Alignment in the Andic Languages: Towards a Definition of Transitivity in Zilo Andi Neige Rochant Hélène Gérardin INaLCO, ENS (Paris) neige.rochant@ens.fr Paris Sorbonne University helene.gerardin@inalco.fr 0.! Introduction 0.1.! Perilinguistic data !! Russian Federation > Republic of Dagestan (Caucasus) > Botlikh district !! Nakh-Dagestanian (East-Caucasian) > Dagestanian > Avar-Andic-Tsezic > Andic (8~10 languages) > Andi (~ 9 dialects) > Zilo dialect !! ~ 20,000 Andi speakers — trilingual in Avar and Russian — threatened language (Simons & Fennig 2018) !! Grammar sketches — Andi dial.: Dirr (1906), Cercvadze (1965), Rikwani: Sulejmanov (1957), Gagatl: Salimov (1968). Hardly any syntax. Zilo: in progress. No dictionary 0.2.! Overview of morphosyntax !! Ergative/P- alignment (c.f. Creissels 2014) !! Syntactic roles indicated through case marking and, in many verbs, agreement in gender-number (only with nominative argument) !! Intransitive construction: ! χadiʒati V{SNOM} j-ukː-u Khadizhat[F][NOM] F-fall-AOR ‘Khadizhat fell down.’ !! Basic Transitive Construction: ! qχ’urban-di Qurban-ERG V{AERG, PNOM} χwammi b-itʃː-ij. fish[AN][NOM] AN-catch-PF ‘Qurban caught a fish.’ !! Any argument retrievable by context is omissible !! No overt valency-decreasing derivation !! Productive synthetic causative (ex. 3) H. Gérardin & N. Rochant Syntax of the World’s Languages (SWL8) ! a. kaʁar 3–5 Sep. 2018 ts’at-o. paper[INAN2][NOM] burn-AOR ‘The paper burnt.’ b. den-ni I-ERG kaʁar ts’at-oɬ-i paper[INAN2][NOM] burn-CAUS-AOR ‘I burnt the paper.’ !! 2 equipollent denominal derivations: inchoative (ex. 4a) vs. factitive (ex. 4b) ! a. ʃiw̃ tsː’ik’ːu-ɬ-ij. milk[INAN2][NOM] sour-INCH-PF ‘The milk turned sour.’ b. miɬir-di sun-ERG ʃiw̃ tsː’ik’ːu-jd-ij. milk[INAN2][NOM] sour-FCT-PF ‘The sun soured the milk.’ 0.3.! Methodology and data AIMS: o! Draw map of Zilo bivalent verbs o! Analyze Zilo data within framework of transitivity o! Propose interpretation of data more relevant than common theory on lability, as recommended by Creissels (2014) o! Show how Zilo data can contribute to better understanding of transitivity crosslinguistically o! Present hitherto unknown data from one of the least described branches of the Dagestanian languages !! METHOD: builds on Gérardin (2016) for Georgian (non-related Caucasian language): o! Rigorously separate levels of linguistic study (morphology, syntax, semantics and pragmatics) o! Record all primary verbs and submit them to different types of tests in order to determine their relation to the transitive prototype (ex. 2) (cf. Næss 2007; Hopper & Thompson 1980) o! Establish transitivity scale !! DATA: all from personal fieldwork (Apr/Aug 2017-Aug 2018)1 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! 1 We thank dearly all our native Zilo-speakers consultants, especially A. M. Magomedov’s family. 2 Alignment in the Andic Languages: Towards a Definition of Transitivity in Zilo Andi 1.! 