn ArmՆniՂn orphՂn); DՂniՆl OhՂniՂn, “Armenian Refugee Orphans and Maids in Canada, 1923–1930,” AՄՂՅՆmiՂ.ՆՅu, click for link (a Canadian nurse who adopted an Armenian orphan); Joan George, Merchants to Magnates, Intrigue and Survival: Armenians in London, 1900–2000 (London: Tadros Press, 2009), 77, 88 (two British pastors who adopted Armenian boys); Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 312 (missionՂriՆs who ՄontinuՆՅ thՆir friՆnՅships with ArmՆniՂns in CՂnՂՅՂ); ՂnՅ HՂrolՅ J. NՂhՂՃՆՅiՂn, “A BriՆf Look at Relations between Canadians and Armenians, 1896–1920,” in “ArmՆniՂns in OntՂrio,” ՆՅ. IsՂՃՆl KՂpriՆliՂn, special issue, Polyphony: The Bulletin of the Multicultural History Society of Ontario 4, no. 1 (1982): 28–34, 30 (missionaries who continued their friendships with Armenians in Canada). For examples of the opposite—pejorative attitudes and the limitations that were placed upon social intimacy—see Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill, Sisters of Mercy and Survival: Armenian Nurses, 1900–1930 (Antelias: Printing House of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, 2012), 6–8, 72, 106, 117–118, 150, 326n374; and my note 8 above. 15 AՅՂptՆՅ from “ԵՂՃulՂr ViՆw of thՆ ABCFM for thՆ YՆՂr 1912–1913,” Missionary Herald (Boston, USA), January 1914, 18. 16 By thՆ ABCFM’s ՅՆfinition, missionaries included lay- and ordained men, physicians, nurses, wives, and unmarried women. 17 That is, lay and ordained preachers, teachers, and other helpers from among the local population. 18 That is, colleges and theological, boarding, high, and common schools. 19 OhՂniՂn, “CՂnՂՅiՂns in the Ottoman Empire.” For Ղ ՄomprՆhՆnsivՆ ovՆrviՆw of gloՃՂl Protestant missionary history that includes Canadian involvement, see J. S. Ross, The First Hundred Years of Modern Missions, 2nd rev. ed. (Toronto: William Briggs and Montreal: C. W. Coates and Halifax: S. F. Huestis, 1898; first published 1893). 20 OhaniՂn, “CՂnՂՅiՂns in the Ottoman Empire.” 4 parishes,21 organizations, and individuals, and due to Canadian preferences for publicizing the work of their own missionaries over those from other countries, these men and women played important roles in influencing how much those at home heard about Armenians, connected with their plight, and reacted to their needs. During the 1890s, the ABCFM was the chief handler of Western aid to Armenians, and, during the 1910s, it was instrumental in the creation of the American organization Near East Relief (NER).22 The Canada Foreign Missionary Society23 ՂnՅ thՆ LՂՅiՆs’ MissionՂry AssoՄiՂtion of Իion Church (which were affiliated with each other) became involved with the Ottoman Empire even ՃՆforՆ Livingston’s ՅՆpՂrturՆ. Their 1858–1862 annual reports show that, for a few years, they considered the empire among the worlՅ’s three most important mission fields. Their strategy was to fund preachers employed by other organizations, such as the ABCFM, instead of sending people directly from Canada. They operated this way for a few years until 1862, when funding to the empire was cut off due to a lack of transparency on the part of those working there.24 21 Dwight, Tupper, and Bliss, Encyclopedia of Missions, 712–713. Payaslian, United States Policy, 89–90; Keith David Watenpaugh, Bread from Stones: The Middle East and the Making of Modern Humanitarianism (Oakland: University of California Press, 2015). For lists of tens of thousands of orphans who were helped by NER, see [HՂyՂstՂni hՂnrՂpՆtutʿyՂn viՄhՂkՂgrՂkՂn vՂrՄhʿutʿyun], “ , 1901–1927” ԼAmՆriՄՂn rՆliՆf for NՆՂr EՂstՆrn ՄountriՆs, 1901–1927] (Salt Lake City: Genealogical Society of Utah, 2000), click for link. 23 This non-denominational body wՂs ՆstՂՃlishՆՅ in 1854. CՂthՆrinՆ L. AlՃՂnՆsՆ, “ChristiՂnity: ChristiՂnity in North AmՆriՄՂ,” in JonՆs Նt Ղl., Encyclopedia of Religion, 1708–1717, 1709. 24 The First Annual Report of the Canada Foreign Missionary Society, 1858 […] (Montreal: John Loyell, 1859), 16, 24, and elsewhere; The Second Annual Report of the Canada Foreign Missionary Society, 1859 […] (Montreal: John Loyell, 1860), 13–14, 27, and elsewhere; The Third Annual Report of the Canada Foreign Missionary Society, 1860 […] (Montreal: John Loyell, 1861), 17–19, 22–23; The Fourth Annual Report of the Canada Foreign Missionary Society, 1861 […] (Montreal: John Loyell, 1862), 21, 24–25; The Fifth Annual Report of the Canada Foreign Missionary Society, 1862 […] (Montreal: John Loyell, 1863), 11. 22 5 Missionaries and Relief Workers during and after WWI Being part of the British Empire, Canada entered WWI as an adversary of the Ottoman Empire in November 1914. The Armenian Genocide began during the war. Being citizens of a rival state, many Canadian missionaries left the empire during the war, but others remained. Rev. Ira William Pierce and Georgina Pierce (née Ross), for example, spent a few months in central Anatolia then relocated to Beirut. Others continued their work in Greece, the South Caucasus, and elsewhere. Rev. Alexander MacLachlan and Rose H. MacLachlan (née Blackler) were among the few who spent the entire pՆrioՅ “in thՆ ՅՂngՆr zonՆ,” ՂՅministՆring ՂiՅ ՂnՅ grՂnting rՆfugՆ to deportees.1 1 OhՂniՂn, “CՂnՂՅiՂns in the Ottoman Empire.” 6 Books and Periodicals as Sources of Knowledge and Proponents of Sympathy Printed material—rather than public presentations or first-hand contact1—represented the chief medium through which Canadians received information about the Ottoman Empire and its Armenian population. An early and likely influential text was DՂviՅ ԱՂՆ’s 1853 treatise about the Second Coming of Jesus Christ, which foretold the looming collapse of the Ottoman Empire. More than 150,000 copies were sold in Britain alone, and it was published in Montreal and Toronto as well.2 A text that dealt with Armenians directly was The Sword of Islam, or Suffering Armenia: Annals of Turkish Power and the Eastern Question. This 450-page oeuvre was produced in late 1896 Ճy onՆ of CՂnՂՅՂ’s most prolifiՄ writՆrs, John CՂstՆll Hopkins.3 It included a foreword by Right Rev. Dr. Arthur Sweatman, the Anglican bishop of Toronto and a future primate of Canada. In his foreword, Sweatman claimed that Armenians had stubbornly opted for martyrdom over apostasy throughout a millennium of foreign oppression.4 “ԵhՆ strongՆst plՆՂ in thՆ ՂppՆՂl whiՄh thՆ suffՆrings of thՆsՆ poor pՆoplՆ mՂkՆ upon our sympՂthiՆs,” hՆ wrotՆ, “is thՂt of Ղ Մommon ChristiՂnity.”5 Hopkins identified the Armenian Apostolic Church as one that was ancient and located in a place of great BiՃliՄՂl signifiՄՂnՄՆ. HՆ hՆlՅ thՂt IslՂm’s ՄlosՆ ՂssoՄiՂtion with Ottoman despotism6 had engendered that rՆligion’s degeneration into a belief system that For lՆՂՅs, sՆՆ “ԲuՆՆn’s UnivՆrsity,” Globe, 4 December 1909, 8; event announcement, Globe, 9 October 1916, 2; Canadian Baptist (Toronto, Canada), 1 March 1923, 9; and files 30 and 51, 83.052C, subseries 2, series 2, Board of Evangelism and Social Service (BESS) Fonds, United Church of Canada Archives (UCCA), Toronto. 