The domestication of cattle, sheep and goats had already taken place in the Near East by the eighth millennium BC 1–3. Although there would have been considerable economic and nutritional gains from using these animals for their milk and other products from living animals—that is, traction and wool—the first clear evidence for these appears much later, from the late fifth and fourth millennia BC 4,5. Hence, the timing and region in which milking was first practised remain unknown. Organic residues preserved in archaeological pottery 6,7 have provided direct evidence for the use of milk in the fourth millennium in Britain 7–9 , and in the sixth millennium in eastern Europe 10 , based on the d 13 C values of the major fatty acids of milk fat 6,7. Here we apply this approach to more than 2,200 pottery vessels from sites in the Near East and southeastern Europe dating from the fifth to the seventh millennia BC. We show that milk was in use by the seventh millennium ; this is the earliest direct evidence to date. Milking was particularly important in northwestern Anatolia, pointing to regional differences linked with conditions more favourable to cattle compared to other regions, where sheep and goats were relatively common and milk use less important. The latter is supported by correlations between the fat type and animal bone evidence. The use of milk, wool and traction, so-called 'secondary' products, obtained from domestic animals without killing them, marks an important step in the history of domestication 4,5. But evidence for when and how this first happened is inconclusive. Some researchers have argued that once animals were domesticated the potential benefits of these products would have been exploited rapidly 11. Others have pointed to the late appearance of unequivocal evidence—that is, representations of milking scenes, carts and ploughs—and to barriers , such as lactose intolerance in humans, suggesting that early domestication was predominantly for meat and hides, postulating a 'secondary products revolution' during the fifth or fourth millennium BC, 2,000–4,000 years after the first domestication of cattle, sheep and goats in the Near East and Europe 5,12. Evidence provided by figurines and pictures of animals before 4000 BC, and from artefacts (for example, ceramic strainers), has been variously interpreted 13 , as has evidence from animal bone assemblages, especially the ages at which animals were killed, taken as reflecting what they were kept for and how they were managed 14–16. The analysis of lipid residues from pottery, particularly our discovery that ruminant milk fatty acids can be distinguished from those of carcass fats, provided a new tool for detecting early milk use 6,7. The approach rests upon differences in the d 13 C value of the C 18:0 (in C x:y , x is the number of carbon atoms in the fatty acid, and y is the number of double bonds) fatty acid of milk and carcass fats. This arises from a greater proportion of dietary carbohydrate-derived carbon being used in the biosynthesis of carcass fat C 18:0 , compared to milk fat, up to 40% of which derives from biohydrogenated dietary unsat-urated C 18 fatty acids (C 18:3, C 18:2 and C 18:1) 17,18. Using this approach, we recently provided evidence for widespread milk use at some of the earliest Neolithic sites in southern Britain 7–9. However, these sites, dating to the early fourth millennium BC, are late in relation to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic of the Near East and southern and central Europe. The same technique has also provided evidence for milk use in Romania before 5000 BC 10. Reported here are results from analyses of organic residues from sherds of pottery vessels from fifth-to seventh-millennium BC sites in southeastern Europe, Anatolia and the Levant. Vessels most likely to have been used for food preparation were selected to test where milk use started, and whether the use of milk products first began in the region where farming was pioneered, namely within the Fertile Crescent, or whether it was an innovation of other regions. Figure 1 shows the locations of the 23 sites from which the sherds were sampled. The results of the analyses of 2,225 sherds are summarized in Table 1 and Figs 2 and 3; 12% of the sherds (255) yielded sufficient residue for compound-specific stable carbon isotope analysis. Typical gas chromatographic profiles of the residues displayed in Fig. 2 show that the C 16:0 and C 18:0 fatty acids predominate, the high abundance of the latter confirming that the residues derive from animal fats. Mean lipid concentrations varied over the range 0.54– 1.74 mg per g sherd. The lower concentrations and incidences of lipid residues in these assemblages, compared to pottery from northern European sites, probably relates to differences in vessel use, clay type, the greater age of the pottery and/or degradative factors associated

إن هدف هذه المقالة – وهي غير موجهة إلى مجرمي الحرب ولا إلى ضحاياهم الذين تكفيهم همومهم – هو تمييز القضايا الأخلاقيّة التي أثارتها وتثيرها الحرب الإسرائيلية على الشعب الفلسطيني في قطاع غزة، ومعالجتها على حدة. والمقصود هو المعضلات الأخلاقية التي تواجه الإنسانية نتيجة للأعمال الوحشية التي تُرتكب خلال العدوان، والآليات (ميكانيزم) التي استخدمها لتحييد الحكم الأخلاقي على ما يُرتكب من جرائم.

In the recent literature, several authors have argued that the capacity to track factive mental states plays a role in explaining our ability to understand and predict people’s behavior (Nagel 2013; Nagel 2017; Phillips & Norby 2019; Phillips et al. 2020; Westra & Nagel 2021). The topic of this chapter is whether this capacity also enters into an explanation of our ability to track skilled and intentional actions.