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In this paper, I will revisit Slavoj Žižek’s theory of the “sublime object of ideology”, particularly where it is framed as “negative magnitude” (1997: 81) – wherein the internal contradictions or antagonisms of a particular society are ideologically displaced onto an external figure of the Other – in order to explore the paranoiac logics and symmetrical fantasies of the contemporary political landscape as depicted (and satirised) in Sacha Baron Cohen’s recent series, Who Is America? (Showtime, 2018).
In 1952, Arthur Miller wrote The Crucible – a fictionalised staging of the 1692 Salem witch trials. As an allegory of McCarthyite anti-communist hysteria in 1950s America, the play could itself be considered a form of sublimation: firstly, of course, in the way that all creative works can be understood, in the Freudian context, as a diversion of the drives (1916-17). But secondly, and as allegory specifically, we could consider it a sort of sublimated political gesture: Miller’s protest against a modern-day witch hunt finding its expression in an alternative form. However, for the purposes of this paper what I want to identify is the socio-political mechanism of sublimation at work both in the context of the production of The Crucible and within its narrative and staging. Specifically, I intend to explore The Crucible in relation to Slavoj Žižek’s theory of the “sublime object of ideology” (1989). To this end, I will address Miller’s own adaptation of his stage play in Nicholas Hytner’s 1996 film, for the ways in which its formal strategies emphasise the key features of social conflict that drive persecution. And while it might, at first face, seem almost an error of category to examine the “sublime” in the context of a symposium on sublimation, it is worth noting that both Freud (1930) and Lacan (1992) emphasised the social function of sublimation. Moreover, Žižek’s theory relies specifically on Lacan’s most succinct definition of sublimation, as the elevation of the object “to the dignity of the Thing” (1992: 134), which we can understand here as the raising of something quotidian to a privileged position within the social fabric. Reflecting the terrible fascination of the Thing, such an object may be venerated or, indeed, denigrated, like the totemic animal that is both worshipped and sacrificed in order to ensure the cohesion of the tribe or clan (Freud 1913). In this paper, I will focus on what Žižek calls the sublime object as “negative magnitude” (1997: 81) to explore the logic of scapegoating – where the internal contradictions or antagonisms of a particular society are ideologically displaced onto an external figure of the Other – that we can chart from (at least) the Salem witch trials to the present day refugee crisis.
In his late lectures, Foucault developed the ancient Greek concept of parrhesia, a courage to speak the truth in the face of danger. While not entirely uncritical of the notion, Foucault seemed to find something of an ideal in the political and aesthetic ideal of franc-parler, of speaking freely and courageously. Simultaneously, post-1968 political thought valorized the ideal of parrhesia, or "speaking truth to power": parrhesia seemed inherently progressive, the sole preserve of the left. But a cursory inspection of the annals of Nazism and fascism shows that these movements also aligned themselves with parrhesiastical modes of expression. The fragmented, disparate strands of today's neo-fascist revival, too, are closely imbricated with the notion of speaking valiantly in the face of supposed orthodoxies: in many ways, the preeminent parrhesiasts today are found on the neo-fascist side. This points to an essential weakness in the concept of parrhesia, particularly in terms of its value and valence as a strategy for the political left. Perhaps it matters less how we speak-being caught up in language games-than what policies and programs we enact. Žižek's plea for a renewed dogmatic orthodoxy and Chesterton's criticism of heresy offer ways out of the parrhesiastical trap.
2016 •
There still seems to be a great confusion among the readers of Philip Roth with regards to the critical approach of his works. Much commentary has been directed towards Roth’s ethnic proclivity and, to a serious extent, has seemingly resulted in diminishing the potency of his texts and their effects on the reader. Whilst the focus is primarily centred on Philip Roth (as the ‘American’ and/or the ‘Jewish’) and his own integration within the American society, the intrinsic values of his writing have consequently become rather sequestered and seemingly secondary. Nevertheless, as The Plot Against America (2004) will hopefully reveal, Roth’s writing often extends far beyond the margins of the fictional and the unbelievable, and draws a remarkably paralleled and accurate account of the world. Partly, this is due to the fact that, the issues he so insistently delves into – of conflicting ethnic identities, of contradicting ideologies, and the dangers and threats these result in – are often far bigger than any one person, or his attitude, or his hometown, or his own country. Consequently, and as this essay will primarily concentrate on, Roth’s thematics thus become strikingly multi-dimensional, which is due precisely to his choice of such an overwhelming, ever-engulfing subject-matters, greatly pondering over real issues and real-world anxieties.
