Fetus, Flesh, Food: Generating Bodies of Knowledge
in Rabbinic Science
Rachel Rafael Neis (University of Michigan)1
The tractates of Niddah, Bekhorot, and Hullin investigate the generation of material bodies
through ritual and status frameworks concerned with purity, dietary rules, sacrifice, property,
and kinship. Drawing on insights from feminist science studies and new materialisms, I chart
how nascent or emergent bodily materials were parsed in rabbinic science to then be theoretically donated, married, killed, ingested, or otherwise disposed. I show how the rabbis envisaged
bodily products along a spectrum, drawing only a thin line between offspring (valad) and other
material entities, with determinations of materiality and species factoring into such distinctions.
Besides the content of rabbinic knowledge, I consider the conditions in which these knowledges
were formulated. Feminist science studies and new materialist analyses of knowledge-making
and agency offer approaches that go beyond dualist framings of active, knowing subjects (e. g.
rabbinic men, humans, Romans) versus passive known objects (e. g. non-rabbis or women, nonhuman entities, or non-Romans). These approaches allow us to account for the ways in which
rabbinic thinkers, from ca. the second through late fourth centuries, were entangled with and
shaped by the “bodies” of their knowledge. Collectively, these approaches to the generation of
bodily material and to the production of rabbinic knowledge thereof, make for a late ancient
biology that differs from contemporary, “common sense,” Euro-American intuitions about the
distinction between living and nonliving, between human and nonhuman, and between knower
and known. Furthermore, this biology queers accounts of generation that rely on same-species,
hetero-sexual reproduction.
Introduction
By what means did people in antiquity understand the ways that bodies produce, contain, or expel material entities? How did they understand the processes
by which these materials came to be and how did they classify them? What
gestatory, excretory, or other kinds of relationships did they conceive between
human and nonhuman beings and the material entities that they produced?
These questions about the ways that matter or new stuff comes into being – or
to echo feminist science theorist Karan Barad, the ways that matter comes to
1
Portions of this material were presented at the “Talmud, Interrupted,” Feminist Research Seminar and at the Frankel Professorship Inaugural Lecture in 2016. A short version was presented
at the conference Non/Human Materials Before Modernity in 2017: thanks to Elizabeth Roberts
for her response. Another version was available to registrants of the AJS 2017 for the seminar
on “rabbinic knowledge cultures in late antiquity.” I thank Lennart Lehmhaus for his invitation and John Mandsager for his insightful response. My appreciation to Chaya Halberstam
and Marjorie Lehman for inviting me to share significant segments of this material at another
panel at AJS 2017, to respondent Mira Wasserman, and to commentators Yonatan Brafman and
Dana Hollander. I am grateful to Charlotte Fonrobert and the anonymous reviewer for their
helpful remarks and to Michail Kitsos for his editorial assistance.
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matter – were concretized in rabbinic writings from the third century onward,
albeit in unlikely places such as tractates on firstborn offerings to the temple
and on menstrual purity.
In ostensibly technical disquisitions, the tractates of Niddah, Bekhorot, and
Hullin simultaneously investigate the generation of material bodies through
ritual and status frameworks concerned with purity, dietary rules, sacrifice,
property, and kinship. As abstract as inquiries into generative and materializing
processes may have been, their resolutions potentially made for very material
consequences of life, death, and value for various entities and creatures. Thus, to
discern that an entity found within or expelled by a human or animal was “offspring” (valad) rather than something introduced into the host body, a secretion (rir), or some other produced material (e. g. genital flow, menses, or milk),
was to posit a particular destiny for that entity. This article tracks how these
distinctions about such material bodies, their origins, and relatedly, determinations about their destinies, were worked out in late ancient Palestinian rabbinic
writings. Drawing on insights from feminist science studies and new materialisms, I chart how nascent or emergent bodily materials were parsed in rabbinic
science to then be theoretically donated, married, killed, ingested, or otherwise
disposed.2 I show that the rabbis created a spectrum of material entities, with
a thin line between a generated creature (valad) and other material things, and
with determinations of materiality and species often factoring into such distinctions. Putative offspring, of both human and nonhuman creatures, it turns
out, were considered among an array of solid and liquid materials that bodies
hosted and/or expelled, and through an assortment of species variability. And
it was the form and materiality of the emergent entities that factored into their
assessments as offspring and/or proper members of their host or parents’ species or not. This inquiry presses further into the ways that the rabbis, like other
late ancient thinkers, envisaged a variety of reproductive modes and a certain
degree of species fluidity that had the potential to challenge the supremacy of
the human.3
2
3
See, e. g., M. Y. Chen, Animacies: Biopolitics, Racial Mattering, and Queer Affect (Durham: Duke
University Press, 2012); R. Braidotti, The Posthuman (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013); C. Wolfe,
“Human, All Too Human: ‘Animal Studies’ and the Humanities,” PMLA 124 (2009): 564–75;
M. J. Hird, “Biologically Queer,” in The Ashgate Companion to Queer Theory (eds. N. Giffney
and M. O’Rourke; London: Routledge, 2009), 347–62; D. Coole and S. Frost, eds., New Materialisms: Ontology, Agency, and Politics (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010); D. J. Haraway,
When Species Meet (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008).