1st transitivity test: compatibility with AERG !! PURPOSE: determine degree of transitivity of verb based on its compatibility with an AERG in underived form !! MATERIAL: Database of 318 verbs elicited from Russian to Andi with one basic sample sentence !! PROCESS: check possibility for each verb to be used with & without an AERG in underived form o! Sample construction V{SNOM} ⊕!!AERG = OK or * ? o! Sample construction V{PNOM , AERG } ⊖ AERG = OK or * ? !! EXAMPLES: ! a. k’epi r-ukː-u. jug[INAN2][NOM] INAN2-fall-AOR ‘The jug fell down.’ b. *pat’imati-di Patimat-ERG k’epi r-ukː-u. jug[INAN2][NOM] INAN2-fall-AOR # ‘Patimat dropped the jug.’ c. OK Pat’imati-di k’epi r-ukː-oɬ-i Patimat-ERG jug[INAN2][NOM] INAN2-fall-CAUS-AOR ‘Patimat dropped the jug.’ ! a. den-ni I-ERG ingur arχ-on. window[INAN1][NOM] open-AOR ‘I opened the window.’ b. OK ingur arχ-on. window[INAN1][NOM] open-AOR ‘The window was opened.’ / ‘The window opened.’ !! CONCLUSIONS: 1)! The test results in division of verb database into two categories: AERG-compatible and AERG-incompatible i)! AERG-incompatible: (a)!inchoative denominals (suffix -ɬ), e.g.: bat’aɬi ‘separate’;!sababɬi ‘be efficient’; ts’ik’ːuɬi ‘sour’; tʃurukiɬi ‘get soiled’; tantajaɬi ‘get torn’; badiɬi ‘gather’; CL-oχːorɬi ‘grow old’, CL-t'iɬi ‘straighten’, saʁiɬi ‘heal’, bot’iɬi ‘darken’, etc. (b)!144 non-derived verbs, e.g.: bahan ‘unravel’; abχo ‘lie’;!abaχo ‘swell’;!adalχu ‘go crazy’; CL&utɬi ‘end/become’; ɡʷanʁun ‘light up’; hebtʃun ‘sneeze’; helli ‘run’; kabi ‘enter’;!kolli ‘float, swim’;!kulikun ‘itch/tickle’;!qχ’iχon ‘fall asleep’;! 3 H. Gérardin & N. Rochant Syntax of the World’s Languages (SWL8) 3–5 Sep. 2018 tɬ’ʷahun ‘burst’;! tɬ’iraχuj ‘grow old’;! k’ari ‘vomit’;! k’iri. ‘separate’;! k’uri ‘drip’;! orʃi ‘be received’;! oχːon ‘boil’;!CL-ʒun ‘grow’;!t’ebi ‘bend’;!qχabi ‘tear up’;!ħalt’un ‘work’;!ħiʃu ‘rule’; tsːudi ‘burst’;!ts’ato ‘burn’; ts’ʷakun ‘shine’; tʃ’ːuri ‘ripen’; CL-aʁi ‘get tired’; CL-edːon ‘talk, speak’; CL-ek’uʔo ‘cry’; CL-erʁa ‘move’; CL-ukːu ‘fall’; CL-uri ‘fly’; cl-uts’o ‘melt’; CL-ko ‘burn’; CL-k’o ‘be’; CL-sːi ‘be pushed’; CLqχin‘break’; CL-tʃ’o ‘die’; CL-ʃo ‘be collected/heal’; tʃ’int’un ‘be mashed’; CL-ortʃ’un ‘escape’; etc. ii)! AERG-compatible: 127 verbs. 2)! All AERG-compatible verbs allow use without AERG , however: (a)!Some of them seem to allow A∅ construction ONLY with passive reading (ex. 7) (b)!Some others seem to allow A∅ construction with readings (ex. 6) ! a. den-ni I-ERG joʃi BOTH passive and anticausative qχamm-i. girl[F][NOM] capture-AOR ‘I captured the girl.’ b. ∅ A∅ joʃi qχamm-i. girl[F][NOM] capture-AOR ‘The girl was captured.’ (#‘The girl captured.’) !! Verbs of type ‘capture’ considered to be higher than verbs of type ‘close’ on transitivity scale, but clear distinction between the two groups requires further testing ⇒ Test 1 distinguishes category of AERG incompatible verbs (left) and AERG compatible verbs Table 1: Test of compatibility with AERG 1) +/- AERG test AERG licenced only by causative marker AERG licenced without causative marker A∅ licenced with both PASS bat’aɬi ‘separate’! tʃurukiɬi ‘get soiled’, ts’ik’ːuɬi ‘sour’, etc. CL-ukːu ‘fall’ CL-edːon ‘talk’ CL-uts’o ‘melt’ kːimmi ‘smile’ turi ‘break down’, etc. A∅ licenced only with & ANTICAUS reading (b) PASS reading (a) CL-itʃon ‘bring’ ummi ‘push’ CL-iqχ’u ‘slaughter’ CL-itʃːi ‘catch’ arχon ‘open’ CL-it’i-jd-i ‘straighten’ bari-jd-i ‘sharpen’ tʃuruki-jd-i ‘stain’, etc. ⊖ transitive ⊕ transitive 4 Alignment in the Andic Languages: Towards a Definition of Transitivity in Zilo Andi 2.! 