The Discovery of the Imperial Mausoleum

PUBLICACIÓN Edición Milosz Giersz Cecilia Pardo Coordinación editorial y producción Pamela Castro de la Mata Cecilia Pardo Asistente de coordinación Katherine Román Alejandra Valverde Corrección de estilo y traducción Javier Flores Espinoza Fotografías Daniel Giannoni Milosz Giersz Patrycja Przadka Giersz Concepto y diseño vm& estudio gráfico Ralph Bauer Verónica Majluf Retoque Lápiz Roto Impresión Gráfica Biblos Jirón Morococha 152, Surquillo, Lima © 2014 Asociación Museo de Arte de Lima Paseo Colón 125, Lima Teléfono 204 0000 www.mali.pe © De los textos: los autores © De las fotografías: Asociación Museo de Arte de Lima, Ministerio de Cultura – Proyecto de Investigación Arqueológica Castillo de Huarmey, las instituciones (véase sección de créditos fotográficos y reproducciones) Primera edición 1350 ejemplares ISBN 978-9972718-40-3 Proyecto Editorial No. 11501001300666 Hecho el depósito legal en la Biblioteca Nacional del Perú Nº – 2014-07507 Reservados todos los derechos. Prohibida la reproducción total o parcial sin previa autorización expresa del Museo de Arte de Lima – MALI © De las obras: los autores El Museo de Arte de Lima – MALI tiene como sede el histórico Palacio de la Exposición gracias al generoso apoyo de la Municipalidad Metropolitana de Lima. EL PROYECTO DE INVESTIGACIÓN ARQUEOLÓGICA CASTILLO DE HARMEY (PIACH) Director Milosz Giersz Co-director Roberto Pimentel Investigadores Patrycja Przadka Giersz Wieslaw Wieckowski Asesor científico Krzysztof Makowski Colaboradores Mateusz Baca Miron Bogacki Julia Chyla Santiago del Castillo Dextre Ángel de la Flor Fernández Claudia García Meza Emilia Jastrzebska Karolina Juszczyk Jakub Kaniszewski Jacek Kosciuk Aleksandra Lisek Krzysztof Misiewicz Wieslaw Malkowski Gonzalo Presbitero Rodríguez Patricia Quiñonez Cuzcano David Rodríguez Dagmara Socha Monika Solka Weronika Tomczyk La temporada de campo 2012 del Proyecto de Investigación Arqueológica Castillo de Huarmey fue financiada por el Centro Nacional de Ciencia de la República de Polonia (NCN 2011/03 / D / HS3 / 01609). Las temporadas 2012-2014 de campo del Proyecto Arqueológico Castillo de Huarmey fueron apoyadas por las subvenciones del Centro Nacional de Ciencia de la República de Polonia (NCN 2011/03 / D / HS3 / 01609), la National Geographic Society (EC0637-13, GEFNE85-13 , GEFNE116-14 y W335-14) y el apoyo financiero de la Compañía Minera Antamina. PROYECTO DE CATALOGACIÓN Y CONSERVACIÓN Coordinación y supervisión Pamela Castro de la Mata Inventario y catalogación Roberto Pimentel Patricia Quiñonez Conservación Martín Blum Maribel Medina Marcela Rosselló Milagros Servat Contenido 22 La muestra de un descubrimiento. Castillo de Huarmey en el MALI Cecilia Pardo 34 El fenómeno Wari: tras las huellas de un imperio prehispánico Milosz Giersz y Krzysztof Makowski 68 El hallazgo del mausoleo imperial Milosz Giersz 100 Ajuar personal: las mujeres de la élite wari y su atuendo Patrycja Prza adka Giersz 128 El ajuar funerario de las damas nobles de Castillo de Huarmey. Selección 188 Élites imperiales y símbolos de poder Krzysztof Makowski 210 Los rituales funerarios y la identidad de los difuntos en el mausoleo de Castillo de Huarmey Wieslaw Wieckowski 222 Los objetos de metal en el mausoleo wari de Huarmey María Inés Velarde y Pamela Castro de la Mata 240 Objetos de plata de Castillo de Huarmey: corrosión y tratamiento Marcela Rosselló 250 Dos khipus wari del Horizonte Medio provenientes de Castillo de Huarmey Gary Urton 258 Los textiles de Castillo de Huarmey. Selección 268 Otras colecciones de Huarmey 280 Ensayos en inglés 333 Créditos fotográicos y de reproducciones 335 Referencias 295 The Discovery of the Imperial Mausoleum Milosz Giersz Director of the Castillo de Huarmey Archaeological Research Project Warsaw University A cyclical conception of the cosmos and of human beings has played a key role in most religious traditions, both past and present. Throughout the history of humankind, in different times and places, the immaterial entity of the living being—the soul, or any other transcendental vital energy— the conceptualisation of death as a passage, and the beliefs held regarding the otherworld have conditioned, in one way or another, the way people and social groups act. But the hope of a life after death is not just limited to eschatology. The perspective of staying posthumously within the social milieu as part of a collective memory made different civilisations commemorate their major ancestors. Alongside the erection of monuments or statues, the desire to preserve the material remains of the deceased and commemorate them with a menhir, a dolmen, a statue or an inscription was highly popular, as well as building enormous architectonic complexes devoted to venerating them. On the other hand, in many cases the preparation of the deceased for eternal life was related with sophisticated mortuary ceremonies, and with providing them with material goods equal to the status they had in life. In the case of some of the ancient kings or emperors with almost limitless resources at their command, their burials, impressive grave goods and many secondary offerings, including boats, horse chariots, furniture and human offerings from all of the royal court, show the obsession people had with life in the afterworld. One need only to recall here the royal cemetery of Ur in southern Iraq, with the famed Death Pit full of the ladies of the court who had been buried in front of the tomb of the king of ancient Mesopotamia; or the still unexcavated mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang at Mount Li, the last residence of the first Emperor of a unified China, who was accompanied on his last journey by over 7,000 polychrome terracotta warriors and horses. Not many funerary monuments are known for the uppermost elite of remote times, but those that were built in different times and places in prehistory and world history without a doubt fascinate their visitors. Although they really cannot be compared, they are always unique and unsurpassable in their own cultural context. ‘Royal’ tombs may be buried underground or hidden inside a mound, like the royal Celt tomb in Hochdorf (Germany), the seventh century A.D. ship burial laden with treasure found at Sutton Hoo (England), or the spectacular frozen bodies buried at the Pazyryk and Ukok kurgans belonging to the ancient nomadic chieftains of the Altai Mountains (Russia). In a few cases they may also be part of a veritable necropolis like that of Memphis, with the famed pyramids of Giza, and the one in the Valley of the Kings (both in Egypt), or the ancient necropolis of the Persian rulers at Naqsh-e Rostam, close to ancient Persepolis (Iran). Their construction was not necessarily a capricious act by a despotic ruler seeking to prepare his own final resting place. The most impressive funeral monuments were the result of the immense grief caused by the loss of a loved one, like the tomb of Fu Hao, one of the wives of emperor Wu Ding of the Shang Dynasty, which was discovered intact at Yin Xu (China), or the impressive mausoleum of Taj Mahal, which was erected by Sha Jahan, the ruler of the Mughal Empire (India) as a posthumous offering to his wife Mumtaz Mahal. The archaeological discovery of the intact context of an ancient elite tomb provides a fascinating laboratory for scholars with different specialities, whose work changes our image of the past forever. The tomb of Tutankhamun, which was discovered in the 1920s by Howard Carter; the tomb of the Lord of Sipán, found by Walter Alva in 1987; the tomb of Philip II of Macedon (the father of Alexander the Great), found by Manolis Andronikos in 1977 at Vergina (in northern Greece); or the tomb of the Maya ruler K’inich Janaab’ Pakal, which was discovered at Palenque in the 1950s by Alberto Ruz—these magnificent discoveries all helped the experts rewrite forgotten sections of the history of humankind. The Central Andes are a particular instance in the world’s landscape of high cultures and civilisations of the past. Both the people in the Pacific coastal strip and the inhabitants of the high Andean areas rendered a special cult to their ancestors. Over seven thousand years ago, the Chinchorro people of the Atacama desert were extraordinarily skilled in the practices meant to preserve human bodies after