See R. Neis, “The Reproduction of Species: Humans, Animals and Species Nonconformity in
Early Rabbinic Science,” JSQ 24 (2017): 289–317; idem “Interspecies and Cross-species Generation: Limits and Potentialities in Tannaitic Reproductive Science,” in Strength to Strength:
Essays in Appreciation of Shaye J. D. Cohen (ed. M. L. Satlow; Providence: Brown Judaic Studies, 2018), 309–28; idem “’All That Is in the Settlement:’ Humans, Likeness, and Species in the
Rabbinic Bestiary,” The Journal of Jewish Ethics, 5,1 (2019), 1–39; idem “When Species Meet
in the Mishna,” Ancient Jew Review, Forum on Animals/Species, 2018, https://www.ancientjewreview.com/articles/2018/5/8/when-species-meet-in-the-mishnah. On species fluidity see
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In attending to this combination of classification and consequent destiny
of bodily material, I argue that we must not stop at the curious content of late
ancient rabbinic conceptions of generation and materialization, fascinating as it
is. Rather we ought to also attend to the conditions in which these knowledges
were formulated. This includes taking seriously the material agency of the
supposed “objects” of knowledge: the bodies and bodily products of women and
animals, as well as the social-political-material conditions that shaped Palestinian rabbinic knowledge-making between the first and late fourth centuries. Here
too, science studies and feminist new materialist analyses of knowledge-making
and agency offer approaches that go beyond dualist framings of active knowing subjects (whether rabbinic men, humans, Romans) versus passive known
objects (whether non-rabbis or women, nonhuman entities, or Jews). These
entwined approaches also allow us to account for the ways in which rabbinic
thinkers were entangled with and shaped by the “objects” of their knowledge.4
These approaches to the generation of bodily material and to the production
of rabbinic knowledge thereof, make for a late ancient biology that differs from
contemporary, “common sense,” Euro-American intuitions about the distinction between the living and the nonliving or between the human and the nonhuman. This biology, we will see, also provided alternatives to accounts of generation in terms of same-species, hetero-sexual reproduction.
In what follows I trace these ideas in the Tosefta and the Palestinian Talmud
beginning with Tosefta Bekorot on animal emissions and materials (part two,
Animal Gestation, Ingestion, Emission, turning then to Tosefta Niddah on
human materials (part three, Human Emission, Gestation, Xenogenesis) and
questions of nonbinary analytic frameworks (part four, The Generation of Bodies
of Knowledge: Beyond Binary Analytic Frameworks). I close (part five, Conclusion: Family or Food? The Afterlives of Abortuses) with an analysis of a passage
in Yerushalmi Niddah that joins the human and animal.5 But first I turn briefly
to ancient ideas of generation (part one).
4
5
L. M. V. Totelin, “Animal and Plant Generation in Classical Antiquity,” in Reproduction: Antiquity to the Present Day (eds. N. Hopwood, R. Flemming, and L. Kassell; Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2018), 53–66, esp. 57, 63.
On non-human entanglement with the human, see, e. g., M. J. Hird, “Animal Transex,” Australian Feminist Studies 21 (2006): 35–50, and J. Bennett, Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology
of Things (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 12, 23, 48, 112, 120. Braidotti considers the
possibilities in the techno-scientific present, which “writes hybridity into our social and symbolic sphere and as such it challenges all notions of purity”; R. Braidotti, Transpositions: On
Nomadic Ethics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006), 99.