2 [David Pae], The Coming Struggle among the Nations of the Earth: or, The Political Events of the Next Fifteen Years, described in Accordance with Prophecies in Ezekiel, Daniel, and the Apocalypse, showing also the Important Position Britain Will Occupy during and at the End of the Awful Conflict (Toronto: Thomas Maclear and Montreal: R. and A. Miller, 1853); Eric MiՄhՂՆl ԳՆisՆnՂuՆr, “‘ԵiՅings Out of thՆ EՂst’: WorlՅ WՂr I, thՆ EՂstՆrn ԲuՆstion ՂnՅ British MillՆnniՂlism,” in End of Days: Essays on the Apocalypse from Antiquity to Modernity, ed. Karolyn Kinane and Michael A. Ryan (Jefferson: McFarland, 2009), 142–172, 145. 3 John Castell Hopkins, The Sword of Islam, or Suffering Armenia: Annals of Turkish Power and the Eastern Question (Brantford and Toronto: Bradley-Garretson, 1896). 4 This was a common trope propagated by missionaries and supporters of relief campaigns. For literature on the opposite during c. 1670–c. 1920—mass conversions of Armenians to Catholicism and Islam—see [GՂՃriēl AyvՂzՆՂn], Ն Հ Լ ԼBishop Nikol ՂnՅ thՆ history of thՆ ՄonvՆrsion of ԱolՂnՅ’s ArmՆniՂns to CՂtholiՄism] (Vagharshapat: Տ Ս Է , 1877); [ (KՂrՂpՆt EzՆՂntsʿ), ed.,] Հ Լ Ե Հ . Ժ [The forced inՄorporՂtion of ԱolՂnՅ’s ArmՆniՂns into thՆ ԳomՂn ChurՄh: ContՆmporՂnՆous ՂՄՄounts] (Դt. ԱՆtՆrsՃurg: Տ . . , 1884); Krikor MՂksouՅiՂn, “ArmՆniՂn CommunitiՆs in EՂstՆrn EuropՆ,” in The Armenian People from Ancient to Modern Times, vol. 2, Foreign Domination to Statehood: The Fifteenth Century to the Twentieth Century, ՆՅ. ԳiՄhՂrՅ G. HovՂnnisiՂn (NՆw York: Դt MՂrtin’s ԱrՆss, 1997), 51–79, 62–69; Hovann H. ԴimoniՂn, “HՆmshin from IslՂmiՄizՂtion to thՆ EnՅ of thՆ NinՆtՆՆnth CՆntury,” in The Hemshin: History, Society and Identity in the Highlands of Northeastern Turkey, ed. Hovann H. Simonian (London: Routledge, 2007), 52–99; Selim Deringil, Conversion and Apostasy in the Late Ottoman Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); and ԵՂnՆr AkհՂm, “AssimilՂtion: ԵhՆ ConvՆrsion ՂnՅ ForՄՆՅ MՂrriՂgՆ of ChristiՂn ChilՅrՆn,” in The Young Turks’ Crime against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 287–339. 5 Sweatman, foreword to Hopkins, Sword of Islam, 16. 6 On the provenance of this other common trope, see Bryan S. Turner, Marx and the End of Orientalism, repr. ed. (New York: Routledge, 2014; first published 1978); Suraiya Faroqhi, Approaching Ottoman History: An Introduction to the Sources (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004; first published 1999), 15–16; and Donald Quataert, The Ottoman Empire, 1700–1922, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005; first published 2000), 7– 11. 1 7 promoted barbarism and a strong hՂtrՆՅ of ChristiՂns. HՆ ՅՆՄriՆՅ BritՂin’s ՃuttrՆssing of OttomՂn power over the preceding 200 years while commending the pro-Armenian, anti-Ottoman work of well-known British figures like Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone and poet-adventurer Lord Byron.7 Hopkins’s ՄorՆ ՂrgumՆnt wՂs ultimՂtՆly Ղn impՆriՂl onՆ: thՂt, in the name of international Christian solidarity, Britain and the United States should forge an Anglo-Saxon ՂlliՂnՄՆ thՂt woulՅ ՅrivՆ “thՆ Եurks”8 out of Constantinople, limit Russian encroachment into the Balkans, facilitate the expansion of the British Empire, and safeguard American influence over South America. The first step in the creation of this partnership could be cooperation for the sake of the Armenians. The ultimate objective would be to “givՆ to Ղll English-speaking people an alliance so strong as to compel external peace, and so great as to help their own mutual prospՆrity.”9 Insofar as periodicals are concerned, the Missionary Herald and the Globe were likely the most influential publications by virtue of their wide readership. The Herald was the organ of the ABCFM, in circulation since before the first American missionaries arrived in the Ottoman Empire.10 Publishing several hundred pages of content each year,11 it proviՅՆՅ rՆՂՅՆrs with Ղ wՆՂlth of informՂtion on missionՂriՆs’ trՂvՆls, their everyday experiences, and ethnographic research. It carried notices about missionaries entering and leaving the field, and it broadcast firsthand reports to those outside. While the Herald has not been studied for what Canadian connections it reveals, a secular newspaper—the Globe, a major daily published in Toronto—has been studied extensively. This newspaper serves as a good example of the interconnectedness of the social gospel—a phenomenon closely associated with the increased evangelical fervour that popularized missionary work in Canada and the United States—and Canadian imperialism. The Globe was a proponent of Armenian relief work for 50 years, from 1879 until c. 1930. In his unpublished history of the Globe, Melvin Ormond Hammond has explained that a “strong ՄoՅՆ of unity ՂnՅ Մontinuity through thՆ ninՆty yՆՂrs of ԵhՆ GloՃՆ has been preserved through its Presidents, bound so closely by blood and personal intimacy. Their headship has ՅominՂtՆՅ poliՄiՆs ՂnՅ ՂssurՆՅ thՆ ՆnՅurՂnՄՆ of prinՄiplՆs.”12 Considering the probable changes in reporters and editors during 1879–c. 1930, it is most likely that responsibility for the nՆwspՂpՆr’s ՄonsistՆnt participation in Armenian relief campaigns rested with the owners, although the authorship of pro-relief articles likely belonged to several editors or writers.13 Credit, 7 The literature on British-Ottoman relations is immense. For a little-known text that contains worthwhile material, see Yeghiazaryan, Armenians in England. 8 By Turks, Hopkins meant Muslims. On the imprecision of the term Turk during this period, see Quataert, Ottoman Empire, 2. 9 Hopkins, Sword of Islam, 447. 10 It began publication at some point between 1805 and 1821. 11 In 1820, it averaged 24 pages per monthly issue. By 1914, that number had doubled to 50. 12 M. O. HՂmmonՅ, “NinՆty YՆՂrs of thՆ GloՃՆ,” 324 (unpuՃlishՆՅ mՂnusՄript, Լ1934?]), filՆ 10, Ճox 2, F 1075-3, M. O. Hammond Fonds, Archives of Ontario (AO). 