their death, and they intentionally prepared the most ancient mummies known to the world.1 With the rise of complex societies and the first Andean empires, the care and attention the living gave to their dead evolved even more. The body of the still-living lord and those of his dead ancestors, preserved as bundles and periodically presented in this manner during special events, had the leading role in the rites and ceremonies celebrated in the new, specially built areas, related with the ancestor cult: the mausoleums or funeral towers known as chullpas.2 A successful State known as Wari, which several scholars consider was the first pre-Hispanic Andean empire, and which after expanding from Ayacucho held sway over a large part of Peru’s highlands, coast and tropical forest, had a decisive role in the dissemination of this peculiar type of mallqui-cult.3 The achievement attained by a few successful leaders would have been enough to mark the conquest and the transformation of a territorial State into an Empire which lorded over several peoples, cultures, and languages, just like the Tahuantinsuyu, the Inca Empire, which rose some centuries later. Comparatively to any past complex society, the study of diversity and social status in the ancient Wari Empire could be undertaken by analysing funerary patterns. Unfortunately, none of the tombs of the uppermost Wari elite survived intact to modern times. At Huari, the presumed imperial capital city, the monumental megalithic tombs of Cheqo Wasi (Fig. 28) and the large mausoleums with mortuary galleries of Monjachayuq (Fig. 29), which probably belonged to the Wari emperors,4 were looted hundreds of years ago. However, the study of the architectural remains of these burial monuments suggests that the looted tombs originally had accesses to facilitate social relations between the living and their ancestors.5 Nor have funeral contexts of individuals from the upper Wari hierarchy been located outside the Ayacucho imperial heartland except for the tomb of the “Wari Lord of Vilcabamba”, which was discovered in 2011 at Espíritu Pampa, a tropical and humid area that is part of the Amazon region.6 Between August 2012 and September 2013, the binational Polish-Peruvian team, headed by myself, excavated the largest intact burial chamber of all the graves found at Castillo de Huarmey, in the coastal region of Ancash, which dates to the Middle Horizon. This is a discovery that surpasses by far all that had been previously found within the areas of the Wari and Tiwanaku cultures, not only in the number but in the quality of the offerings. Castillo de Huarmey is the first excavated example of a large Wari mausoleum and site of ancestor worship on the Peruvian North Coast, an area that lies on the borders of the world controlled by the first Andean empire. Some Background In June 1918, Julio C. Tello came upon several finely carved wooden objects on sale in Lima. These beautiful objects, which were of clear pre-Hispanic provenance, had been fascinatingly preserved, and according to the dealer, had been found in the Huarmey Valley. Tello was obsessed with the peculiarness of these artefacts and dreamed of preparing an archaeological expedition to eventually open a museum. The dream of the father of Peruvian archaeology came true on January 8th, 1919.7 His first expedition left Lima and headed 296 to the Huarmey and Culebras River Valleys, where he made several interesting discoveries,8 (Fig. 30 a-b) but was unable to locate the place where the wooden artefacts that had driven his scientific journey came from. His team unfortunately had to change plans and flee to the neighbouring highlands due to a virulent bubonic plague outbreak.9 Despite his heightened archaeological interest in the Chavín culture, Tello never forgot the original goal of his first expedition. Eleven years later he asked Eugenio Yacovleff, his assistant, to continue the unfinished survey of the Huarmey Valley.10 Tello himself visited this valley whenever he travelled from Lima to Nepeña, and whilst carrying out his research at Punkurí and Cerro Blanco. It was during one of these journeys—probably on July 27th, 1934—that the renowned Peruvian archaeologist purchased another very rare artefact from the manager of Huarmey’s Hotel Royal, in this case a tanned-leather and painted drum that came from one of the valley’s pre-Hispanic cemeteries (see Figs. 230-232).11 This membranophone instrument, which is decorated with the painted representation of a front-facing figure with two staffs in his hands and a shining halo, and which is derived from Tiwanaku and Wari art, bears witness to the significance the coastal area of Ancash had during the Middle Horizon. Everything seems to indicate that at the time Julio C. Tello made his pioneering archaeological explorations, Castillo de Huarmey lay forgotten under the desert dust as an untouched monument, as the adjacent fields were managed directly by their owners, who did not allow any pillage whatsoever or let a house be built close by that could harm it.12 This changed dramatically in the 1970s. The earthquake that struck on May 31st, 1970 damaged the monumental edifice and probably—so local inhabitants claim—revealed some intact tombs and rich artefacts hidden in the heart of the adobe brick-and-stone platform. From this moment on Castillo was pillaged by gangs of pre-Columbian treasure hunters known as “huaqueros” and even by the local population, who not only sacked the ancient tombs but also removed materials as if it was a quarry, using the adobe bricks, the earth and the wooden beams. The photographs of the complex taken by Frédéric André Engel13 and Alberto Bueno Mendoza14 in 1979 clearly show that Castillo de Huarmey had already been seriously damaged by clandestine diggers. The numerous fragments of newspapers the PIACH found in the rubble during the systematic excavations confirms the early dates for the large-scale pillaging of the site. Ernesto Tabío15 and Duccio Bonavía16 began their research in the Huarmey Valley basin and in the nearby desert areas in 1958-1960, almost three decades after the exploration undertaken by Eugenio Yacovleff. Both visited the site; Bonavía apparently did so on several occasions and even witnessed— in February, 1977—the major destruction brought about by clandestine diggers.17 Subsequent studies made by Donald Thompson18 and Hans Horkheimer19 in this valley did not focus on Middle Horizon vestiges, nor on Castillo in particular. The site was visited and briefly studied only in 1979 by the above-mentioned Frédéric André Engel—who made the first sketch of the site and recorded it with photographs—and Alberto Bueno Mendoza— who published an article regarding the problem raised by illicit “huaquería”.20 The first studies performed at this site were limited to a surface reconnaissance and to studying certain archaeological artefacts preserved in museum collections, whose provenance from Castillo de Huarmey had been proven. In 1963, the German archaeologist Heinrich Ubbelohde-Doering made two short visits to this site encouraged by Yoshitaro Amano, the founder of the museum in Lima that bears his name. There Ubbelohde-Doering managed to assemble a large collection of textiles, ceramic fragments and wooden artefacts that are now in the Museum für Völkerkunde at Munich. These materials were never published and the museum does not have a written or photographic record except for a catalogue of the textile pieces collected in the Huarmey Valley, which was prepared by Elsa Ubbelohde-Doering, his wife.21 William Conklin made a very important investigation22 when he analysed the textiles collected by Yoshitaro Amano and held by his namesake museum, which are assumed to have come from Campanario and El Castillo23 (see Figs. 233-245). Based on the study of the techniques and on the iconographic representations in the textiles, Conklin claimed that during the Middle Horizon El Castillo de Huarmey possibly was a major southern centre influenced by Moche, and he ascribed these textiles, which clearly date to the Wari epoch, to the native Mochica style. Despite some fabulous and fortuitous finds, Castillo de Huarmey had never been the subject of a study based on the systematic excavation of primary archaeological contexts prior to the creation of the PIACH, but there indeed were some