Tosefta citations are according to S. Lieberman ed., Tosefta Ki-Fshuta: A Comprehensive Commentary on the Tosefta, 12 vols. (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary Press, 1962) or
M. S. Zuckermandel ed., Tosephta: Based on the Erfurt and Vienna Codices with Parallels and
Variants Jerusalem: Wahrmann Books, 1970), with consultations of the Primary Textual Witnesses to Tannaitic Literature.
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1. Generation Before Reproduction
The history of narratives describing how materials come to be found within and to
emerge from bodies is complex and various. One way in which Euro-Americans
have sought to narrow and name such narratives (at least since the mid-eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries) is through the concept of “reproduction.”6
Reproduction is often narrated as a particularly human process involving entities
known as men and women engaging in very specific kinds of activity described
as sexual, which are then seen as resulting in pregnancy, culminating in birth
and delivery of offspring. In both its more simplified and complex variants, this
story creates, replicates, and enacts a particular kind of cultural work, including in its “scientific” guises.7
It is important for us to distinguish between the post-nineteenth century legacies of reproductive thinking and ancient ideas of generation. As scholars of
antiquity and modernity have shown, “generation” signified a different semantic
and conceptual range than did “reproduction.” Nick Hopwood, Rebecca Flemming, and Lauran Kassell describe how generation referenced “a larger, looser
framework for discussing procreation and descent.”8 Laurence Totelin explains
that generation was not humancentric and included “not just animals and plants,
but minerals too.”9 The inclusion of plants and minerals reminds us that coming
into being, or life itself, was not a binary matter for ancient thinkers.
Generation was understood by people in antiquity, including the rabbis, to
largely fall along the lines of “like begets like.” However, as I have shown for
the rabbis, and as we know from Greek and Roman authors, the world of late
antiquity was one in which a variety of generative modes were operative, e. g.
spontaneous generation10 and parthenogenesis, and in which generative out6
7
8
9
10
S. Lettow, “Generation, Genealogy, and Time: The Concept of Reproduction from Histoire
naturelle to Naturphilosophie,” in Reproduction, Race, and Gender in Philosophy and the Early
Life Sciences (ed. S. Lettow; Albany: SUNY Press, 2014), 21–44; B. B. von Wülfingen, C. Brandt,
S. Lettow, and F. Vienne, “Temporalities of Reproduction: Practices and Concepts from the
Eighteenth to the Early Twenty-First Century,” History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences 37
(2015): 1–16; D. McGowan Tress, “The Metaphysical Science of Aristotle’s Generation of Animals and Its Feminist Critics,” in Feminism and Ancient Philosophy (ed. J. K. Ward; New York:
Routledge, 1996), 31–50, 33 (and see 32). On the emergence of the concept of “reproduction”
in the mid-19th century (and its association with mechanized replication) instead of “generation,” see N. Hopwood et al., “Introduction: Communicating Reproduction,” Bulletin of the
History of Medicine 89 (2015): 379–404, esp. 380, 384.
E. Martin, “The Egg and the Sperm: How Science Has Constructed a Romance Based on Stereotypical Male-Female Roles,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 16 (1991): 485–501.
Hopwood et al, Reproduction, 4.
Ibid.
Both the rabbis and other ancients believed that certain entities could be “spontaneously generated” – the rabbis mention a variety of flies generated by wine and other liquids. See e. g.,
S. Lieberman, “Light on the Cave Scrolls from Rabbinic Sources,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 20 (1951): 395–404, 396 and G. L. Campbell, “Origins of Life
and Origins of Species,” in The Oxford Handbook of Animals in Classical Thought and Life (ed.