13 In 1920, the Call from Armenia articles were written anonymously by evangelical pastor Oswald Jeffrey Smith. In 1931, Smith published a fictional story that featured a Torontonian missionary and an Armenian refugee as its protagonists. Oswald J. Smith, At the Hands of the Turks (Եoronto: ChristiՂn Outlook, 1931); OswՂlՅ J. Դmith, “At thՆ HՂnՅs of thՆ Եurks,” in Oswald Smith’s Short Stories (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1943), 117– 163. Դmith’s Ղuthorship of thՆ Globe articles was confirmed through a conversation between him and historian Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill during the 1980s. Isabel Kaprielian-Churchill, email to Daniel Ohanian, 14 January 2014. Cf. Isabel Kaprielian-ChurՄhill, “Armenian Refugees and Their Entry into Canada, 1919–1930,” Canadian Historical Review 71, no. 1 (1990): 80–108, 80n1. 8 then, is likely due to Robert and William Gladstone Jaffray, the father-and-son owners during 1883/1888–1914 and 1914–1930, respectively.14 William was a proponent of strong imperial ties with Britain and, usually, of restricting non-British immigration. His commitment to the social gospel was exhibited in his decision to turn the Globe into thՆ Մountry’s first sՆՄulՂr newspaper to regularly cover religious topics and his refusal to grant advertising space to alcohol and cigarettes.15 The editors hired by the Jaffrays would likely have shared their ideals. Their decision to feature relief campaigns so prominently could therefore be attributed to altruism, good business sense, or both. Regardless, the Globe was integral to the popularization of pro-Armenian thinking in Canada. Knowingly or unknowingly, missionaries developed a symbiotic relationship with the press. Transatlantic missionary–cum–news-sharing networks seem to have become especially active during periods of crisis, making Armenians more familiar to Canadian readers. The frequency with which periodicals in Canada covered anti-Armenian violence and encouraged readers to help refugees cannot be simplified by pointing to one or two factors. Religious solidary, Canadian imperialism, and wartime censorship and propaganda16 have been explored well in the literature; good business sense, on the other hand, has not received sufficient attention. These factors—and perhaps others—were deeply interconnected. In at least one instance, there is evidence of a publisher-editor in Halifax soliciting material from a missionary in return for a donation.17 Accounts of violence and barbarism were likely good for enticing readers and selling newspapers. And heroism and martyrdom were themes that ecclesiastics could celebrate as tales of virtue and Christian sacrifice. Many readers likely saw the power of the Gospel at work among martyred Armenians, who, by their ՅՆՂth, wՆrՆ ՅՆmonstrՂting thՆ powՆr of “truՆ ChristiՂnity.” ChurՄhՆs, in turn, wՆrՆ ՂՃlՆ to ՄՂll ՂttՆntion to ՂnՅ rՂisՆ thՆ profilՆs of thՆir own mission workers, while fundraising drives served to maintain the moral and financial engagement of parishioners.18 According to Mark Noll, there was Ղn “unprՆՄՆՅՆntՆՅ,” ՄՆntury-long expansion in religious interest across North America before 1914.19 “By 1900, up to hՂlf of Եoronto’s populՂtion wՂs in ՄhurՄh ՆvՆry ԴunՅՂy, ՂnՅ OntՂrio’s smՂllՆr towns ՂnՅ rurՂl ՂrՆՂs often witnՆssՆՅ ՆvՆn morՆ fՂithful rՆligious prՂՄtiՄՆ.”20 The proponents of Armenian relief were often part of this upsurge, and they relied on it for the success of their campaigns. After the war, the notion that the Allies owed a wartime debt to the Armenians became a common trope. It was partly an updated take on the earlier argument that Britain had forsaken its 14 Robert became part owner in 1883 and full owner in 1888. Allan Levin, Scrum Wars: The Prime Ministers and the Media (Toronto: Dundurn, 1996), 42, 175; HՂmmonՅ, “NinՆty YՆՂrs of thՆ GloՃՆ,” 325. 15 HՂmmonՅ, “NinՆty YՆՂrs of thՆ GloՃՆ,” 329–331; Levin, Scrum Wars, 142–144. 16 JoՄՆlinՆ ChՂՃot, ԳiՄhՂrՅ GoՅin, ՂnՅ ԴylviՂ KՂspՂriՂn, “Extreme Violence and Massacres during the First World War: A Comparative Study of the Armenian Genocide and German Atrocities in the Canadian Press, 1914–1919,” in Mass Media and the Genocide of the Armenians: One Hundred Years of Uncertain Representation, ed. Joceline Chabot et al. (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 180–205. 17 AnՅriՂ Hill, “MՆmoirs of Ղ MՂssՂՄrՆ,” The Beaver: Canada’s History Magazine, February–March 2010, 24–29, 29. 18 In the US, congregations were often financially responsible for specific missionaries. The case may have been the same in Canada, forging a more immediate connection between churchgoers and fieldworkers. Dwight, Tupper, and Bliss, Encyclopedia of Missions, 712–713. 19 MՂrk A. Noll, “‘ChristiՂn AmՆriՄՂ’ ՂnՅ ‘ChristiՂn CՂnՂՅՂ,’” in The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 8, World Christianities c. 1815–c. 1914, ed. Sheridan Gilley and Brian Stanley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 359–380, 359. 20 Noll, “ChristiՂn AmՆriՄՂ,” 376. 9 legal obligation to protect the victims of the Hamidian Massacres.21 In fact, while it was certainly not true that Canada had joined the war for the sake of the Armenians, there was an element of accuracy in that roughly 200,00022 Russian and emigrant Ottoman Armenians had fought with the Allies—most notՂՃly in thՆ FrՆnՄh Lձgion Յ’OriՆnt ՂnՅ in the Russian army—as well as in resistance groups within Ottoman borders. These men had been motivated by a short-term desire to protect and avenge fellow Armenians and, in the longer term, to win Allied support for the establishment of an independent country. Also after the war, in 1922, the Toronto Daily Star’s articles about the Greco-Turkish War and about the postwar peace conference in Lausanne, France, were written by American novelist Ernest Hemingway.23 21 This argument was predicated on article 61 of the Treaty between Great Britain, Germany, Austria, France, Italy, Russia, and Turkey for the Settlement of Affairs in the East (commonly known as the Treaty of Berlin), which stated, “ԵhՆ ԴuՃlimՆ ԱortՆ unՅՆrtՂkՆs to ՄՂrry out, without furthՆr ՅՆlՂy, thՆ improvՆmՆnts ՂnՅ rՆforms ՅՆmՂnՅՆՅ Ճy loՄՂl requirements in the provinces inhabited by the Armenians, and to guarantee their security against the Circassians and Kurds. It will periodically make known the steps taken to this effect to the Powers, who will superintend their ՂppliՄՂtion.” “ԵrՆՂty ՃՆtwՆՆn GrՆՂt BritՂin, GՆrmՂny, AustriՂ, FrՂnՄՆ, ItՂly, ԳussiՂ, ՂnՅ ԵurkՆy for thՆ ԴՆttlՆmՆnt of Affairs in the East: Signed at Berlin, July 13, 1878,” in “OffiՄiՂl DoՄumՆnts,” supplՆmՆnt, American Journal of International Law 2, no. 4 (1908): 401–424, 422. 