2nd transitivity test: identification of the syntactic role of the reflexive-intensive pronoun !! SOURCE: Kibrik (1996: 111) & Ljutikova (2001: 380) !! MATERIAL: all verbs diagnosed as AERG-compatible by the first test !! PURPOSE: discriminate between AERG-compatible verbs able to be used without AERG only with passive interpretation and those for which the absence of AERG can trigger both passive and anticausative readings !! BACKGROUND: Andi pronoun ʒi-CL=gu focalizes any argument, taking its case. Its nominative form can be used to focalize either S (ex. 8) or P (ex. 9) ! ʒi-r=gu r-iʒ-un RFL-INAN2=EMPH INAN2-grow-AOR qχ’urtʃi-tɬi reʃa. apricot-GEN tree[INAN2][NOM] ‘The apricot tree grew by itself (i.e. without human participation).’ ! den-ni I-ERG ʒi-w=gu direktor qχ’or-i. RFL-M=EMPH director[M][NOM] call-AOR ‘I called the director himself.’ !! PROCESS: o! Use each AERG-compatible verb without AERG, focalizing the ARGNOM with pronoun ʒi-CL=gu, and check semantics of product sentence o! Pronoun ʒi-CL=gu supposed to emphasize semantic difference between passive and anticausative uses of null-A constructions
requirement for identifying if a verb used with an empty agent slot allows for both anticausative and passive readings or only the passive one o! If an AERG-compatible verb used in a A∅ construction allows only passive reading,
made clear by pronoun ʒi-CL=gu meaning ‘X itself is affected by A’ (ex. 10). If an AERG-compatible verb used in a A∅ construction allows anticausative reading,
correlates with pronoun ʒi-CL=gu meaning ‘X undergoes V by themself’ (ex. 11) ! ∅ ʒi-w=gu direktor A∅ RFL-M=EMPH director[M][NOM] qχ’or-i. call-AOR ‘The director himself was called.’ !∅ A∅ ingur ʒi-b=gu arχ-on. window[INAN1][NOM] RFL-INAN1=EMPH open-AOR ‘The window opened by itself.’ !! RESULTS: 1)! All non-derived AERG-compatible verbs are compatible with reading ‘X undergoes V by themself’ of pronoun ʒi-CL=gu (ex. 12): 5 H. Gérardin & N. Rochant Syntax of the World’s Languages (SWL8) ! ∅ ʒi-r=gu hints’ːu A∅ RFL-INAN2=EMPH 3–5 Sep. 2018 r-oqχ’-on door[INAN2][NOM] INAN2-close-AOR ‘The door closed by itself.’ / ‘The door itself was closed’. Sometimes conditionally upon the setting of a special context: – fantastic context (ex. 13): ! ∅ tʃaj A∅ tea[INAN1][NOM] ʒi-b=gu tsː’ad-ir. RFL-INAN1=EMPH drink-PROG ‘Tea is drunk without anything else in it (lit. ‘Tea itself is drunk.’).’ ?‘Tea drinks by itself.’ (+fantastic context) OK‘Tea drinks by itself (magically).’ – ‘sarcastic negative’ context (ex. 14): ! ∅ gaga A∅ fruit_stone[INAN2][NOM] ʒi-r=gu r-etɬ’-esːa! RFL-INAN2=EMPH INAN2-plant-FUT.NEG ‘The fruit stones aren’t going to plant by themselves!’ [“you have to do it”]
All non-derived verbs allow anticausative reading of A∅ constructions 2)! Only factitive denominals are incompatible with reading ‘X undergoes V by themself’ of pronoun ʒi-CL=gu (ex. 15).