G. L. Campbell; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 233–47.
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comes were not always mimetic.11 The rabbis and others lived in a world of
reproductive unpredictability that not only made for species mutability but
that also allowed for generative modes beyond hetero-sexual and same-species
reproductive models. Rabbinic ideas of reproduction queer our modern ideas
of a two-parent, same-species, dual-gendered model – at least for humans –
by introducing divine input into generation, sometimes at the expense of the
female parent.12 Another example that we find in tannaitic sources is the possibility of spontaneously arising species-variant offspring born to parents of
the same species.13
Similar to the ways that modern accounts of hetero-sexual reproduction may
be inadequate to ancient understandings of how entities come to be, are the ways
that such accounts have been shown as insufficient for contemporary and modern reproductive contexts and biological narratives.14 Whether by denaturalizing
the means of reproduction or by considering newer reproductive and biogenetic technologies,15 medical anthropologists, historians of science and medicine, and feminist science studies scholars not only highlight shifting practices
11
12
13
14
15
See Neis, “Rabbinic Bestiary,” 1–5, 8–9, 30n24; idem “Interspecies,” 310–312, 327. For examples
of spontaneous generation see m. Hullin 9:6 (half flesh, half earth mouse), b. Sanhedrin 91a,
and b. Sanhedrin 107b. The Sifra distinguishes between creatures that are vertebrates that reproduce and multiply ()בעל עצמות ופרה ורבה, those that have neither characteristic, and those
that have just one: Sifra Shemini 3, 5 (Weiss ed. 49c); Sifra Shemini 5, 1 6 (Weiss ed. 52a); Sifra Shemini 5, 6 (Weiss ed. 52b) on sheratsim that sexually reproduce, not like the mouse of
half flesh half earth 52b; Sifra Shemini 12,4 (Weiss ed. 57b) – all per Ms. Vatican. See b. Hullin
58a on possible parthenogenesis. I address all these reproductive modes again in a future venue. On Greek and Roman thinkers see D. Lehoux, “Why Doesn’t My Baby Look Like Me?” in
Probabilities, Hypotheticals, and Counterfactuals in Ancient Greek Thought, ed. Victoria Wohl
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014) 208–229 and idem, Creatures Born of Mud and
Slime: The Wonder and Complexity of Spontaneous Generation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2017) and the kinds of questions about bodies and their generative workings in
medico-philosophical texts like Aristotle, Generation or Pseudo-Aristotle, Problems.
See Neis, “Reproduction of Species,” 296; idem “Interspecies,” 315; Kessler, Conceiving Israel,
14–16, 78, 82, 104).
Neis, “Reproduction of Species;” idem “Interspecies.” On the introduction of additional data
into the formation of the fetus, see Neis, The Rabbinic Sense of Sight: Jewish Ways of Seeing in
Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 131–35, 154–55.
See Heidi Marx-Wolf, “Living Plants, Dead Animals, and Other Matters: Embryos and Demons in Porphyry of Tyre,” Preternature: Critical and Historical Studies on the Preternatural
vol.7, n.1 (2018): 1–26. Marx-Wolf approaches Porphyry ideas on embodiment and materiality with attention to their multiplicity and becoming by engaging with Deleuze and Guatarri.
She suggestively experiments with “a kind of genealogical connection” between the thought
of Porphyry and these postmodern thinkers. I take myself to be working in a similar vein, informed by some of the new materialist thinkers to which Marx-Wolf points (3–4).
M. Meskus, “Agential Multiplicity in the Assisted Beginnings of Life,” European Journal of
Women’s Studies 22 (2015): 23–39; E. F. S. Roberts, “Gods, Germs, and Petri Dishes: Toward a
Nonsecular Medical Anthropology.” Medical Anthropology 35/3 (2016), 209–219; idem, “When
Nature/Culture Implodes: Feminist Anthropology and Biotechnology,” in Mapping Feminist
Anthropology in the Twenty-First Century (eds. Ellen Lewin and Leni Silverstein; New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2016), 105–25.
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but also queer simplistic linear or causal narratives of reproduction in terms of
specific kinds of bodies, acts, events, and materials.16
As we turn to Tosefta Bekorot and Niddah we find the rabbis placing offspring (including those with species variation) alongside other entities and
materials emitted by animals or humans respectively. As I have shown previously in the case of Niddah, the rabbis placed fetal materials (vālād) released
by humans, along a continuum of other uterine materials including menstrual
products (niddâ), blood that was not niddâ, and solid entities – several in the
form of other species – that were viewed as neither menstrual nor fetal.17 That
the rabbis would embed the putative vālād in such an array of humanly produced entities, and that they similarly placed the nonhuman vālād in a spread
of materials emitted or contained by animals in Bekorot, makes sense when we
remember that the rabbis conceived of “sexual generation” or “periyâ u-reviyâ”
with its sometimes mimetic product as only one possible generative mode and
outcome. In such a world, the precious place of the human becomes precarious: the human is implicated in both species fluidity and material variability.
2. Animal Gestation, Ingestion, Emission
We begin with Tosefta Bekorot which contains a sizeable textual unit (t. Bek.