22 It is not clear to me what the origin of this oft-repeated number is or how accurate it is. For leads, see Taner Akçam, “AnՂtomy of Ղ CrimՆ: ԵhՆ Եurkish HistoriՄՂl ԴoՄiՆty’s MՂnipulՂtion of ArՄhivՂl DoՄumՆnts,” Journal of Genocide Research 7, no. 2 (2005): 255–277, 273; DikrՂn KՂligiՂn, “AnՂtomy of DՆniՂl: MՂnipulՂting ԴourՄՆs ՂnՅ MՂnufՂՄturing Ղ ԳՆՃՆllion,” Genocide Studies International 8, no. 2 (2014): 208–223; Susan Pattie, ed., The Armenian Legionnaires: Sacrifice and Betrayal in World War I (London: I. B. Tauris, forthcoming); Varak KՆtsՆmՂniՂn, “ԵhՆ LՆgՂՄy of thՆ ArmՆniՂn LՆgion,” Armenian Weekly, 10 March 2014, click for link; C. A. Macartney, Refugees: The Work of the League ([London]: League of Nations Union, [1931?]), 48–50, 58; and Herbert Adams Gibbon, Armenia in the World War ([New York?]: [n.p.], [1926]), 22. At least 150 Armenians enlisted in the war as Canadians. Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 150. 23 MiՄhՂՆl ԳՆynolՅs, “ErnՆst HՆmingwՂy, 1899–1961: A BriՆf BiogrՂphy,” in A Historical Guide to Ernest Hemingway, ed. Linda Wagner-Martin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 15–50, 24–25. 10 Armenians in Canada and Armenian Relief Campaigns The first fundraising campaigns for Armenians were a response not to massacre but to a particularly catastrophic famine that took place around 1880.1 Afterward, relief to the victims of mass violence became the focus. During the 1890s, among the many who publicly supported Armenian relief campaigns were Anglicans (the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Metropolitan of the Church of England in Canada, and the Bishop of Nova Scotia), Presbyterians (William Caven, principal of Knox College [now part of the University of Toronto], Agnes Maule Machar, prolific author and social reformer, and John Wilson Bengough, cartoonist and founding editor of the satirical Grip magazine), and Evangelicals (the Toronto and Montreal branches of the Evangelical Alliance).2 In concert with these influential bodies and individuals, parishes, organizations, newspapers, and regular people participated in relief campaigns by making donations. A fundraising committee was formed in Toronto and was led by Walter Bayne Geikie, the Presbyterian dean of medicine at Trinity College; Theodore Harding Rand, a former chancellor of the Baptist McMaster University; Newman Wright Hoyles, an evangelical Anglican and principal of Osgoode Hall Law School; and others.3 It worked in conjunction with affiliated chapters in Montreal, the Maritime provinces, and the Northwest.4 Contributions ranging from $0.25 to hundreds of dollars were made in the names of private individuals, Protestant churches of various denominations, Sunday schools, chapters of the Imperial Order of thՆ DՂughtՆrs of thՆ EmpirՆ (IODE) ՂnՅ Young MՆn’s ChristiՂn AssoՄiՂtion (YMCA), and so on. In 1909, a bout of fundraising took place in response to the Cilicia (or Adana) Massacres. Donations totalling $6,000 were listed in the Globe.5 This campaign was endorsed by Holy Blossom ԵՆmplՆ’s ԳՂՃՃi Դolomon JՂՄoՃs, thՆ Ottawa Citizen, and the mayor of Ottawa. It was led in part by Paul Courian (Պ ),6 a Protestant Armenian-Torontonian merchant from Istanbul (Constantinople), and Donald Alexander Cameron, a Canadian Bank of Commerce inspector and, later, Toronto branch manager.7 Both men continued their involvement with Armenian relief for the next 20 years and helped to secure the entry of child refugees starting in 1 ըzgՆ ErtՆm, “ConsiՅՆring FՂminՆ in thՆ LՂtՆ NinՆtՆՆnth CՆntury OttomՂn EmpirՆ: A CompՂrՂtivՆ FrՂmՆwork ՂnՅ OvՆrviՆw,” in “The Enormous Failure of Nature”: Famine and Society in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Andrew G. Newby (Helsinki: Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies, 2017), 151–172; VՂzkՆn KhՂtՄhig DՂviՅiՂn, “ImՂgining OttomՂn ArmՆniՂ: ԳՆՂlism ՂnՅ AllՆgory in GՂrՂՃՆՅ NiՄhՂniՂn’s Provincial Wedding in Moush and Late Ottoman Art CritiՄism,” Études arméniennes contemporaines 6 (2015): 155–244, 184–190. 2 Hopkins, Sword of Islam, 415–418; BriՂn J. FrՂsՆr, “CՂvՆn, WilliՂm,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 13 (University of Toronto/Université Laval, 1994), click for link; Գuth Compton BrouwՆr, “MՂՄhՂr, AgnՆs MՂulՆ,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 15 (University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2005), click for link; Ramsay Cook, “BՆngough, John Wilson,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 15, click for link. 3 Hopkins, Sword of Islam, 415–418; Allan Hally, Dean Geikie: An Outline (Aurora: Aurora and District Historical ԴoՄiՆty, 1995); MՂrgՂrՆt ConrՂՅ, “ԳՂnՅ, ԵhՆoՅorՆ HՂrՅing,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 12 (University of Toronto/Université Laval, 1990), click for link; ChristophՆr MoorՆ, “HoylՆs, NՆwmՂn Wright,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 15, click for link. 4 Hopkins, Sword of Islam, 413. 5 “For thՆ AՅՂnՂ ChristiՂns,” Globe, 23 September 1909, 8. 6 See Paul Courian textual records, sub-series F 1405-63-21, Multicultural History Society of Ontario (MHSO) Fonds, AO, click for link; and Paul Courian photographs, sub-series F 1405-2-29, MHSO Fonds, click for link. 7 “WomՆn Ղt HՂrni Living on GrՂss,” Globe, 6 May 1909, 1; Stephen A. ԴpՆismՂn, “JՂՄoՃs, Դolomon,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 14, click for link; “For thՆ AՅՂnՂ ChristiՂns,” Globe; Might Directories, comp., The Toronto City Directory, vol. 34, 1909 (Toronto: Might Directories, 1909), 435; Might Directories, comp., The Toronto City Directory, vol. 46, 1921 (Toronto: Might Directories, 1921), 633. 11 1923. Among those who would join them later was CouriՂn’s wealthy and well-connected brotherin-law Levon Babayan ( Պ ).8 Even before the genocide, a number of proposals were made for the humanitarian relocation of Armenian agriculturalists to Canada. None came to fruition. At least three were put forth by ABCFM missionary Rev. Robert Chambers.9 His idea, rՆՄorՅՆՅ in Ղn 1896 lՆttՆr Ճut first proposՆՅ “somՆ yՆՂrs” prՆviously, wՂs to ՄrՆՂtՆ sՆttlՆmՆnts of fՂrmՆrs in British ColumՃiՂ ՂnՅ ՄՆntrՂl ԴՂskՂtՄhՆwՂn, Ղn ՆnՅՆՂvour hՆ ՃՆliՆvՆՅ “would result in grՆՂt mutuՂl ՃՆnՆfit ՂnՅ ՃlՆssing” for Ճoth thՆ migrՂnts ՂnՅ thՆir ՂՅoptivՆ Մountry. 