allow A∅ constructions ONLY with passive (arbitrary) reading. ! motʃ’i ʒi-w=gu *saʁi-jd-esːa child[M/F][NOM] RFL-M=EMPH / healthy-FCT-FUT.NEG saʁi-ɬ-esːa OK healthy-INCH-FUT.NEG ‘The child isn’t going to heal by himself!’ ⇒ Test 2 distinguishes AERG compatible verbs allowing anticausative reading of A∅ constructions, vs. AERG compatible verbs allowing A∅ only with passive reading Table 2: Test of the reflexive-intensive pronoun 1) +/- AERG test AERG licenced only by causative marker AERG licenced without causative marker A∅ licenced with both PASS 2) RFL test bat’aɬi ‘separate’! tʃurukiɬi ‘get soiled’, ts’ik’ːuɬi ‘sour’, etc. CL-ukːu ‘fall’ CL-edːon ‘talk’ CL-uts’o ‘melt’ kːimmi ‘smile’ turi ‘break down’, etc. & ANTICAUS reading CL-itʃon ‘bring’ ummi ‘push’ CL-iqχ’u ‘slaughter’ CL-itʃːi ‘catch’ qχuqχan ‘saw’ arχon ‘open’, etc. ⊖ transitive A∅ licenced only with reading saʁi-jd-i ‘heal’ CL-it’i-jd-i ‘straighten’ bari-jd-i ‘sharpen’ tʃuruki-jd-i ‘stain’ ʃobi-jd-i ‘neuter’, etc. PASS ⊕ transitive 6 Alignment in the Andic Languages: Towards a Definition of Transitivity in Zilo Andi Explanation, cf. Creissels (2014): • Combination of three typological features (radical P-alignment + unrestricted use of null-A constructions + no agent demoting/removing derivation) ⇒ null-A TR predications = ITR predications.
All AERG compatible verbs are able to be used in ITR construction (with either passive or anticausative reading) • Overt markers implying semantic presence of an Agent (here: factitive, in opposition to inchoative) restrict semantics of null-A constructions to passive reading 3.! 3rd transitivity test: morphology and syntax of the imperative !! PURPOSE: o! Corroborate results of tests 1 & 2 o! Further refine typology of AERG-compatible verbs 3.1.! Morphological subtest: ability to form an intransitive/transitive imperative !! SOURCE: Kibrik (1996:110) & Ljutikova (2001:379) !! BACKGROUND: Andi features two imperative suffixes in distributional alternation: o! /Vb/ (past stem vowel + -b) used in intransitive constructions (ex. 16) o! /-o/ (bare athematic stem + -o) used in transitive constructions (ex. 17) ! j-erʁ-ab F-hurry-IMP(ITR) ho<j>a! here<F> ‘Come here quickly!’ ! hints’ːu door[INAN2][NOM] r-iʃd-o! INAN2-lock-IMP(TR) ‘Lock the door!’ !! PROCESS: check existence of intransitive and transitive imperative forms in paradigm of each verb !! EXPECTATIONS: ability to form intransitive imperative supposed to show a verb’s compatibility with intransitive construction, vs. ability to form transitive imperative supposed to show a verb’s compatibility with transitive construction o! Previously diagnosed AERG-incompatible verbs expected to be able to form intransitive, but not transitive imperative o! Previously diagnosed AERG-compatible verbs expected to be able to form transitive imperative 7 H. Gérardin & N. Rochant Syntax of the World’s Languages (SWL8) 3–5 Sep. 2018 o! Only AERG-compatible verbs allowing for anticausative reading of A∅ constructions expected to be able to form intransitive imperative Morphological selection of imperative form supposed to correlate with overt syntactic feature: selection of argument in role of imperative addressee.