1:5–12) that works through different cases in which entities or materials come
to be nested within or emitted by various creatures’ bodies.18 The biblical obligation to donate firstborn animals and to dedicate priests to God via the Temple,
along with biblical exclusions of animals and humans with bodily variation or
“blemishes” (mûmîm), undergird the tractate. The tractate not only constructs
idealized able-bodied animals and humans that count as firstborn donations
and priests, but also, in the unit under study and elsewhere, considers fundamental questions about what counts as offspring.19
This unit begins in t. Bek. 1:5 by stipulating that for those animal species subject to firstborn donation, the birthing animal and the one birthed must be of
the same species for the obligation to be incurred.20 The possibility of a crossspecies delivery is immediately raised (t. Bek. 1:6) and resolved with a short ver16
17
18
19
20
M. Strathern, Reproducing the Future: Anthropology, Kinship, and the New Reproductive Technologies (New York: Routledge, 1992) and J. Hird, “Biologically Queer.” Perhaps the most obviously politicized site of such determinations in the US is in the realm of reproductive justice. On thinking with the rabbis through contemporary cloning and chimera as challenges
to hetero-sexual reproduction Neis, “Rabbinic Bestiary,” 1–5, 30n24.
Neis, “Reproduction.”
A shorter parallel to this unit is to be found in the Mishnah (m. Bek. 1:2).
The obligation applies to pure animal kinds (cows, sheep, goats) and the donkey (impure,
therefore cannot be offered to the Temple, so must be “redeemed” or substituted (t. Bek. 1:2).
See m. Bek. 1:2 for cases of a cow delivering something like a donkey species and a donkey delivering something like a horse kind. On the relationship between the Tosefta and the Mishnah
see J. Hauptmann, “The Tosefta as a Commentary on an Early Mishnah,” JSIJ 4 (2005): 1–24.
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sion of what I term the principle of generation (which I will explain presently).21
Following a series of scenarios in which creatures issue or host unlike entities
(t. Bek. 7–8) and a dispute about cross-species delivery, the principle is reiterated
(t. Bek. 1:9) along with a precis of differing periods and modes of animal reproduction (t. Bek. 10–11). The passage is capped with an implicit acknowledgement of the difficulty of identifying certain materials and species, bowing to the
expert, the hunter, and expert tradition. Here is the passage in full:
5. R. Yose the Galilean says: “But the firstborn of an ox or the firstborn of a sheep or the
first born of a goat you shall not redeem. They are holy” (Num 18:17). The firstborn of
an ox is only [subject to the firstborn obligation] when both the birthing one and the one
birthed are oxen. The firstborn of a sheep is only [obligated] when both the birthing one
and the birthed one are sheep. The firstborn of a goat is only [obligated] when both the
birthing one and the birthed one are goats. But [even] if it [only] has some signs resembling its father it is obligated as a firstborn.22
6. A pure animal that gave birth to an impure kind of animal ()מין בהמה טמאה, [the offspring] is permitted for eating, and if it has some of the signs [of its parents] it is obligated for the firstborn. And an impure animal which delivers a pure animal, [the offspring] is forbidden for eating.
[Generation principle:] For that which emerges from the impure is impure and that
which emerges from the pure is pure.
7. An impure fish that swallowed a pure fish, it [the latter] is permissible for eating. And
a pure fish that swallowed an impure fish, it [the latter] is forbidden for eating because
it is not its products ()גידוליו.
8. Why did they say that bee honey is permitted [when bees are impure creatures]?
Because they do not emit (מוציאות, or produce) it, rather they draw ( )מכנסותit in. The
honey of wasps is forbidden as it is a secretion ()ריר.23
9. Rabbi Simon says: what does [Scripture] come to teach you by having camel (Lev
11:4) camel (Deut 14:7) twice? To include the camel that is born of a cow as if it were
born of ( )כנולד מןa camel. And if its head and majority resemble its mother’s, it is permitted for eating.
And the sages say: [Generation principle:] that which emerges from ( )היוצא מןthe impure
is impure, and that which emerges from ( )היוצא מןthe pure is pure, for an impure animal
is not born of ( )יולדת מןthe pure, neither is a pure animal born of ( )יולדת מןthe impure.
21
22
23
See Neis, “Interspecies,” 317, 319–323 and Neis, “Bestiary;” cf. Neis, “Reproduction of Species,”
where I refer to it as the reproductive principle.