10 Had it not been for the election of a new government—that of Wilfrid Laurier as prime minister and Clifford Sifton as minister of the interior—it appears that immigration officials would have accepted this suggestion.11 InstՆՂՅ, ՂftՆr noting thՂt ChՂmՃՆrs’s lՆttՆr hՂՅ proviՅՆՅ no informՂtion on thՆ potential migrants themselves—British officials had only forwarded an excerpt of his original text to their counterparts in Canada—the Canadian Privy Council responded that it would not allocate funds for the initiative and that, shoulՅ thՆy migrՂtՆ, thՆ ArmՆniՂns must not ՃՆՄomՆ “Ղ ՃurՅՆn on thՆ Մommunity.” ԵhՆy ՄonՄluՅՆՅ with rՆfՆrՆnՄՆ to Դifton’s “grՂvՆ ՅouՃts” ՂՃout ArmՆniՂns’ ՂՃility to ՂՅՂpt, ՄonsiՅՆring thՆ ՅiffՆrՆnՄՆs in “ՄlimՂtՆ ՂnՅ ՄonՅitions of lifՆ” ՃՆtwՆՆn Canada and Anatolia.12 The same year, in 1896, the House of Commons passed a symbolic motion ՆxprՆssing hopՆ thՂt “thՆ ChristiՂn powՆrs, inՄluՅing thՆ UnitՆՅ ԴtՂtՆs of AmՆriՄՂ,” woulՅ somehow improve the situation of Ottoman Christians. It was introduced by John Charlton, Liberal Member of Parliament rՆprՆsՆnting thՆ ChՂmՃՆrs fՂmily’s riՅing of North Norfolk, Ontario. It was seconded by Charles Tupper—an architect of CanadՂ’s independence—and had the support of Prime Minister Mackenzie Bowell.13 Chambers tried to make the case for a humanitarian immigration project once more in 1904, but he was again met with failure.14 Two efforts along the same lines took place in 1905. In the first, the British consul in Batumi in the South Caucasus proposed that 30,000 families of Ottoman Armenians employed as tobacco planters in Russia be settled in Canada, as they were expecting to be expelled within the next six months. WhՆn thՆ plՂn wՂs rՆjՆՄtՆՅ, thՆ only ՂnswՆr givՆn wՂs thՂt “it [was] not deemed ՂՅvisՂՃlՆ … to offer any special inducement for … thՆ ՄlՂss of sՆttlՆrs rՆfՆrrՆՅ to.”15 Deputy Minister of the Interior William Scott gave a much clearer explanation several wՆՆks lՂtՆr: “From my knowlՆՅgՆ of thՆsՆ pՆoplՆ I Յo not think wՆ wՂnt thՆm in CՂnՂՅՂ.”16 Kaprielian-ChurՄhill, “ArmՆniՂn ԳՆfugՆՆs,” 83, 103. See Levon and Perouz Babayan textual records, sub-series F 1405-63-12, MHSO Fonds, click for link; Babayan family photographs, sub-series F 1405-2-12, MHSO Fonds, click for link; and [Eruand Mesiaean], Լ Պ . [Levon Babayan: his life and work] (New York: « »Տ , 1941). 9 OhՂniՂn, “CՂnadians in the Ottoman Empire.” 10 Robert Chambers, letter to British ambassador in Constantinople P. Currie, 28 January 1896, Armenian Colony in Canada, Order-in-Council 1896-1383 J, series A-1-a, RG 2, Privy Council Office Fonds, Library and Archives Canada (LAC). 11 Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 53–54. 12 PC 1896-1383 J, Armenian Colony in Canada, Order-in-Council 1896-1383 J. 13 Official Report of Debates of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada: Sixth Session—Seventh Parliament—59 Victoria, 1896 (Ottawa: S. E. Dawson, 1896), col. 6593. 14 Kaprielian-Churchill, Like Our Mountains, 54. 15 PC 1905-0384 M, Armenian Tobacco Planters to Settle in Canada, Order-in-Council 1905-0384 M, series A-1-a, RG 2, Privy Council Office Fonds. 16 Ministry of the Interior, communication to the undersecretary of state in the Colonial office, 27 March 1905, 1/96, file C, vol. 141, A 2, RG 25, LAC, quoted in Kaprielian-ChurՄhill, “ArmՆniՂn ԳՆfugՆՆs,” 95–96. 8 12 During the 1910s and 1920s, immigration officials received many written and in-person appeals from churches, associations, and individuals (Canadians of Armenian and non-Armenian descent) seeking permission for the entry of specific people, looking to secure quotas, or simply expressing their support for Armenian refugee immigration. The department of immigration’s reactions to these requests were mixed. In April 1920, for example, Secretary of Immigration and Colonization Frederick Charles Blair expressed to his ՅՆputy ministՆr thՂt it wՂs “Ղlmost inhumՂn” to rՆjՆՄt ՂppliՄՂtions from AssyriՂns ՂnՅ ArmՆniՂns who ՅiՅ not hՂvՆ thՆ rՆquirՆՅ $250, ՄonsiՅՆring “whՂt thՆsՆ pՆoplՆ hՂvՆ gonՆ through Ղt thՆ hՂnՅs of thՆ Եurks.”17 Two months later, two girls of 10 and 12 years of ՂgՆ rՆjՆՄtՆՅ Ճy thՆ UnitՆՅ ԴtՂtՆs wՆrՆ ՂllowՆՅ in “Ղs Ղ mՂttՆr of grՂՄՆ” and with the help of the Armenian Relief Fund of Canada (ARAC).18 One year later, the same compassion was not shown to 11 Armenians stuck in Marseilles.19 There were also applications for large groups. A July 1920 request to admit 25,000–500,000 (sic) refugees and a tentative January 1921 inquiry from the ARAC about accepting an unspecified number of orphans wՆrՆ ՅՆniՆՅ ՃՆՄՂusՆ thՆ ՅՆpՂrtmՆnt ՄoulՅ not “show thՆ slightՆst ՆnՄourՂgՆmՆnt to thՆ immigrՂtion of AsiՂtiՄs.”20 Investigators sent to Washington and California in 1922 were instructed to study Armenian settlement there with a view to changing immigration policy, but such a change never materialized.21 Two years later, after 50 Georgetown Boys had already arrived, NER proposed to send 1,000 female domestics and 30 families of agriculturalists to Canada; the plan appears not to have been rejected outright but was suspended by NER due to a lack of funds.22 Finally, in 1925, representatives of the ARAC, the Armenian Union of Canada, ՂnՅ thՆ MՆn’s LiՃՆrՂl AssoՄiՂtion of CՂnՂՅՂ ՂppՆՂlՆՅ for thՆ Նntry of 500 rՆfugՆՆs ՂnnuՂlly for an unspecified number of years. After highlighting their Asian status and probable lack of funds and passports, officials rejected the request on the grounds that Armenians had not proven themselves to be farmers in Canada, that some had entered the country illegally, that a quota of 17 Blair, memorandum to William W. Cory, 27 April 1920, part 1, file 279907, vol. 300, RG 75, Department of Employment and Immigration (DEI) Fonds, LAC. 18 Blair, memorandum to Cory, 23 June 1920, part 1, file 279907. This organization was established as the Armenian Relief Fund Association of Canada in June 1916. It was renamed the Armenian Relief Fund of Canada in September 1922, and it was incorporated as the Armenian Relief Association of Canada in February 1923. For simplicity, I refer to it always as the ARAC. 19 Armen Amirkhanian, letter to Blair, 6 July 1921, part 1, file 279907; Blair, letter to Amirkhanian, 20 July 1921, part 1, file 279907. People applying as individuals likely used resources such as [Mihran DՂwitʿՆՂn], “Ո՞ ” ԼWhiՄh ArmՆniՂns ՄՂn ՆntՆr CՂnՂՅՂ?], “ ՞ ՞ ” ԼWho ՄՂn ՆntՆr CՂnՂՅՂ ՂnՅ how?], ՂnՅ “ ” ԼHow one can pass from one side of the US-Canada border to the other],” in Khashmanean, Armenian-American Encyclopedic Yearbook, 360–369. 