previous, albeit unsuccessful, attempts to begin this kind of study. The most important contributions were made by Heiko Prümers,24 who carried out an intensive exploration of the lower Huarmey Valley in 1985-86 and prepared a monographic study of the Castillo. This German archaeologist was unfortunately unable to obtain the institutional backing essential for an agreement, and which was required in order to work at a site that has monumental architecture. He therefore had to limit himself to a study of the textiles that Heinrich Ubbelohde-Doering and he himself had recovered in the tombs that had been looted around El Castillo’s platform. Prümers also cleaned five looter’s pits and recovered interesting grave goods: pottery, a pyro-engraved gourd, and several weaving utensils such as spindles, spindle whorls, balls of fibre, combs and a sword. In January 2010, the Polish specialists from Warsaw University made a full archaeological survey of the site, thus beginning the first long-term archaeological project which considered area excavations at Castillo de Huarmey. The survey compared different non-destructive methods: Global Positioning System (GPS) Real Time Kinetic (RTK) mapping, aerial kite photogrammetry, caesium magnetometry, and spatial analysis of surface artefact distribution (Fig. 31 a-b). The data they provided were combined using a geographical information systems database in order to record the monumental adobe brick, stone and wood architecture and the vast adjoining necropolis, so as to reflect the surface underlying the site.25 The subsequent processing of the data obtained during the non-destructive research season allowed us to prepare and visualize two-dimensional and three-dimensional models, which served as the starting point for the excavations. These were made as part of a project jointly run by Warsaw University and the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, as part of a bilateral agreement between both universities. Castillo de Huarmey: the Venue of the Living and the Dead The site of Castillo de Huarmey is located one kilometre to the east of the city of Huarmey, in the province of the same name, in the region of Ancash. It is the biggest Middle Horizon (A.D. 600 - 1050) site in the southern North Coast of Peru, and the only one known yet where the Wari presence can be glanced at its full splendour. This centre is at the southern end of the Huarmey River Valley, at the entrance to a small, dry, adjacent ravine some four kilometres to the east of the Pacific Ocean. The site comprises forty-five hectares, with close to seventeen hectares that have remains of monumental architecture and scattered burial areas (Fig. 32). The archaeological complexes were clearly multifunctional and included areas for public, domestic, and ritual activities. Most of the structures are visible on the surface. The central sector with monumental architecture includes two main buildings that form one single architectonic complex. The section that most stands out is the one known as El Castillo, and which had previously been erroneously interpreted as a typical coastal huaca formed by burial platforms, which gave the whole building a pyramid-like look.26 The monument, which was built with adobe bricks and stones, thanks to the not-too-common architectural technique of using enormous wooden beams, sprawls over practically the entire summit of a large rocky spur that extends outwards towards the valley. It is an architectural work unique in its kind. It comprises two groups built along slightly different architectural axes, whose core was formed by enormous chullpa-tower-shaped mausoleums with a regular plan and several stories high (Fig. 33). In time, the site’s expansion due to the erection of smaller chullpas around the main one turned the “Castillo” into a type of “pantheon” or temple where the Wari ancestors were worshipped. Its funeral bundles were inhumated in dozens of collective chambers (Fig. 34) enclosed on the lower slopes of the rocky spur with retaining walls made using semi-edged stones (Fig. 35), thus giving form, during its last construction phase, to one single architectural complex that was about 200 m long, 65 m wide and 19 m high (Fig. 33). Access to the top was possible thanks to the construction of a system of monumental 297 stairways, whose design changed from one phase to the other along with the expansion of the whole complex (Fig. 36). Masons of different origins and different cultural and technological background must have participated in the construction of the monument. The orthogonal layout of the mausoleums in the shape of chullpa-towers, with niches in the walls and chambers partially carved in the rock, as well as the new and infrequent use of large wooden beams (Fig. 37) in the construction of the monument—all elements of a clearly foreign origin—27 is in contrast with the use of smooth- and cane-moulded parallelepiped adobe bricks28 that were often adorned with the marks made by their makers (human hands and feet, dog tracks, geometric figures) of clear local provenance. Towards the south, below the rocky spur with the chullpa mausoleums on its summit, is a monumental building atop a low-standing platform that at present seems to have been trimmed when the agricultural fields were expanded using heavy machinery. During the heyday of this centre in the Middle Horizon, however, this low platform was much larger than the upper section of the complex that has the chullpas. Due to the expansion of agricultural fields and human settlements, as well as possible natural causes related with harmful climate events (large landslides corresponding to large-scale El Niño-Southern Oscillations [ENSOs]), all that has survived to the present day is but a segment of this ceremonial and/or residential group with raised buildings and a quadrangular patio that measured twenty metres on its side. Our excavations at the centre of the quadrangular patio showed that more than two metres below the original adobe brick pavement, there were architectural remains related with an earlier phase dated to the Early Intermediate Period. The artefacts found and the presence of the relatively small and typical quadrangular adobe bricks, with the marks left by the cane moulds, show that these remains correspond to the local Virú-Gallinazo/Moche tradition. These buildings consisted of raised platforms of a monumental nature. Throughout the Middle Horizon, these platforms were covered with several layers of architectural fill that included gravel, woven mats, river cobblestones, and two mortuary contexts (probably dedicated human offerings), as well as multiple camelid offerings (Fig. 38). The raised buildings around the patio were originally roofed, as is evidenced by several lined holes filled with gravel and sealed with flat stones; these surely were the base of the original columns, which were probably made out of carved wood. This type of architecture recalls the typical palace of the pre-Hispanic Andes, with large walled plazas over platforms with roofed porticos and audiencias, which were used to re-legitimise the power of the rulers vis-à-vis their vassals during festivities of a ritual nature: a place where the secular and the sacred world merged 29. Several minor structures rise around the monumental area. The geophysical survey undertaken with the help of fluxgate magnetic gradiometers and caesium magnetometers—which was carried out as part of the studies that the PIACH made in one of these elevated platforms on the northern part of the site overlooking the agricultural fields—revealed the presence of adobe brick architecture with an orthogonal layout, along with several rectangular enclosures surrounded by perimetrical walls and arranged around a presumed central patio. The presence of locally manufactured, Middle Horizon utilitarian wares, including the typical storage and food and beverage production forms, as well as the abundant organic remains—a large number of fragmented camelid-bone remains have been recorded amongst the latter— suggest that the Castillo de Huarmey complex comprised not just the necropolis and ceremonial areas, but also food production areas, residential sectors and specialised workshop areas. The Archaeological Context of the Find The PIACH’s second field season began in September 2012 and it uncovered