Ms. Vienna gives “l -’āvîw,” whereas the editio princeps has “l -îmô.” Admittedly even in Ms. Vienna, the letters בand יrun together in such a way, that it is just possible that we are looking
at a מin which the left stem was not truncated.
הגוזין, Ms. Vienna; הזיזין, editio princeps. For this translation see M. Sokoloff, Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic of the Talmudic and Geonic Periods (Ramat-Gan: Bar Ilan University
Press, 2002), 273; M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Bavlim, Talmud Yerushalmi
and Midrashic Literature (Judaica Press, 2004), 228. See 4Q386 1 ii:5: “and the wasp? ( )תזיזwill
not make honey" (M. Κister, “Divorce, Reproof, and Other Sayings in the Synoptic Gospels:
Jesus Traditions in the Context of Qumranic and Other Texts,” in Text, Thought, and Practice
in Qumran and Early Christianity [eds. R. A. Clements and D. R. Schwartz; Leiden: Brill, 2009],
195–23, leaves as taziz) and b. Šabb. 106b (see Rashi there). See m. Makš 6:4 bee honey; it also
determines that hornets’ honey ( )דבש צרעיםis pure and permissible for eating; cf. b. Bek. 7b.
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And not a large one from a small one, nor a small one from a large one, and not a human
( )אדםfrom any of them, nor any of them from a human ()מאדם.24
(10) A pure small domesticated animal gives birth at five months; a large pure domesticated animal at nine months,25 an impure large domesticated animal at twelve months;
a dog at fifty days; a cat at fifty-two days; a pig at sixty days; a fox and creeping creatures
at six months; the wolf, lion, bear, panther, leopard, elephant, baboon and monkey at
three years; the snake at seven years.
(11) Dolphins give birth and grow ([ )מולידין ומגדליןoffspring] like the human (;)כאדם
impure fish breed; pure fish lay eggs.
(12) The intestines of fish and their eggs ( )עוברןare not to be eaten except according to
the expert ()המומחה. A bird is eaten according to tradition. A hunter is trustworthy when
saying “this bird [species] is pure.”
The passage, which begins with a basic statement about identity between parent
and offspring as the basis for a firstborn’s obligation to the Temple, occasions a
series of scenarios in which there is a lack of duplication or mimetic resemblance
between parent or host body and emitted or nested material. These are all cases
in which one entity appears to house or emit an anomalous kind. In its effort
to understand the relationships between these unlike entities, or the means by
which one entity subsumes (or emits) another, the Tosefta distinguishes cases
of ingestion from those of gestation. For those cases which it supposes are gestational it twice cites the principle of generation (“for that which emerges from
the impure is impure, etc.” in t. Bek. 1:6 and 9).26 In other cases it explains that
ingestion rather than generation is the cause of the cross-species or anomalous
material (e. g. the im/pure fish, bees/honey). These determinations affect human
(or at least Jewish) ingestion of creatures and their products.
The inaugurating exegesis of Rabbi Yose the Galilean in t. Bek. 1:5 simply
states that for a delivery to be subject to the obligation of the firstborn donation
it must be of the same kind (or species) as its birthparent. In what is possibly
a later addition, the paragraph stipulates that species variation is tolerated, so
that species-variant offspring is still liable for donation as long as it bears some
resemblance to its (male) parent.27 Qualifying for the firstborn donation does
24
25
26
27
Here is the entire parallel at m. Bek. 1:2: “When a cow gives birth to something like a donkey
kind or a donkey gives birth to something like a horse kind, it is exempt from the firstborn
obligation, as it is written (Exod 34:20) “firstborn donkey” and (Exod 13:13) “firstborn donkey”-twice, [to teach that] the birthing one must be a donkey, and the born one must be a
donkey. But what about eating? If a pure kind gives birth to something like an impure kind,
it is permissible to eat [the offspring]; if an impure species gives birth to [a creature which]
looks like a pure species, it is forbidden to eat [the offspring], [generation principle:] for that
which comes from an impure species is impure and that which comes from a pure species is
pure. If an impure fish swallows a pure fish, [the pure fish found inside] is permissible to eat;
if a pure fish swallows an impure fish, [the impure fish found inside] is forbidden to eat, for
it is not its product.
Cf. t. Ḥul. 3:14.