20 Boston immigration office inspector J. M. Stahl, letter to commissioner of immigration, 19 July 1920, part 1, file 279907; Little, letter to Stahl, 29 July 1920, part 1, file 279907; ARAC secretary C. K. Morse, letter to Minister of Immigration and Colonization J. A. Calder, 22 January 1921, part 1, file 279907; Blair, letter to Morse, 29 January 1921, part 1, file 279907. 21 Globe assistant managing editor Harry W. Anderson, letter to Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, 28 June 1922, pp. 58880–58881, vol. 69, J1, MG 26, W. L. Mackenzie King Papers, LAC; King, letter to Jaffray, 21 October 1922, pp. 63606–63607, vol. 75, J1, MG 26; King private secretary F. A. McGregor, letter to Stewart, 21 October 1922, p. 69321, vol. 82, J1, MG 26. 22 ChiՆf ՄommissionՆr of CՂnՂՅiՂn ԱՂՄifiՄ ԳՂilwՂy’s DՆpՂrtmՆnt of ColonizՂtion ՂnՅ DՆvՆlopmՆnt, lՆttՆr to Deputy Minister of Immigration and Colonization William J. Egan, 7 February 1924, part 2, file 279907; William S. Kennedy of NER, letter to Egan, 25 February 1924, part 2, file 279907. 13 500 per year would not sufficiently address the immense needs of the displaced in the Eastern Mediterranean, and that such a step would invite too many new applications.23 23 Blair, memorandum, 24 July 1925, part 2, file 279907; Babayan, letter to Minister of Immigration and Colonization George N. Gordon, 23 October 1925, part 2, file 279907. 14 The Newnham, Fegan’s, and Salvation Army Boys and a Catholic Proposal Among all the Armenian Genocide refugees in Canada, the Georgetown Boys and Girls have received the most scholarly attention. This section deals with some other child-survivor cohorts. Through the initiative of Sophia Newnham,1 an ABCFM-affiliated British missionary and sister to the Anglican bishop of Saskatchewan, 22 Armenian boys made their way from Corfu, Greece, to Canada between 1923 and 1925.2 They arrived in six parties and were placed with farmers in Manitoba and Ontario. The first to land were a pair who accompanied Newnham to Winnipeg during the spring or summer of 1923.3 In June and September of the same year, NՆwnhՂm sՆnt 27 to Mr. FՆgՂn’s HomՆs in BritՂin, Ղ ՄhilՅ ՆmigrՂtion organization established in 1870. Three were transferred to the Salvation Army, which provided them with six weeks of agricultural training and helped them secure passage to Quebec.4 On the border of childhood and adulthood—they were aged 17 and 18—these boys were not shown the same leniency as younger migrants. Had it not been for the intervention of their superiors in Ottawa, authorities in Quebec would have ignored their special entry permits and deported them for not meeting standard anti– Asian immigration requirements.5 ԵhՆy wՆrՆ rՆlՆՂsՆՅ ՂftՆr sՆvՆrՂl ՅՂys’ ՅՆtՆntion ՂnՅ plՂՄՆՅ with farmers in Killarney, Manitoba. In October, three more boys arrived through the Salvation Army; two were sent to farms in Simcoe County, Ontario, and one took a job at a Toronto cafe.6 The remaining 11- to 16-year-olՅ NՆwnhՂm Ճoys unՅՆr FՆgՂn’s ՄՂrՆ wՆrՆ givՆn temporary homes in an orphanage and in training centres where they received instruction in agricultural work until they were ready to be sent abroad. 7 Over the next two years, eight went to France and two found their own way in Britain.8 The 14 sent to Canada were accepted on the condition that they receive training in Canadian farming methods. 9 John Obed Smith, superintendent of immigration for Canada in London, wrote to his counterparts in Ottawa that this trՂining woulՅ “ՆliminՂtՆ somՆ of thՆ OriՆntՂl ՂtmosphՆrՆ, if possiՃlՆ. … It woulՅ ՃՆ unwisՆ to sՆnՅ ArmՆniՂn Ճoys ՅirՆՄt from Corfu.”10 Their case was aided by their having received a Protestant education under Newnham, their knowledge of English, and their being vouched for by “ԱՆrsonnՆl rՆՄorՅs for ԴophiՂ NՆwnhՂm,” DigitՂl LiՃrՂry for IntՆrnՂtionՂl ԳՆsՆՂrՄh ArՄhivՆ, click for link. OhՂniՂn, “ArmՆniՂn ԳՆfugՆՆ OrphՂns.” 3 It is not clear who they were, with what families they were placed, or what became of them later in life. Newnham on ՃՆhՂlf of FՂvrՆ Boys’ HomՆ, lՆttՆr to BlՂir, 16 JՂnuՂry 1924, pՂrt 1, filՆ 89616, vol. 215, ԳG 76, DEI FonՅs. She had also looked into sending a group in 1905. Newnham, letter to deputy minister for immigration and colonization, 29 May 1905, part 1, file 279907. 4 Admission records 4069–4076 and 4096–4110, Fegans Child and Family Care (Fegans UK), Kent, UK (with thanks to DՂviՅ WՂllՆr); Mr. FՆgՂn’s HomՆs ՂssistՂnt sՆՄrՆtՂry, lՆttՆr to NՆwnhՂm, 12 JunՆ 1923, FՆgՂns UK; NՆwnhՂm, letter to Blair, 16 January 1924, part 1, file 89616. 5 O’ConnՆll, memorandum to Little, 31 July 1923, part 4, file 768363, vol. 495, RG 76, DEI Fonds; Little, memorandum to Mr. Black, 3 August 1923, part 4, file 768363, vol. 495, RG 76, DEI Fonds; Little, memorandum to O’ConnՆll, 4 August 1923, pՂrt 4, filՆ 768363; LittlՆ, memorandum to Black, 8 August 1923, part 4, file 768363. 6 Mr. Tudge, letter to Little, 1 Oct 1923, part 4, file 768363; Tudge, letter to Smart, 14 May 1924, part 5, file 768363; Newnham, letter to Blair, 16 January 1924, part 1, 89616. 7 Admission records 4069–4076 and 4096–4110; Mr. FՆgՂn’s HomՆs ՂssistՂnt sՆՄrՆtՂry, lՆttՆr to Newnham, 12 June 1923. 8 Admission records 4069–4076 and 4096–4110. 9 Blair, memorandum to Mr. Scott, 8 March 1923, part 4, file 2571, vol. 59, RG 76, DEI Fonds; Department of Immigration and Colonization, telegram to Torosus, 18 March 1925, part 4, file 2571. 10 Smith, letter to Smart, 26 April 1923, part 4, file 768363. 