the mausoleum and the intact tomb. Due to our previous work, the expectations of finding intact mortuary contexts at the site were extremely low if not non-existent. The harshness of time and of systematic looting had left the monument in such a frightening condition that it did not raise much hope. Tons of scattered debris would mean months of work cleaning contexts disturbed by clandestine diggers and a low probability of finding at least one undamaged part. Day after day, our team carried out detailed and monotonous work, separating the debris from the fragments of archaeological artefacts, the result of the extensive depredation carried out by the looters. After a while the top part of the original adobe brick walls appeared and gradually revealed a network of perpendicular walls that formed a complex built with adobe bricks. We soon realised that we were unearthing an impressive building with an orthogonal layout that was enclosed by massive external walls, decorated with an ochre clay plaster. Small rooms gradually became visible in its almost quadrangular plan (about 13.5 x 11.5 metres) that were organised in almost symmetrical fashion and were interconnected by a labyrinthine system of entrances. The main room, 4.3 metres long and 3.4 metres wide, with an entrance on the northeastern side, stood out amongst them (Fig. 39). The walls and the floor had been carefully plastered. Four lateral niches of approximately 0.6 metres wide and 0.5 metres deep adorned the long walls. Although the walls of this group had only been preserved up to half their height, the other mortuary towers recorded at the site had some similar niches that had preserved the original, carefully worked wooden beams (Fig. 40), and thus suggested that the niches in the main room of the mausoleum may have been about one metre high. At the centre of this ceremonial area there was a quadrangular bench that measured 2.3 metres on its side, and which had been built as if it was a throne. The first unusually shaped, trapezoidal adobe bricks, which were on average sixty centimetres long, forty-five to twenty centimetres wide and fifteen centimetres tall, were clearly visible below the floor and in between the pits that had been made by the looters. We continued cleaning and recording, and realised that these adobe bricks formed a rectangular seal 6.3 metres long and 5.2 metres wide (Fig. 41). A solid layer of rubble was found below the seal, which had been disturbed in some parts by the clandestine diggers. This layer of fill, which had over thirty tons of stone and was one metre wide on average, had been placed in an area defined by a chamber hewn into the rock, and completed with walls of smooth-moulded parallelepiped adobe bricks that were 4.65-3.9 metres long and 3.6-3.35 metres wide. Although the layer of rubble was completely sterile, we soon realised that it held something very important: hundreds of pupae left by the larvae of muscomorph flies,30 which began to appear between the wall of hewn rock and the stone filling, gave us the first solid indication of the presence of some organic deposit stored below. Another sign of a potential find, much clearer than the first one, was found after lifting the first twenty-five centimetres of the layer of rubble. At the centre of the chamber, and pointing towards the centre of the bench in the upper room, there rose a massive rod 1.17 meters long, with a handle that had a five centimetres diametre on average, decorated with small grouped incisions, and had a palette 9.5 centimeters wide and 5.5 centimeters thick on its point, which has circular concavities as well as remains of incrusted metal. After carefully removing every layer of rubble we found a second layer of fill formed by earth, broken adobe bricks, debris from carved stones and some round stones. In it we found the first articulated bones belonging to six presumed teenage human offerings, which lacked textile wrapping and had no associated grave goods. The bodies of the presumably sacrificed individuals had collapsed in prone or supine position over the fifty-four individuals buried in the main room of the burial chamber. The latter were seated with their legs bent, most of them leaning on the walls of the chamber and had originally been wrapped inside funeral bundles (Fig. 42 a-b). The fragments of the bundles preserved in the central part of the chamber suggest that they were made with a two-coloured white and green cloth, and had also been wrapped with thick netting (Fig. 43). The patient cleaning of the human-bone remains and the large set of associated artefacts disclosed a complex funerary context, which had been organised following quite sophisticated rules. Most of the more than fifty individuals buried in the central section of the chamber were adult women of different ages, accompanied by teenagers—quite possibly women, too—who comprised a fifth part of the total. Four individuals with a higher social status were inhumed in three rectangular sub-chambers, separated on the northeast side from the large chamber and covered by a crafted wooden beam 2.6 metres long (Fig. 44). The sub-chambers were subsequently covered by the northern wall of the room with the bench that was built on the upper story. A woman over fifty years of age was buried in the northeastern sub-chamber, which has 298 the shape of a quadrangle one metre long on its side, along with a teenager, thirteen-fifteen years old. The central sub-chamber, which is of rectangular shape and measures 0.75 by 0.7 metres, was the last abode of the main lady, who was about sixty years old. The final sub-chamber, which lies more to the southeast and is also of rectangular shape, measured 0.6 by 0.7 metres and housed the remains of a middle-aged woman about thirty-five to forty years old. All of them were placed in the sub-chambers with exceptionally rich grave goods, and were covered with earth and fine gravel before the wooden-beam seal was placed. Over one thousand three hundred prestige items were found alongside the women buried in the central part of the chamber and in the three lateral subchambers, which comprised the personal grave goods or additional mortuary offerings. These items included jewellery (metal, wood and bone ear ornaments, necklaces, pectorals, pendants, tupus and rings, amongst other items), weapons (an axe, knives, spear throwers), paraphernalia (wood containers, rattles, a whistle), weaving utensils (looms, spindles, spindle whorls, spoons with pigments), and ceramic, metal and carved stone vessels (jars, bottles, pilgrim flasks, cups and bowls).31 All of the offerings stand out due to their finish and the materials used, such as gold, silver and bronze. The ornamental earpieces, which are a type of male noble attire, here embellish the grave goods of noble women. The hundreds of objects offered to the deceased for their last journey to the otherworld, and which were considered luxury items within the areas of the Wari and Tiwanaku cultures (e.g. the objects made out of gold, silver, bronze, and obsidian, the kero cups, the tropical seashells, fine textiles, and others), emphasise the uppermost social status of the aristocratic women buried in the tomb,32 who undoubtedly were part of the Empire’s upper elite.33 The high social standing of the women buried also shows in their ante-mortem health conditions, which suggest a life almost free of physiological stress, serious illnesses and major traumas.34 The Funeral Rite and the Ceremonies of Death We can reconstruct the sophisticated burial ritual that was held over a thousand years ago thanks to the patient cleaning and recording of the architecture, the human-bone remains, and the hundreds of associated artefacts that was done using modern techniques (remote detection and aerial photogrammetry using kites and drones, the development of layered three-dimensional digital models during the excavation, the accurate mapping of all artefacts and bones with a total station and the subsequent distribution analysis applying GIS) (Fig. 45). The study of the tomb and the architecture of the entire pantheon evinced the intention of legitimising the new political power wielded by the Wari elite in the Huarmey Valley. This would be achieved by promoting the erection of a peculiar monumental complex formed by a palace abutting the temple where