Parallels to the generation principle in m. Bek. 1:2, t. Bek. 1:9; t. Kil. 5:8 and b. Bek. 7a.
See t. Bek. 2:6:, par. m. Bek. 2:5.
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not map onto ultimate determinations of species: the rabbis vastly expanded
the list of biblical bodily variation or “blemishes” that disqualified both animals
and priests from temple donation and service, including species nonconforming features.28 This did not mean that disqualified creatures and humans were
not members of their species. Despite this it seems that per t. Bek 1:5 and 6 (par
m. Bek 2:5 but cf. m. Bek 1:2) a delivery of a creature that has only some of its
parents’ species markers can qualify as a bekhor.
However, as the rulings and generation principle in t. Bek 1:6 and 9 clarify, disqualification for the firstborn donation does not – at least according
to majority opinion – change species classification. Thus, per the principle of
generation, the camel-like calf born of a cow (t. Bek. 1:9, cf. m. Bek. 1:2, cow
delivers donkey) is still a cow “as it emerges from” the pure cow and it can be
ritually slaughtered and consumed.29 Both versions of the principle of generation assume the classificatory schema of Leviticus of pure/impure animals – a
shorthand for a much larger schema in which various species are enumerated
and sorted. At the same time, the rabbis understood that one species could generate another species outside cases of genuine hybrid offspring of two species,
but they offer no explanation for such phenomena. That this type of spontaneously occurring species nonconformity can arise across different classificatory
registers is explicit in the longer version of the generation principle reiterated
in t. Bek. 1:9. There, in addition to pure/impure species nonconformity, we see
the Tosefta entertaining similar anomalous generative events across additional
rabbinic classificatory divisions such as large versus small species of animals
(behemah gasah versus behemah daqah) and perhaps most surprisingly animals versus humans (“all of them” or qulan versus adam). In these instances,
the principle simply reminds us that, even if appearances are to the contrary,
the offspring is classified according to its birthparents.
Lodged between its two cross-species scenarios and concomitant generation
principles (in t. Bek. 1:6 and 9), are considerations of fish/fish and bees, wasps,
and honey (t. Bek. 1:7–8). A fish of one species is discovered within another species of fish. Strikingly the Tosefta (and its parallel mishnah) do not talk of birthing or emitting as in the cases of spontaneously occurring interspecific deliveries of animals. Instead the Tosefta’s description – the one fish swallowed the
other – is already explanatory and it further clarifies that even though the impure
fish (forbidden for consumption) ostensibly hails from within the pure fish, the
former may not be eaten because it is not the latter’s products (gîddûlaw). This
conforms to the generation principle: it is neither delivered by (t. Bek. 1:6) nor
does it properly “emerge from” or derive from (t. Bek. 1:9) the host body. Con28
29
See m. Bek. 6:8, t. Bek. 4:11 and m. Bek. 6:9. On the multiplication of rabbinic blemishes beyond the relatively few biblical ones in the case of human mûmîm see I. Rosen-Zvi, “Temple
of the Body: The List of Priestly Blemishes in Mishnah. Bekorot and the Place of the Temple
in Tannaitic Discourse,” Mada‘ei HaYahadut 43 (2005–2006): 49–87 [Hebrew].
This sequence is paralleled in m. Bek. 1:2.
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versely, honey is permitted from bees (an impure species) because the bees do
not emit (or “produce”) it but are instead understood to ingest it (or “draw it
in”) from the outside. This is in contrast to wasp honey which is accounted for
as a secretion (rir), and which therefore is forbidden for human-Jewish consumption. While the wasp material is not gestational, it is understood as genuinely generated by the emitting body.30
We thus have different scenarios in which bodily materials are viewed as
either generated (whether gestationally or as excretion) or non-generated (e. g.
ingested).31 Rabbinic expansions of the Levitical classification schema of creaturely species across the pure/impure grid (and further subdivisions) mean that
these generated/non-generated entities are ultimately sorted by their admission/
prohibition to human/Jewish stomachs. Per this taxonomy of life, creatures are
either pure species that can be consumed (some require ritual slaughter) or are
species that transmit impurity to Jews upon ingestion and are therefore forbidden.32 While Mary Douglas argued for the ways in which dietary rules are
world-making, Aparecida Vilaça and Marilyn Strathern analyze eating or ingestion as a fundamental classificatory or logical operator.33 What we see here vividly is the way that species classification is upheld not only by human ingestion
(or its prohibition) but also by “rules of nature” (such as the principle of generation) that shape the material’s designation as generative or not in the first
place. The complexity of such determinations is pointed to in the conspicuous
display of zoological knowledge (t. Bek. 1:10–11) that follows the generation
principle, with the role of professional knowledge (of the expert, of the hunter,
and of some body of knowledge or “tradition” about these matters) also invoked
in the identification of fish innards and bird species (t. Bek. 1:12).