Studies in East European Thought
Act Without Denial: Slavoj Žižek on Totalitarianism, Revolution and Political Act2000 •
The election of Donald Trump is a catastrophe that no accelerationist hypothesis can justify. The principle of internationalism, neoliberal or otherwise, has been dealt a devastating blow at a time when the world faces spiralling climate and migration crises. Domestically, he has mobilised, however chaotically, the most retrograde forces in American society, who experience through him a carnivalesque transgression in ‘Making America Great Again’ one tweet, post and triggered liberal at a time. While Trump-cheering suburbanites may lack a Brownshirt discipline, reinvigorated domestic forces of repression – from the police to Homeland Security agency ICE – give his fascism some legs. Events in Charlottesville and the pardoning of Joe Arpaio underline the empowerment of ethno-nationalists and Trump’s willingness to incite violence when his back is against the wall. Trump is useful in demonstrating the libidinal truth of the conservative movement: a desire to wield an oligarchic power as part of an exceptional group licensed to lash out at their enemies, whether they be minorities, feminists, migrants or the left. Trump has no particular political talent other than to act as a pure medium for these unrestrained conservative pathologies; as such, he offers the left our historic moment. At this point, it would seem that some version of ‘socialism or barbarism’ would be the undeniable political calculus. Instead, the left has been thwarted by a liberalism more invested in preserving its fantasies and nightmares than confronting a responsibility to history. A resistance of sorts has been born, but one that reveals the libidinal deadlock between liberalism and its enemy. For the American liberal, Trump’s election has universalised a struggle between educated, science-loving, progressive technocrats and all of the beasts of base political passion – from populists, fascists and the alt-right to social democrats, self-described ‘dirtbag leftists’, antifa and communists. Nothing best captures this fallacious political division then the coinage ‘alt-left’, used by liberals and Trump alike to render socialism analogous to fascism. Against these imagined political forces liberals cling to the fantasy of rational compromise and adorn themselves with the moniker ‘the resistance’ as exercises in negative identity only made meaningful by the urgent threat of Trump as an unprecedented evil.
Millennium-Journal of International Studies
From the Sublime to the Subliminal: Fear, Awe and Wonder In International Politics2006 •
This essay offers a critical study of contemporary culture of conspiracy. The whole essay starts with Freud's clinical, theoretical assessment and Lacan's later reconceptualization of Schreber's case of paranoia in order to examine the relevance or irrelevance of the category " paranoia " to contemporary cultural, political analyses, and how its analytical value of properly psychoanalytic origin has been distorted, undermined or redefined. Then, paranoid-cynical subjectivity is analyzed in light of Žižek's theory of ideological fantasy, which highlights how ideology grips the subject through the structuration of enjoyment and the split of belief and actions. Accordingly, whether paranoid cynicism transgresses or supports the dominant power system and status quo is brought into discussion. The final section of this essay, through interpreting films like The Truman Show and Fight Club, relates conspiracy and paranoid-cynical subjectivity to contemporary society of enjoyment and examines the difficulty, if not impossibility, of desiring, free choice and ethico-political agency under the impact of the pervasive superegoic commands to transgress and enjoy.
Glavanakova, Alexandra. Transcultural Imaginings. Translating the Other, Translating the Self in Narratives about Migration and Terrorism. Sofia: KX – Critique and Humanism Publishing House, 2016. ISBN: 978 954 587 201 3
Chapter Eight. Phantoms of Liberty. Gergana Dimitrova and Zdrava Kamenova's P.O. Box Unabomber, Paul Auster's Leviathan. In Transcultural Imaginings. Translating the Other, Translating the Self in Narratives about Migration and Terrorism. Sofia, 2016The focus in this chapter is on the role of fiction and the artist as intellectual in translating terrorism and violence. Two texts are used in this case study: Leviathan by the contemporary American writer, Paul Auster, and the experimental play P.O. Box: Unabomber by the Bulgarians Gergana Dimitrova and Zdrava Kamenova. Though coming from quite dissimilar socio-political regions and cultural backgrounds, they reflect on the interrelation between fact and fiction, while partaking of the dynamic process of their fusion and opposition. Both texts consider the connection between literary power and political power, the role of art in radical politics, and of the artist as public conscience and major culture-shaping force. Despite the many differences in terms of genre, style, and language of expression between the two texts, they share a common thematic concern. Both offer interpretations of terrorism across cultures not posited against liberty as an abstract notion, but as a commentary on the status and identity of contemporary America. Both focus on the exploration of the terrorist mind, especially where it concerns that of an intellectual-turned-terrorist – a writer, or an academic – who commits acts of domestic terrorism, described also as “lone-wolf” and “homegrown” terrorism. Thematically, both texts are connected to those discussed in the previous two chapters, as they tackle the issue of liberty in the state of liberal democracy and the sacrifices the enlightened individual is willing to make – or will be pushed to make – for the sake of the protection of that liberty as envisioned and desired. They achieve this by representing directly, in the case of the Bulgarian play, or indirectly, in the case of Auster’s novel, Theodore Kaczynski, the Unabomber, the most wanted terrorist in the U.S. in the period prior to 9/11.
Revista de Derecho de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso
Sistema acusatorio de justicia penal y principio de obligatoriedad de la acción penal2013 •
International Journal Of Scientific Research And Education
Psycho-Demograhic Factors as Predictors of Depression Among Person With Diabete Mellitus2016 •
2009 •
Respiratory Care
In Vitro Evaluation of Heat and Moisture Exchangers Designed for Spontaneously Breathing Tracheostomized Patients2013 •
HAL (Le Centre pour la Communication Scientifique Directe)
An energy balance of blade-casing interaction2016 •
Schizophrenia Research
Self-attribution bias during continuous action-effect monitoring in patients with schizophrenia2014 •
2012 •
Annals of Botany
Sucrose and Nitrogen Supplies Regulate Growth of Maize Kernels1999 •