the ancestors were to be worshipped. The latter were buried in a type of funeral structure of clear foreign origin: multi-storied chullpa-tower shaped mausoleums built on the summit of a rocky hill. The main mausoleum incorporated the core of the subsequent pantheon, and comprised chullpas and smaller chambers that were attached to the mausoleum or hidden between the rock and the large retaining walls forming the false façades of the complex. Its erection began with the construction of the burial chamber that was found. The chamber was partially hewn out of the rock and closed to the north and west with adobe brick walls, leaving two entrances on each short side (one to the northeast and another one to the southwest); it was 0.75 to 1.35 metres deep due to the irregular shape of the bedrock, which descends more on the north side. At the back of the tomb there is some sort of canal carved in stone that comes out on the other side of the southwestern wall below one of the sealed entrances, and which meanders down to the sub-chambers built on the northeastern corner. It is possible that this canal was dedicated to some type of liquid offering made to the most prominent dead buried in the tomb, which is so typical a trait of the cult given to Wari mallquis.35 The people buried in the chamber were not inhumed at the same time: the high presence of fly pupae, bugs, snakes and their eggs found inside the bundles and crania of the buried dead shows that the chamber was open or at most protected by a light structure during the time dedicated to the ceremonial extension [prórroga] allotted for the burial of fifty-eight noble women. Once this was over, the lateral entrances were sealed for good. The sub-chambers of the women with the highest status were also protected with a large wooden beam. The funeral ritual was completed with different offerings placed on top of the bundles. The metal rattles with wooden handles were placed close to the bundles of the most important individuals (Figs. 46 and 47). The large, carved looms, which had been placed on both sides of the wooden rod placed at the centre of the chamber, were now intentionally broken and/or partially burned (Fig.48). Several offerings of fine pottery were smashed during the penultimate act of the ceremony, which ended with the sacrifice of six teenagers cast down from the top along with the earth, mud and stones which formed a leveling layer. Two additional burials were made on the northeast side, on the other side of the main entrance to the chamber, in what was some kind of antechamber. The bodies of an adult woman and an adult man were buried in seated positions inside depressions in the rock (Fig. 52). The woman was oriented towards the chamber whilst the man turned his back to the entrance and looked towards the northeast side. The personal grave goods of these individuals and their health conditions suggest that they did not belong to the elite. Their presence within the context of the imperial mausoleum surely had another purpose. Everything seems to indicate that this couple was prepared whilst they were alive. Their bodies were mutilated years before their death: both were missing the left foot. This detail brings to mind not just the case of the royal tombs of Sipán,36 but also the significance offerings of mutilated feet—both real ones as well as under the guise of foot-vessels—had in the Tiwanaku and Wari traditions.37 After the funerary ritual, the chamber was covered with tons of rubble and was sealed off with a layer of trapezoidal adobe bricks. The antechamber was given a special treatment: a solid adobe brick fill was built up to the height of the perimetrical wall of the main chamber. Ten cavities with a rectangular opening were left inside this fill. Each of them held a large jar or a pair of mammiform face-neck bottles (Fig. 49). The vessels were originally full of maize chicha seasoned with beans, the favourite beverage of the main lady and the other members of the court buried in the funeral chamber.38 Once the chicha jars had been placed, the cavities were sealed off with four layers of adobe brick. With the event finished, the builders of Castillo de Huarmey then proceeded to plan and build the next story in the mausoleum (Figs. 50 and 51). The Erection of the Imperial Mausoleum The construction of the orthogonal mausoleum, which includes at least twenty-one rectangular rooms over an area of about one hundred fifty-fivesquare-metres, began with the erection of the main room with niches and a bench immediately above the trapezoidal adobe brick seal. This room was then surrounded by other, smaller rooms. Three sections can be distinguished in the plan of the mausoleum: the front, middle and back sections. In the front section, located on the northeast, at least seven small rooms (one to seven square metres) interconnected by a passageway system are visible. The central section comprises the main enclosure with an area of 14.6-squaremetres and has four niches and a bench; it is connected with the front section by a single entrance, one metre wide on its northeast wall. On both sides of the main room there are two almost symmetrical groups of four rooms interconnected with each other and with the passageway system in the front section. These eight rooms have an almost identical area of about two-squaremetres. The back section, which lies to the southwest of the mausoleum and has its back turned to the main room, is comprised of four lateral elongated rooms that are about 2.5-square-metres each and have internal divisions, and a central room with an area of nine-square-metres. The rooms in the back section were completely closed off and there was no connection between them or with another part of the mausoleum, at least in the floor plan that has survived to the present day. In the middle room in the back section we found four quadrangular chambers measuring 0.6 metres at the side and which were on average 0.5 metres deep (Fig. 53). These chambers contained human and animal bones which were found completely disarticulated. We soon realised that these contexts were not the result of looting, and were instead some type of typical secondary burial. The chambers could therefore be inter- 299 preted as a peculiar type of pre-Hispanic ossuary or reliquary, where bodies, or parts of them, were buried along with fragments of clothing, grave goods and offerings which had been removed and transported from their original context, perhaps even over long distances. Secondary burials and the manipulation of bodies have been recorded in the final stage of the Moche culture,39 but the contexts at Castillo de Huarmey have significant differences with these northern examples. The lower number of bones, which are at the same time well-selected, and the potentially easy access to the four chambers, lead us instead to a different hypothesis. Since they could be easily reached, the bones may have been some type of cult object. It should be recalled that some authors suggest that in Huari, the bones removed during the reopening of the tombs stood for the ancestral mummies and were physically worshipped in ceremonies related with the ancestor cult40 something similar has also been recorded at Tiahuanaco.41 Although the rest of the mausoleum had been much devastated by clandestine diggers, the archaeological materials recovered in the rubble and in the deepest parts of the rooms allow us to better understand the function such a particular building had. Abundant animal bone materials were recovered in the closed lateral rooms in the back section, which contain not just remains of camelids but also of rare animals like the condor (Vultur gryphus), a bird that had a highly symbolic significance in State and religious content during pre-Hispanic times (Fig. 54). All this suggests that the back section, which was separated from the other architectonic segments of the mausoleum, probably had the function of a gallery of offerings and of human relics. On the other hand, the small rooms in the central and front sections, which were well connected and large enough, may have acted as a mortuary gallery and/or offerings gallery. This interpretation is suggested by the discovery of hundreds of fragments of fine vessels and textiles in various styles and shapes, the finding of the extremely rare Wari khipus,42 (see Figs. 210 a-b and 211 a-b), and of fragments of mummified and tattooed bodies. The function of the main chamber with four niches and a bench remains an enigma. Was this the hall were an important mallqui was exhibited and worshipped, bundled and placed on the bench, surrounded by other mummified ancestors in the niches?43 Or was it instead an exclusively ceremonial room where the living worshipped their ancestors in sophisticated esoteric rituals? Answering these questions is clearly not easy, given the loss of empirical evidence caused by the looters. In our search of parallels to the mausoleum of Castillo de Huarmey in other monumental edifices of a similar nature, we turned first to the “temples” or mausoleums of the Callejón de Huaylas. The best examples of these buildings are in Willkawain44 and Honcopampa.45 These are structures that are up to three stories high and have several rooms in each of them. They may have ventilation ducts and eaves, and reach a height of up to ten metres. These highland chullpas are usually built over quadrangular platforms. Although the buildings at Wilkawain or Ama Punku—in Honcopampa—have been looted, human bone remains were found inside their rooms. For some scholars,46 however, the variations in the size and patterning of the internal divisions require that we distinguish various classes of mortuary monuments, and this has strong implications for the social organisation of their beneficiaries. The differences in construction are obvious, but they are derived from environmental differences and differential access to raw materials. At Castillo de Huarmey the monoliths were replaced with coastal adobe bricks, adorned with a fine ochre plaster. The big granodiorite slabs with which the roofs of the chullpa temples were made in the Callejón de Huaylas, were supposedly substituted with heavy beams of carved wood. Were there other superimposed stories? Although the walls of the first story of the Castillo de Huarmey mausoleum were only preserved up to one metre high, in other smaller mortuary towers we were fortunately able to record all of the first floor as well as some remains of the second upper level, where the only entrance to the whole group was located. From a structural standpoint, the massive walls of the mausoleum could have withstood two or more stories above the level of the niches-and-bench room. All of the data convinced us that the building we found had the role of a mortuary mausoleum and temple dedicated to the cult of the ancestors buried in the burial chamber, and perhaps also in the galleries in the various stories, as well as in the dozens of smaller chullpas and chambers adjacent to the main tower. Interpretation, Discussion, and Conclusions It is clear that the multiple-female elite tomb located below the multi-storied, chullpa-tower type main mausoleum, built on the highest part of the entire Middle Horizon monumental complex, is the first excavated example of such a complex mortuary context from the time of the Wari Empire. Although it is true that its discovery came as a surprise, the process of excavation and subsequent documentation and preservation of the artefacts by the PIACH’s team and the experts from the MALI’s workshop produced a myriad of questions, and thus gave rise to a new academic discussion. The complexity of the various problems that arose throughout the research process—which is not yet over and will surely continue in subsequent years—does not allow us to solve them all, and instead invites us to solve the major issues. A diversity in styles and manufacturing techniques is characteristic of all of the artistic media present in the context found. The ceramic pieces in styles from the imperial heartland (Chaquipampa B, Viñaque, Huamanga) are in harmony with bottles in styles from the South Coast (Atarco), the Central Coast (Nievería, Teatino), and even the northern highlands (Cajamarca Serrano), as well as with the local prevailing mould-stamped ceramic style, which is often decorated with simple polychrome designs derived from the classic Wari styles, and which occasionally combines with survivals of North Coast forms and motifs (Fig. 55). The presence of exotic pottery, the stonecarved kero, the valves or objects made out of Spondylus sp. shells, obsidian, turquoise and fine metals, all indicate a strong long-distance interaction that was probably facilitated by the early expansion and the economic organisation of the Wari Empire. The same is envisaged in the diversification of textile and metalworking styles and techniques. The excellent preservation conditions found on the Ancash coast allowed many textiles to survive to the present day in perfect condition. Although the textiles in the tomb were not as well preserved due to the process of decomposition of the many human bodies placed in a pit partially hewn in the rock, the fragments that have been recovered and others, found in the mausoleum’s upper story, let us sketch a vast range of the most renowned techniques and styles. Cotton and wool, spun and twisted in brilliant colours thanks to the dying process, were considered the most important materials. The Middle Horizon textiles found in the remains left behind by the looters at Castillo de Huarmey were once mistakenly known as Moche-Wari textiles.47 After years of research and debates it was found that the technique that characterises these pieces was in use in the Central and South Coasts as well as on the North Coast, and that designs of Nasca and Wari origin prevailed in their decoration. The themes of Moche and Recuay origin are less recurring. Tapestry, particularly fretted tapestry or kelim, with cotton warps and camelid fibre wefts, was a technique used above all in the unku tunics and in the embroideries made by the skilled weavers of Castillo de Huarmey. But other textiles were found alongside the locally manufactured ones that had a southern provenance, e.g. painted textiles, pieces coloured in tie-dye, or bands woven with the supplementary warp technique. The precious metals used in manufacturing ornaments, utensils and tools, along with their metalworking techniques and complex decoration, were different in the grave goods of these noble women and in those of the simple common weavers, and acted as status markers. On the other hand, objects made with copper or its alloys confirm the widespread diffusion of the use of copper alloys throughout the Middle Horizon.48 The presence or the absence of art styles with dates recently well established, both from our excavations and previously published ones, allows us to place the mausoleum in time at around the late eighth and early eleventh centuries of the Christian era, i.e. essentially in Middle Horizon 249 in Dorothy Menzel’s chronology.50 The absence of Moche IV-style pieces is significant and suggests a date after the temple of the Huaca de la Luna was abandoned. We find it likely51 that the abandonment of the centres of power on the North Coast around A.D. 800 is causally related with the conquest of the Huarmey and Culebras River Valleys by a coalition of southern people, who are known in the archaeological 300 literature as the Wari. No less significant is the absence of Middle Lambayeque pottery in the style that Shimada calls “Middle Sicán,” 52 as well as the local Incised Casma53or Incised Huarmey54 ceramic styles, whose appearance has often been ascribed—erroneously as we see—to the Middle Horizon. As for the strong presence of its own style both in pottery as well as in textiles, the contexts excavated along the coast evince that just like in the case of the Inca, Wari-style objects from Ayacucho were rare and much prized. Local craftsmen continued manufacturing artefacts in accordance with their idiosyncrasies, or made up new designs by combining forms and decorations of different origins.55 But the ideology expressed by the most prestigious pieces, which have Wari iconography and which were found alongside the fifty-eight noble ladies of Huarmey, was striking; besides, the State’s emphasis on the essential differences in status was surely attractive for the emerging elites of the new centres of power located in far removed provinces.56 So when analysing the discoveries made at Castillo de Huarmey, are we really recovering some pieces of the lost history of the first pre-Hispanic Andean