Subtest used in combination with the imperative addressee subtest. 3.2.! Syntax: selection of the argument in role of imperative addressee !! SOURCE: Forker (2013:493–494) !! BACKGROUND: intransitive imperative constructions select their unique argument as imperative addressee (ex. 18), while transitive imperative constructions only allow for the ergative argument to be selected as imperative addressee (ex. 19). The imperative addressee can be overtly expressed both: o! outside imperative clause in function of unmarked vocative (woʃo, pat’imat); o! inside clause as subject of imperative predicate inflected for case (men, menni). ! woʃo, boy[M] men ħalt’-um! thou[NOM] work-IMP(ITR) ‘Boy, work!’ ! pat’imat, Patimat[F], men-ni b-edː-o vedra! thou-ERG INAN1-leave-IMP(TR) bucket[INAN1][NOM] ‘Patimat, leave the bucket!’ !! PROCESS: for each verb, check the grammaticality of: o! the ITR imperative form used in an ITR imperative construction, i.e. in combination with a nominative addressee (= ITR imperative pattern) o! the TR imperative form used in a TR imperative construction, i.e. in combination with an ergative addressee (= TR imperative pattern) !! EXPECTATIONS: to corroborate with the morphological imperative subtest 3.3.! AERG-incompatible verbs to the test !! RESULTS: expectations met: all AERG-incompatible verbs can be used with imperative pattern, but not with TR imperative pattern ! a. den I[NOM] buʒ-u wotsːu-ʔo. believe-AOR brother-SUPER.LAT ‘I believed my brother.’ b. wotsːi, brother men buʒ-ub di-ʔo! thou[NOM] believe-IMP(ITR) I-SUPER.LAT ‘Brother, believe me! ’ 8 ITR Alignment in the Andic Languages: Towards a Definition of Transitivity in Zilo Andi c. *wotsːi, brother (men-ni) *buʒ-o thou-ERG believe-IMP(TR) #‘Brother, believe!’ d. OKhede-w DEM-M[NOM] buʒ-oll-o men-ni! believe-CAUS-IMP(TR) thou-ERG ‘Fool him!’ 3.4.! AERG-compatible verbs to the test !! RESULTS: expectations met partially: 1)! Only AERG-compatible verbs allowing anticausative reading of A∅ can be used both in TR and ITR imperative pattern (ex. 21), sometimes provided setting of a fantastic context (ex. 22). Examples of AERG-incompatible verbs tested positive ⊕ to both patterns: ! a. qχ’urban-di w-ak’ar-un Qurban-ERG M-gather-AOR TR and ITR imperatives iʃi<w>a homoloʁadul home<M> friend[F/M].PL[NOM] ‘Qurban gathered his friends at home.’ b. itɬu-w=gu men-ni all-M=EMPH thou-ERG w-ak’ar-on homoloʁadul M-gather-IMP(TR) friend[F/M].PL[NOM] ‘Gather all your friends!’ c. adam, people[M] bisːil w-ak’ar-um-ul! you[NOM] M-gather-IMP(ITR)-PL ‘People, gather yourselves!’ ! a. hegeʃ-di DEM:M-ERG hints’ːu riʃd-ij door[INAN2][NOM] lock-PF ‘He locked the door.’ b. pat’imat, Patimat[F] men-ni hints’ːu riʃd-o! thou-ERG door[INAN2][NOM] lock-IMP(TR) ‘Patma, lock the door!’ c. hints’ːu, men door[INAN2] thou[NOM] riʃd-ib! (+ fantastic context) lock-IMP(ITR) ‘Door, lock yourself!’ Example of AERG-compatible verbs tested positive ⊕ to the negative ⊖ to the ITR imperative pattern: 9 TR imperative pattern and H. Gérardin & N. Rochant Syntax of the World’s Languages (SWL8) ! a. toχturada-di doctor.PL-ERG woʃo saʁi-jd-i boy[M][NOM] healthy-FCT-AOR 3–5 Sep. 2018 ‘The doctors healed the boy.’ b. toχturadul, bisːi-di woʃo saʁi-jd-o! boy[M][NOM] healthy-FCT-IMP(TR) men *saʁi-jd-ib! / thou[NOM] healthy -FCT-IMP(ITR) doctor[M].PL you-ERG ‘Doctors, heal the boy!’ c. woʃo, boy[M] saʁi-ɬ-ib! OK healthy-INCH-IMP(ITR) ‘Boy, recover!’ 