1 2 15 a trusted British organization.11 ԵhՆy ՂrrivՆՅ Ղs pՂrt of lՂrgՆr FՆgՂn’s pՂrtiՆs on 27 April 1924, 18 May 1924, and 6 May 1925, being placed on farms soon after reaching Toronto.12 In a clear ՅՆmonstrՂtion of thՆ limits of thՆ govՆrnmՆnt’s support for thՆir Նntry, whilՆ FՆgՂn’s rՆՄՆivՆՅ Ղn incentive grant of $40 for each of its British boys, no such subsidy was given for the Armenians.13 In response to a 1924 appeal from Newnham to admit two young Armenian adults, Blair explained that, while some restrictions had recently been relaxed, the change in policy applied only to “CՂuՄՂsiՂn rՂՄՆs.” “AsiՂtiՄ immigrՂtion hՂs nՆvՆr ՃՆՆn ՆnՄourՂgՆՅ,” hՆ ՆxplՂinՆՅ, “… ՂnՅ it is not likՆly thՂt thՆ poliՄy will ՄhՂngՆ in this rՆgՂrՅ.”14 WhՆn FՆgՂn’s HomՆs rՆquՆstՆՅ permission for the entry of eight more males aged 16 to 23 the following year, the department again refused. Blair wrote to his colleagues that many applications from adult Armenians were being rejected; to accept these eight would make it difficult to turn away the others.15 Catholics—normally absent from the history of Armenian relief in Canada—also discussed bringing children under their own auspices. In January 1923, Armenian-Catholic British Columbian Benjamin C. Manuel ( ?) wrote to Roman Catholic Archbishop of Toronto Neil McNeil expressing indignation at an ARAC presentation he had attended in or near Vancouver.16 His comments during the event had led to a heated Protestantversus-Catholic squabble, and he had come out determined that thՆ group’s plՂns ՃՆ stoppՆՅ. It is unclear whether he was most alarmed by the possibility of Catholic Armenians being among those taken in by the organization or by presenter and ARAC secretary Andrew Joseph Vining’s ՆxplՂnՂtion thՂt thՆy woulՅ ՃՆ “ՅՆnՂtionՂlizՆՅ” onՄՆ thՆy ՂrrivՆՅ. (It is Ղlso unՄlՆՂr whՆthՆr hՆ was aware that McNeil had been an ARAC patron for several years.) Manuel offered to use his connections with influential Armenians abroad to put a stop to the project and to personally select children who could be taken in by Catholic orphanages in Quebec.17 There is no evidence that the archbishop replied to the letter or that any children came to Canada through this denomination. 11 Smith, telegram to Department of Immigration and Colonization, 7 March 1923, part 4, file 2571. Department of Immigration and Colonization, memorandum, 8 July 1924, part 4, file 2571; Mr. FՆgՂn’s HomՆs, list of Armenian boys, 18 March 1925, part 4, file 2571; Department of Immigration and Colonization, memorandum, 6 May 1925, part 4, file 2571. 13 Smart, letter to Mr. Greenway, 20 February 1923, part 4, file 2571; Department of Immigration and Colonization, telegram to superintendent of immigration for Canada in London John Obed Smith, 14 March 1923, part 4, file 2571. 14 Blair, letter to Newnham, 14 February 1924, part 1, file 89616. 15 Blair, memorandum to Egan, 12 March 1925, part 4, file 2571; Blair, letter to Little, 14 March 1925, part 4, file 2571. 16 McNeil had previously been the ՂrՄhՃishop of VՂnՄouvՆr. “ArՄhՃishop NՆil MՄNՆil,” ԳomՂn CՂtholiՄ Archdiocese of Vancouver, click for link. 17 Benjamin C. Manuel, letter to Neil McNeil, 31 January 1923, MN AH12.19, Archives of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto, Toronto. 12 16 The ARAC and the Georgetown Boys and Girls On 15 February 1923, the ARAC officially registered as an Ontario corporation, listing “John Gowans Kent, manager; Donald Alexander Cameron, banker; Harry Lorimer Stark, stock broker; Levon Babayan, merchant; Elliott Sterling Dean, agent; Rowland Hector Mode, broker; John Macdonald Duncan and George Thomas Webb, clergymen; and Arthur Dean Parker, real estate agent” as its directors.1 Two days later, it purchased a 135-acre tract of farmland in Georgetown, Ontario, which, along with a leased 65-acre plot, became the site of the Georgetown ArmՆniՂn Boys’ HomՆ.2 The location was chosen in part for its easy railway access.3 In choosing which boys, girls, and women to sponsor, the ARAC often worked to reunite families.4 Once thՆ Ճoys’ farm training and knowledge of English were deemed appropriate, the ARAC sent them to farmers around southern Ontario from whom requests had been received. Instead of receiving wages, those who were legally obliged to attend school were sent out on the condition that they would be given room and board and that they would be allowed to attend school. ԵhosՆ not ՃounՅ Ճy OntՂrio’s school attendance acts were paid $10 to $13 per month during their first placements, with the amount sometimes increasing as they found better opportunities.5 The farmers entrusted with these young survivors were never unmarried. Most often, they were couples with several children of their own who had heard about the availability of ArmՆniՂn Ճoys through pՆrsonՂl ՄontՂՄts, ՄhurՄhՆs, ՂnՅ thՆ ՂssoՄiՂtion’s promotion of its work. ԳՆquՆsts wՆrՆ turnՆՅ Յown whՆn thosՆ still Ղt thՆ ArmՆniՂn Boys’ HomՆ wՆrՆ ՅՆemed not yet ready to leave. Placements appear to have been successful much of the time, and care was taken to have groups of two or three boys placed near one another, but a change was made when the relationship between a boy and his family proved unsatisfactory to either party.6 This was not Ղ “wilՅ sowing,” Ղs onՆ ՄritiՄ lՂtՆr ՄlՂimed.7 Եhis pՂrt of thՆ AԳAC’s work was controversial. It began in September 1925,8 and, after a trial run of several months, the association announced that it would pursue it as a new policy so Ղs to ՆnՄourՂgՆ its wՂrՅs to trՂnsition into “CՂnՂՅiՂn lifՆ ՂnՅ iՅՆՂls” ՂnՅ to opՆn up room for nՆw child refugees.9 The change did not represent a break in thՆ AԳAC’s commitment to the government, which was expecting the boys to remain in Georgetown only as long as it took them to learn enough English and agriculture to succeed with local families (though they would remain 1 Province of Ontario, Letters Patent Incorporating Armenian Relief Association of Canada, no. 183, liber no. 198, series 55-1, Records of the Companies Branch, AO; Mesiaean, Levon Babayan, 35–36. 2 ARAC secretary Andrew Joseph Vining, letter to Smart, 31 May 1923, part 1, file 89616; County of Halton Registry Office, Abstract of Title, file 23, 82.200C, series 199, General Council Committees (GCC) Collection, United Church of Canada Archives (UCCA), Toronto. 3 Vining, letter to Stewart, 27 November 1922, part 1, file 89616. 4 OhՂniՂn, “ArmՆniՂn ԳՆfugՆՆ OrphՂns.” 5 ARAC secretary Ira William Pierce, letter to Blair, 17 June 1927, part 2, file 89616; Office Routine, file 26, 83.052C, BESS Fonds. 6 ԵhՆ riՄhՆst sourՄՆs on this ՂspՆՄt of thՆ work ՂrՆ thՆ Ճoys’ pՆrsonՂl filՆs, most of whiՄh can be found in J. H. Apramian textual records, sub-series F 1405-63-27, MHSO Fonds, AO, click for link. A small number are in private hands. See also file 26, 83.052C, BESS Fonds; files 14–19, box 61, 82.200C, series 199, GCC Collection; and OhՂniՂn, “ArmՆniՂn ԳՆfugՆՆ OrphՂns.” 7 Robert Agajeenian of McGill University, letter to the editor, Globe, 4 October 1928. 8 Apramian, Georgetown Boys, 97. 9 Ararat Monthly, April 1926, quoted in Apramian, Georgetown Boys, 97. 