empire, prior to the Inca? This site has parallels in more complex mortuary contexts both at Conchopata as well as at the capital city itself of Huari.57 First of all, it is a mortuary complex formed by chambers of varied shape that are directly associated with a palatial building, as is the case of the “royal” mausoleums at Huari in Ayacucho.58 The orthogonal layout of the various mortuary galleries as well as the effort invested in hewing a chamber out of the bedrock, the mortuary pattern, the exceptional offerings of prestigious objects related to the exercise of power and the imperial administration (kero cups with remains of chicha, khipus, bronze weapons and exotic animals, amongst others), all confirm that Castillo de Huarmey constituted a significant Wari presence on the southern North Coast of Peru. The strong links between the central Wari area and the areas over which the Ayacuchano empire held sway on the Southern, Central, and Northern Coast are clear in the architecture and in the mortuary preferences, as well as in the forms and in the iconography depicted on the luxury items found. Even so, the significance and complexity of Castillo de Huarmey stand out once we bear in mind the mausoleum with the main subterranean chamber and the more than twenty different rooms, as well as the other chullpas and subterranean chambers that—along with the mausoleum—formed a sort of ancestor pantheon. There are obvious differences in the materials, the techniques and in some of the architectural designs given that their builders probably were not from Ayacucho. At Huari and Conchopata, chamber tombs were built inside the ceremonial architectural—and eventually residential—areas, and their construction seems to have entailed a change in the use given to the complex. In Castillo de Huarmey, the palace and the temple for the funerary cult coexist side by side. This difference was probably due to the social and political context. Several noble lineages which lived or met periodically in the same urban space seem to have vied for power in the Huari imperial heartland. Castillo de Huarmey is the monument that materialised the hierarchies of power, and the place where the ancestors of the ruling lineage were worshipped in the central mausoleum, surrounded by the chullpas and tombs of other, lower-ranking, chiefly curaca families. Where did they come from? What kinds of relations did they have with the capital city and with other imperial centres of power spread throughout the Andes? We expect to be able to answer these questions in the near future thanks to the application of new archaeometric methods and stable isotope and DNA analyses, both of the nobility buried in the ancestral pantheon as well as of their subjects who built this particular monumental centre, which still overlooks the nostalgic coastal desert on the shores of the Pacific Ocean. (1) Arriaza, Bernardo T. Beyond Death. The Chinchorro Mummies of Ancient Chile. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995. (2) Isbell, William H. Mummies and Mortuary Monuments. A Postprocessual Prehistory of Central Andean Social Organization. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997. (3) Amongst others, Menzel, Dorothy. “Style and time in the Middle Horizon,” Ñawpa Pacha 2, pp. 1-106, 1964; Isbell, William H., and Gordon F. McEwan (Eds.), Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1991; Schreiber, Katharina J. Wari Imperialism in Middle Horizon Peru. Anthropological Papers. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology, 1992. (4) Isbell, William H. “Mortuary Preferences: A Huari Case Study from Middle Horizon Peru,” Latin American Antiquity 15 (1): 3-32, 2004. (5) Hastorf, Christine. “Andean luxury foods: special food for the ancestors, deities and the elite,” Antiquity 77 (297): 545-554, 2003. (6) Fonseca Santa Cruz, Javier. “El rostro oculto de Espíritu Pampa, Vilcabamba, Cusco,” Arqueología Iberoamericana 10: 5-7, 2011. (7) Daggett, Richard E. “Julio C. Tello: An Account of His Rise to Prominence in Peruvian Archaeology,” in Burger, Richard L. (Ed.), The life and writings of Julio C. Tello: America’s first indigenous archaeologist. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2009, pp. 7-54. (8) Tello, Julio César. “Cuadernos de investigación de la Primera Expedición Huaylas de 1919 en los valles de Huarmey y Culebras.” Fuente: Grupo I Huaylas. Archivo Julio C. Tello del Museo de Arqueología de San Marcos. (9) The expedition led by Julio C. Tello travelled up the Huarmey valley to the Callejón de Huaylas, where major discoveries were made at sites like Pomakayán, Katak, Yauya, Pomabamba, Huari and particularly at Chavín de Huántar; Daggett. “Julio C. Tello,” pp. 20-21. (10) Yacovleff, Eugenio. Informe acerca del viaje a Huarmey III - 1930. Caja: 18 Grupo Huaylas, Folios 601- 602. Archivo Julio C. Tello, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. (11) Falcón Huayta, Víctor, and Rosa Martínez Navarro. “Un tambor de cuero pintado del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú,” Anales del Museo de América 16: 9-28, 2009. (12) Bueno Mendoza, Alberto. “Huarmey: la huaquería es un problema nacional,” Espacio 2: 20-25, 1979. (13) The documents and the photographs taken by Frédéric André Engel in 1979 are held by the Centro de Investigación de Zonas Áridas (CIZA) at La Molina, Lima. (14) Bueno Mendoza. “Huarmey: la huaquería.” (15) Tabío, Ernesto. Prehistoria de la costa del Perú. Havana: Academia de Ciencias de Cuba, 1977. (16) Bonavía, Duccio. Los Gavilanes. Precerámico peruano: mar desierto y oasis en la historia del hombre. Lima: Corporación Financiera de Desarrollo / Instituto Arqueológico Alemán, 1980. (17) Bonavía. Los Gavilanes, p. 439. (18) Thompson, Donald. “Archaeological Investigations in the Huarmey Valley, Peru,” in Actas y memorias del XXXVI Congreso International de Americanistas, España 1964, Vol. I. Seville: 1966, pp. 541-548. (19) Horkheimer, Hans. “Identificación y bibliografía de importantes sitios prehispánicos del Perú,” Arqueológicas 8: 1-51, 1965. (20) Bueno Mendoza. Op. cit. (21) Prümers, Heiko. Der Fundort ‘El Castillo’ in Huarmeytal, Peru. Ein Beitrag zum Problem des Moche-Huari Textilstils. Mundus Reihe Alt-Amerikanistik. Band 4. Bonn: Holos Verlag, 1990. (22) Conklin, William J. “Moche textile structures,” in Rowe, Ann Pollard, Elizabeth Benson, and Anne-Louise Schaffer (Eds.), The Junius B. Bird Precolumbian Textile Conference. Washington D.C.: The Textile Museum and Dumbarton Oaks, 1979, pp. 165-184. (23) According to the data found in the archives of the Museo Amano, in Yoshitaro Amano’s nomenclature the name of “El Campanario” corresponded to the monument at Castillo and all of the cemeteries adjacent to the monumental area, which lie on the southern slopes of the Cerro Campanario. (24) Prümers, Heiko. Der Fundort ‘El Castillo’; and “‘El Castillo’ de Huarmey: una plataforma funeraria del Horizonte Medio,” Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 4: 289-312, 2000. (25) Bogacki, Miron, Milosz Giersz, Patrycja Przadka-Giersz, Wieslaw Malkowski and Krzysztof Misiewicz. “Detección remota y análisis con GIS de distribución de artefactos en superficie en el Castillo de Huarmey,” in Milosz Giersz and Iván Ghezzi (Eds.), Arqueología de la costa de Ancash. Andes. Boletín del Centro de Estudios Precolombinos de la Universidad de Varsovia, vol. 8. Warsaw - Lima. Polish Latin American Studies Society and Institut Français d’Études Andines. Varsovia-Lima 2011, pp. 311-326. (26) Prümers. Der Fundort ‘El Castillo’; and “El Castillo de Huarmey.” (27) In the Virú Valley, horizontal wooden beams integrated into the body of the building have been recorded at sites such as Gallinazo (Strong, William Duncan, and Clifford Evans Jr. Cultural Stratigraphy in the Viru Valley, Northern Peru. New York: Columbia Studies in Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 4, 1952, p. 212), Castillo de Tomaval (Kroeber, Alfred L. Archaeological Explorations in Peru II: The northern coast. Anthropological Memoirs, Vol. 2, No. 2. 301 Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 1930: 78; Strong and Evans. Cultural Stratigraphy, pp. 110, 212 and PI. Xllc; Willey, Gordon Randolph. Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 155. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1953: 164 and PI. 23), and Castillo de Sarraque (Willey. Prehistoric Settlement Patterns, p. 172). They can also be found at Huaca Las Estacas in Túcume (Trimborn, Hermann. El reino de Lambayeque en el antiguo Perú. Collectanea Instituti Anthropos No. 19. St. Augustin: Hans Völkerund Kulturen-Anthopos Institut, 1979: 51-67). Although Prümers (“ ‘El Castillo’ de Huarmey,” p. 294) interprets them as a tradition native to Peru’s North Coast, it should be noted that both of the traditions mentioned above have a strong foreign component. The use of horizontal beams is more common in highland traditions, and their use on the coast was certainly limited to the periods when interregional contacts between the coast, the highlands, and the tropical forest intensified (the late Early Horizon and the beginning of the Early Intermediate Period, the Middle Horizon), and to changes in the palaeoclimate that favoured harvesting wood on the arid Pacific coast. (37) Trigo Rodríguez, David, and Roberto Hidalgo Rocabado. Tiwanaku - Huari: los miembros inferiores y sus representaciones en las ofrendas del Horizonte Medio. (El simbolismo del rito de corte de piernas en la iconografía de los Andes). La Paz: Producciones Cima, 2012. (28) The cane-moulded adobe bricks were probably derived from the destruction and reuse of previous buildings—which were related with the presence of groups bearing the Virú-Gallinazo and Moche material culture—that were found and studied by our team in the earliest strata under the foundations of the monumental platform with the central patio. (42) See the essay by Gary Urton in this volume. (29) See the essay by Krzysztof Makowski in this volume. (30) Flies of the Muscomorpha infraorder. (31) See the essay “The funerary of the noble women of Castillo de Huarmey. A selection”, in this volume. (32) See the essay by Patrycja Przadka Giersz in this volume. (33) See the essay by Krzysztof Makowski in this volume. (34) See the essay by Wieslaw Wieckowski in this volume. (35) It is worth recalling that some important Wari tombs at Conchopata, Huari or Espíritu Pampa (and perhaps in Tiahuanaco too) had an aperture, breathing hole or ttoco above the mortuary chamber that reached right up to the tomb, and which could be used on certain occasions to place some objects or liquids as offerings. See Isbell, William H. “Mortuary Preferences;” Janusek, John W. Ancient Tiwanaku. Case Studies in Early Societies. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008; Isbell, William H., and Antti Korpisaari. “Burial in the Wari and the Tiwanaku heartlands: similarities, differences, and meanings,” Diálogo Andino. Revista de Historia, Geografía y Cultura Andina 39: 91-122, 2012. (36) Alva, Walter, Sipán: descubrimiento e investigación. Lima: edición del autor, 2004. (38) The analyses Lima’s Palynology and Palaeobotany Laboratory made of the grains of starch and of the phytoliths in the sediments of the vessels found in the niches in the seal in the antechamber, as well as those in the kero-cups and the bottles [botellas cantimplora] found in the main lady’s sub-chamber, showed that all of these vessels were used to store liquids made out of Zea mays, with a slight touch of Phaseolus sp. and some other herbs. (39) Nelson, Andrew, and Luis Jaime Castillo. “Huesos a la deriva. Tafonomía y tratamiento funerario en entierros Mochica Tardío de San José de Moro.” Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, 1: 137-163, 1997. (40) Isbell, William H. “Mortuary Preferences”. (41) Blom, Deborah E., and John Wayne Janusek. “Making Place: Humans as Dedications in Tiwanaku.” World Archaeology 36: 123-141, 2004. (43) According to the looters who were his informants, Prümers. “‘El Castillo’ de Huarmey,” p. 294, the niches had a mortuary role with lateral burials that had humble grave goods, whereas the main contexts with very rich grave goods would have been in the sealed rooms, in whose walls the niches were inserted. (44) Bennett, Wendell C. The North Highlands of Peru. Excavations in the Callejon de Huaylas and Chavin de Huantar. New York: Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 39 (1), 1944. (45) Isbell, William H. “Honcopampa Monumental Ruins in Peru’s North Highlands,” Expedition 3 (33): 27-37, 1991; Tschauner, Hartmut. “Honco Pampa: arquitectura de élite del Horizonte Medio en Callejón de Huaylas,” in Ibarra Ascencios, Bebel (Ed.), Arqueología de la sierra de Ancash. Propuestas y perspectivas. Lima: Instituto Cultural Runa, 2003, pp. 194-220. (46) Tschauner. “Honco Pampa: arquitectura de élite,” p. 200. (47) Based on our controlled excavations I concur with Luis Jaime Castillo and Flora Ugaz (“El contexto y la tecnología de los textiles mochica,” in Lavalle, José Antonio de (Ed.), Tejidos milenarios del Perú. Lima: AFP Integra, 1999: 248) as regards the problems raised by this inaccurate nomenclature that only survives in textiles. It is worth pointing out that the presumed “stylistic fusion” of the Moche and Wari traditions is limited only to possible reminiscences of some northern techniques (which are local techniques in this area) and geometric iconographic elements. (48) See the essay by María Inés Velarde and Pamela Castro de la Mata in this volume. (49) The Middle Horizon’s Epoch 2 has been traditionally dated to A.D. 700-850, and was recently refined and extended to A.D. 800-1000. (50) Menzel. “Style and time in the Middle Horizon.” (51) See the essay by Milosz Giersz and Krzysztof Makowski in this volume. (52) Shimada, Izumi. “La cultura Sicán. Caracterización arqueológica,” in Mendoza Samillán, Eric (Ed.), Presencia histórica de Lambayeque. Lima: Ediciones y Representaciones Falcón, 1985. (53) Collier, Donald. “Archaeological Investigations in the Casma Valley, Peru.” Akten des 34 Internationalen Amerikanisten Kongresses, Wien, 1960. Horn, Vienna: Verlag Ferdinand Berger, 1962, pp. 411-417. (54) Thompson, Donald E. “Postclassic innovations in architecture and settlement patterns in the Casma Valley, Peru,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 20 (1): 91-105, 1964; and “Archeological Investigations.” (55) According to the chronological system proposed by Menzel, op. cit., the Wari Empire managed to impose its style during Middle Horizon 1B and 2A, and its weakening was required for local traditions— classified as styles belonging to Middle Horizon 2B, 3 and 4—to reappear. Even so, some of these traditions are found associated in primary contexts with Middle Horizon 1B/2A pieces, whilst others are associated with Middle Horizon 2B pieces. A consensus was also recently reached upon that Huari continued manufacturing its distinctive pottery up to around A.D. 1000, as is shown by the C14 samples from Conchopata. (56) It was assumed since the study done by Menzel, “Style and time,” that a new centre of power and prestige arose on the North Central coast during the late Middle Horizon, and that it probably had its focal point in the Huarmey Valley, where a mould-stamped pottery [alfarería impresa de molde] was manufactured that had designs derived from the Wari repertoire. Menzel placed its rise in Epoch 3 (A.D. 775-850 according to the initial estimates; Epoch 3 was recently related with Epoch 4 and was dated to A.D. 1000-1050). (57) See the essay by Milosz Giersz and Krzysztof Makowski in this volume. (58) According to Isbell and Korpisaari, “Burial in the Wari and the Tiwanaku heartlands,” the “royal [Wari] burials” comprise their types 5c and 9, and are classified as “Megalithic Wari Internments” or “Megalithic Monumental” tombs. These buildings housed several individuals who were placed in various structures inside the same room or building. It is possible that a crypt occupied the central area in at least one of the mortuary rooms, whereas all others seem to have been secondary. Each crypt may have held the remains of more than one individual. 335 Referencias MANUSCRITOS Tello, Julio Cesar “Cuadernos de investigación de la Primera Expedición Huaylas de 1919 en los Valles de Huarmey y Culebras”. Fuente: Grupo I Huaylas. Archivo Julio C. Tello del Museo de Arqueología y Antropología de San Marcos. Yacovleff, Eugenio 1930 “Informe acerca del viaje a Huarmey III-1930. Caja: 18 Grupo Huaylas, Folios 601-620. Archivo Julio C. Tello, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. 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