2)! One unexpected case: inconsistent results of the two imperative subtests: AERGcompatible verb CL-iʔo ‘bring’ can be used in ITR imperative pattern with meaning ‘arrive’, but cannot be used in fully transitive pattern: compatible with TR imperative construction, but not with TR imperative form: ITR imperative form used in the TR imperative construction (ex. 24). ! a. den-ni I-ERG bisːi-ɬu b-iʔ-o you-DAT INAN1- sajʁati. bring/arrive-AOR gift[INAN1][NOM] ‘I brought you a gift.’ b. woʃo, boy[M] men ho<w>a w-uʔ-ob! thou[NOM] here<M> M- bring/arrive-IMP(ITR) ‘Boy, come over here!’ c. *di-ɬu I-DAT men-ni sajʁati b-iʔ-o! thou-ERG gift[INAN1][NOM] INAN1- bring/arrive-IMP(TR) #‘Bring me a gift!’ d. OK di-ɬu men-ni sajʁati b-iʔ-ob! I-DAT thou-ERG gift[INAN1][NOM] INAN1-bring/arrive-IMP(ITR) ‘Bring me a gift!’ ⇒ Test 3 introduces category containing verb CL-iʔo ‘bring/arrive’, AERG compatible verbs sharing with AERG incompatible verbs unavailability of TR imperative form. 10 Alignment in the Andic Languages: Towards a Definition of Transitivity in Zilo Andi Table 3:!Imperative tests! 1) +/- AERG test AERG licenced only by causative marker AERG licenced without causative marker A∅ licenced with both PASS & 2) RFL test 3) IMP test reading (b) Both ITR & TR IMP patterns available CL-itʃon ‘bring’ ummi ‘push’ CL-iqχ’u ‘slaughter’ CL-itʃːi ‘catch’ qχuqχan ‘saw’ arχon ‘open’, etc. ANTICAUS Only ITR IMP form available bat’aɬi ‘separate’! CL-iʔo ‘arrive/bring’ tʃurukiɬi ‘get soiled’, ts’ik’ːuɬi ‘sour’, etc. CL-ukːu ‘fall’ CL-edːon ‘talk’ CL-uts’o ‘melt’ kːimmi ‘smile’ turi ‘break down’, etc. A∅ licenced only with reading (a) Only TR IMP patterns available saʁi-jd-i ‘heal’ CL-it’i-jd-i ‘straighten’ bari-jd-i ‘sharpen’ tʃuruki-jd-i ‘stain’ ʃobi-jd-i ‘neuter’, etc. PASS ⊖ transitive ⊕ transitive 4.! 4th transitivity test: the causative !! PURPOSE: further refine typology of AERG-compatible verbs allowing anticausative reading of A∅. !! BACKGROUND: Andi causative suffix /-ol/ can derive both bivalent TR verbs form ITR verbs (ex. 26) and trivalent TR verbs from bivalent TR verbs (ex. 25) ! a. tɬurtɬa a<r>ʒ-o turti-tɬi. butter[INAN2][NOM] mix<INAN2>-AOR seed_butter-INTER ‘The butter mixed together with the seed butter.’ b. den-ni I-ERG tɬurtɬa a<r>ʒ-oɬ-ij turti-tɬi. butter[INAN2][NOM] mix<INAN2>-CAUS-PF seed_butter-INTER ‘I mixed the butter together with the seed butter.’ ! a. gedo-di cat-ERG qχ’amm-i ts’ek’a bite-AOR finger[INAN1][NOM] child-INAN1(GEN) ‘The cat bit the child’s finger.’ 11 motʃ’iʃu-b. H. Gérardin & N. Rochant b. motʃ’iʃ-di child-ERG Syntax of the World’s Languages (SWL8) 3–5 Sep. 2018 gedo-<b>o qχ’amm-oɬ-i ts’ek’a. cat-AFF<INAN1> bite-CAUS-AOR finger[INAN1][NOM] ‘The child made the cat bite [his] finger.’ !! PROCESS: test which uses (TR vs. ITR) of a AERG-compatible verb can be causativized, by checking the valency (bivalent vs. trivalent) of its causative derivate. !! RESULTS: o! Almost all non-derived AERG-compatible verbs can be causativized only in their TR use: their causative derivates are always trivalent (ex. 27).
higher on the transitivity scale. o! Limited group of non-derived AERG-compatible verbs can be causativized in both their TR and ITR uses: their causative derivates are ambiguous between trivalent and bivalent (ex. 28).