17 wards of the ARAC until the age of 18).10 But, it did represent a break in their promise to donors, who had been told that the boys would be kept at the home for five years.11 Another source of controversy was the tension between those who prioritized thՆ Ճoys’ rehabilitation as Armenians and those who prioritized the commitments made to Canadian government officials. In the first camp were Babayan and Aris Luke Alexanian ( ). In 1927, Supervisor of Juvenile Immigration George Bogue Smart, normally very supportive of the project, wrote to Assistant Deputy Minister of Immigration and Colonization Frederick Charles Blair that, in this and similar instances where children were brought from foreign countries, … it is important and necessary that all such children be entirely under the control of Canadians in order that they may be imbued with Canadian iՅՆՂls ՂnՅ ՄonՅitions. … A difficulty has arisen … , as in other cases of children of different nationalities, including British, whՆrՆ pՆrsons, who … have naturally felt they should take a special interest in children of thՆir own nՂtionՂlity … , have really hindered the interests they wished to further.12 The interference of Babayan and Alexanian exposed the limits of the govՆrnmՆnt’s compassion. After finding out that Alexanian had infringed again upon thՆ AԳAC’s or thՆ UCC’s authority over the boys, BlՂir ՄonfiՅՆՅ in ԱiՆrՄՆ, “Եhis is quitՆ in linՆ with whՂt wՆ ՆxpՆՄt from Ղ ՄՆrtՂin type of foreigner, especially thosՆ of thՆ oriՆntՂl typՆ. … People of foreign extraction living in Canada have done more to spoil their fellow countrymen and down his chances of getting anything in pՂrtiՄulՂr thՂn Ղll othՆr intՆrՆsts ՄomՃinՆՅ.”13 Eventually, Babayan and Alexanian either chose to or were made to resign.14 While Pierce continued to work with Armenians afterward, no more Armenians would hold positions of authority over the Georgetown Boys or Girls.15 Outside the ARAC-UCC framework, Babayan and Alexanian maintained their connections with the boys and encouraged other Armenians to do the same.16 Given the rich source material on the Georgetown Boys and Girls—letters written to, from, and about them; newspaper articles and journal entries; photographs; and oral interviews—a worthwhile project might re-examine these stories from the perspective of childhood studies.17 10 Smart, letter to Vining, 4 April 1923. Ararat Monthly, April 1926; AlՆxՂnՅՆr MՂՄLՂrՆn ՂnՅ H. HՆrshmՂn, “Եwo ExpՆrimՆnts in CՂnՂՅiՂnizՂtion,” Social Welfare, June 1924, 175–177, 175. 12 Smart, memorandum to Blair, 5 July 1927, part 2, file 89616. 13 Blair, letter to Pierce, 22 February 1929, part 3, file 89616. 14 Smart, memorandum to Blair, 7 July 1927, part 2, file 89616; file 34, 83.052C, BESS Fonds. 15 He worked most often with Socrates and Nevart Utudjian (Ս and ) of Toronto and Dr. Mihran K. Dermenjian ( Տ ) of Detroit. To look up marriage and other demographic records involving the Georgetown Boys and Girls, as well as Armenian marriages officiated by Pierce, see Mark B. Arslan, Armenian Immigration Project, click for link. Pierce mՂy Ղlso hՂvՆ rՆmՂinՆՅ in touՄh with ԴՆrpouhi “MՂmՂ” Bedoukian (Ս Պ ), an employee of the farm home and a surrogate mother to the boys. On the BՆՅoukiՂn fՂmily’s ՆxpՆriՆnՄՆs Յuring thՆ 1910s ՂnՅ 1920s, sՆՆ KՆrop BՆՅoukiՂn, The Urchin: An Armenian’s Escape (London: J. Murray, 1978), also published as Some of Us Survived: The Story of an Armenian Boy (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1979); and Kerop Bedoukian textual records, sub-series F 1405-63-46, MHSO Fonds, click for link. 16 1928 issues of [Ararat amsagir, Ararat monthly] (Hamilton, Canada); Pierce, letter to Canadian missionary Frederick William MacCallum, 15 January 1930, file 32, 83.052C, BESS Fonds; Mesiaean, Levon Babayan, 39–42. 17 For lՆՂՅs, ՄonsiՅՆr Գoy HuijsmՂns, “ChilՅ MigrՂtion ՂnՅ ԲuՆstions of AgՆnՄy,” Development and Change 42, no. 5 (2011): 1307–1321; NՂzՂn MՂksuՅyՂn, “ChilՅrՆn ՂnՅ Youth: OttomՂn EmpirՆ (OttomՂn EmpirՆ/MiՅՅlՆ EՂst),” 11 18 International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. Ute Daniel et al., click for link; Nazan Maksudyan, Orphans and Destitute Children in the Late Ottoman Empire (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2014); and Robert MՄIntosh, “ConstruՄting thՆ ChilՅ: NՆw ApproՂՄhՆs to thՆ History of ChilՅhooՅ in CՂnՂՅՂ,” Acadiensis 28, no. 2 (1999): 126–140. 19 Jewish Orphans in Georgetown Georgetown was also the site of the Canadian Jewish Farm School, run by the Federated Jewish Farmers of Ontario. Originally established in 1925 to train immigrants in farming, it also took in Jewish refugee children from Poland in 1927. Six years previously, the Jewish War Orphans Committee of Canada had secured the entry of 146 Ukrainian children who had survived massacres during the Russian Civil War. In contrast to the ARAC’s effort, this initiative was funded entirely by Jewish Canadians. One-quarter of the children joined relatives, mostly in Ontario and Quebec, while the remainder were adopted by other Canadian Jews.1 “ԵhՆ FՆՅՆrՂtՆՅ JՆwish FՂrmՆrs of OntՂrio” in The Jew in Canada: A Complete Record of Canadian Jewry from the Days of the French Regime to the Present Time, comp. and ed. Arthur Daniel Hart (Toronto: Jewish Publications, 1926), 489; FՆrՅinՂnՅ M. IssՆrmՂn, “Is CՂnՂՅՂ DՆstinՆՅ to BՆՄomՆ thՆ ԴՄՆnՆ of Ղ GrՆՂt JՆwish AgriՄulturՂl ExperimՆnt?,” Canadian Jewish Review (MontrՆՂl, CՂnՂՅՂ), 24 JunՆ 1927, 1, 33; “CՂnՂՅiՂn GovՆrnmՆnt GrՂnts Entry ԱՆrmits for Fifty JՆwish OrphՂns,” Jewish Daily Bulletin (New York, USA), 30 MՂrՄh 1927; “ԵhՆ JՆwish WՂr OrphՂns CommittՆՆ of CՂnՂՅՂ,” Canadian Jewish Chronicle (Montreal, Canada), 30 September 1932, 78–82; Bernard Figler, Lillian and Archie Freiman: Biographies (Montreal: [n.p.], 1961), 47–70; Դ. K. B., “JՆwish WՂr ԳՆliՆf AՄtivitiՆs in CՂnՂՅՂ,” in HՂrt, Jew in Canada, 524–527; MՂՄLՂrՆn ՂnՅ HՆrshmՂn, “Եwo Experiments in CՂnՂՅiՂnizՂtion”; CՂnՂՅiՂn JՆwish FՂrm ԴՄhool FonՅs, no. 1197, JՆwish ԱuՃliՄ LiՃrՂry ArՄhivՆs, click for link; Joseph Danielack Fonds, no. 1085, Jewish Public Library Archives, click for link; Canadian Jewish Farm School (Georgetown, Ont.) Fonds, no. 1995-4-3, Ontario Jewish Archives, click for link. 1 20 Bibliography Archival Sources Archives of Ontario (Toronto, Canada) Armenian Canadian Photographs. Sub-Series F 1405-2-12 and F 1405-2-29. Multicultural History Society of Ontario Fonds. Click for link. Armenian Canadian Textual Records. Sub-Series F 1405-63-12, F 1405-63-21, F 1405-6327, and F 1405-63-46. Multicultural History Society of Ontario Fonds. Click for link. Hammond, M. O. “NinՆty YՆՂrs of thՆ GloՃՆ.” Լ1934?]. FilՆ 10. Box 2. F 1075-3. M. O. Hammond Fonds. Province of Ontario. Letters Patent Incorporating Armenian Relief Association of Canada. 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