lower on the transitivity scale.2 ! a. pat’imati-di roqχ’-on hints’ːu. Patimat-ERG close-AOR door[INAN2][NOM] ‘Patimat closed the door.’ b. hints’ːu roqχ’-on. door[INAN2][NOM] close-AOR ‘The door has closed.’ c. pat’imati-di Patimat-ERG roqχ’-onɬ-i hints’ːu. close-CAUS-AOR door[INAN2][NOM] # ‘Patimat closed the door.’ ‘Patimat made [someone] close the door.’ OK ! a. joʃu-di girl-ERG kweru b-its’-ij ɬen-di jug[INAN1][NOM] INAN1-fill-PF water-INST ‘The girl filled the basin with water.’ b. vedra bucket[INAN1][NOM] b-its’-ij ɬen-di INAN1-fill-PF water-INST ‘The bucket has filled up with water.’ !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! 2 One has to exclude from this group verbs belonging to the semantico-syntactic class of A ERGcompatible movement verbs (e.g. tɬ’anni ‘pull’, qχelli ‘scrabble’, ruto ‘unfasten’, qχ’abʃun ‘blink’, obi ‘touch’, b-ajtʃo ‘unfasten’), which can form valency-preserving causatives with a ‘conative-intensive’ meaning. Indeed, their causative derivates are also ambiguous between a bivalent and a trivalent argument structure, but both versions are most likely derived from the transitive use of the verb (which is, for many of them, their only productive use). 12 Alignment in the Andic Languages: Towards a Definition of Transitivity in Zilo Andi c. joʃu-di girl-ERG kweru b-its’-oɬ-ij ɬen-di jug[INAN1][NOM] INAN1-fill-CAUS-PF water-INST (i) ‘The girl filled the basin with water.’ / (ii) ‘The girl made [someone] fill the basin with water.’ d. joʃu-di girl-ERG di-<b>o kweru I-AFF<INAN1> jug[INAN1][NOM] b-its’-oɬ-ij ɬen-di INAN1-fill-CAUS-PF water-INST ‘The girl had me fill the basin with water.’ ⇒ Test 4 divides table into two new categories, introducing classes 3 and 4 of conclusion table. 13 H. Gérardin & N. Rochant Syntax of the World’s Languages (SWL8) 3–5 Sep. 2018 5.! Conclusion: the Zilo Andi transitivity scale Test nb 1) +/- AERG test CLASS 1 AERG licenced only by causative marker 2) RFL test 3) IMP test CLASS 2 CLASS 3 CLASS 4 CLASS 5 AERG licenced without causative marker A∅ licenced with both PASS & ANTICAUS reading (b) Only ITR IMP form available Both ITR & TR IMP patterns (morphology + syntax) available Causative 4) CAUS test applicable to ITR Causative applicable to both ITR and TR uses (=the only use) bat’aɬi ‘separate’# CL-iʔo CL-it’si#‘fill’# ‘arrive/bring’ tʃurukiɬi ‘get CL-eʒa#‘fry’# soiled’, CL-ats’i ‘stick’# ts’ik’ːuɬi ‘sour’, CL-erʃo ‘change’# etc. CL-ukːu ‘fall’ CL-edːon ‘talk’ CL-uts’o ‘melt’ kːimmi ‘smile’ turi ‘break down’, etc. ⊖ transitive A∅ licenced only with reading (a) Only TR IMP pattern available PASS Causative applicable only to TR use CL-itʃon ‘bring’ ummi ‘push’ CL-iqχ’u ‘slaughter’ CL-itʃːi ‘catch’ qχuqχan ‘saw’ arχon ‘open’, etc. saʁi-jd-i ‘heal’ CL-it’i-jd-i ‘straighten’ bari-jd-i ‘sharpen’ tʃuruki-jd-i ‘stain’ ʃobi-jd-i ‘neuter’, etc. ⊕ transitive 14# Alignment in the Andic Languages: Towards a Definition of Transitivity in Zilo Andi AOR aorist F feminine gender INCH inchoative derivation AN animate gender FCT factitive derivation LAT lative direction CAUS causative FUT future NOM nominative case CONT contlocative case HAB habitual PF perfect DAT dative IMP(ITR) intransitive imperative PROG progressive EL elative direction IMP(TR) transitive imperative RFL reflexive EMPH emphatic particle INAN1 first inanimate gender SUPER superlocative case ERG ergative case INAN2 second inanimate gender 6.! 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