30
31
32
33
See late ancient Pseudo-Aristotle, Problems 4.878a.1–4 (ed. and trans. R. Mayhew; LCL 316;
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011), 156–57: “Why, if the animal is born from our
seed, is it our offspring, but if it comes from some other part or excretion, it is not ours? For
many things come to be from what is putrefying as well as from seed. So why, then, if something is like us, is it more our own, but if it is like another, it is not?”
The inclusion of bees in the list of anomalous material is curious. Bees were themselves objects of curiosity in ancient generative knowledge in that they were thought to be generated
spontaneously from a rotten cow carcass; Vergil, Georgics 4.316–566 and M. Gale, Virgil on the
Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2000), 228–31 (thanks to Celia Schultz for pointing me to these sources.) Cf.
Aristotle, Generation 759a and Philo De Speliabus legibus 1.291.4). See Ahuva Gaziel, “Spontaneous Generation in Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Theology,” History and Philosophy
of the Life Sciences 34, no. 3 (2012): 461–79.
See H. Rabinowicz and R. Mintz Geffen, “Dietary Laws,” Encyclopedia Judaica 5:650–59. On
the rabbinic use of both the term kind (mîn) and creaturely nomenclature of various registers
(e. g., tripartite or bipartite classifications such as b hēmâ, ḥayâ, and of, as well as names of
specific species) in Bekorot and Niddah see Neis, “Reproduction.”
A. Vilaça, “Relations between Funerary Cannibalism and Warfare Cannibalism: The Question of Predation,” Ethnos 65 (2000): 83–106, (esp. 88 and 104), cited and paraphrased in
M. Strathern, “Eating (and Feeding),” The Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 30 (2012): 1–14.
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Disputing Camel Calves Born of Cows: The Limits of Generation
The Tosefta’s case in t. Bek. 1:9 of the cow delivering a camel exemplifies the
more general scenario of a “pure animal gives birth to an impure kind” in t.
Bek. 1:6 and gives rise to a fascinating dispute. Unlike the fish and bees, here
the language of birth is clearly used. Disregarding its bovine maternal parentage, Rabbi Simon classifies the camel calf “as if it were born of (k nôlad mîn) a
camel.” For Rabbi Simon, presumed logics of heterosexual same-species reproduction and gendered divisions of generative labor are not at play.34 From a narrowly-informed, anachronistic perspective on reproduction it might be hard to
understand the mechanics that might produce this result. But we are certainly
aware of cultural instances in which parentage and kinship are not limited by
what we might take to be the most obvious material constraints.35 The upshot
of Rabbi Simon’s view is that the camel-like calf is considered a member of the
impure camel species and is therefore forbidden for consumption.36 However,
Rabbi Simon (or perhaps a later interpolator) concedes that in a case in which
the creature resembles both camel and cow, “if its head and the majority of its
body” bear bovine features, the offspring is permissible. We infer that in such a
scenario, the hybrid-appearing creature is classed as a cow.37
We see that the majority view disagrees with Rabbi Simon. It is worth repeating its refutation and reiterated principle of generation:
That which emerges from ( )היוצא מןthe impure is impure, and that which emerges from
( )היוצא מןthe pure is pure, for an impure animal is not born of ( )יולדת מןthe pure, neither is a pure animal born of ( )יולדת מןthe impure. And not a large one from a small
one, nor a small one from a large one, and not a human ( )אדםfrom any of them, nor
any of them from a human ()מאדם.
As already discussed this version of the principle emphasizes emergence, origin, and birth in ways that dovetail with similar considerations in the previous
cases of fish, bees, and wasps (gîddûlaw, môṣî’ôt, makhnîsôt). This makes the
34
35
36
37
It is likely that Rabbi Simon is not referring to a case of interspecies breeding as that goes to the
distinctive class of kil’ayim. However, even if he is, the sages’ principle of generation directly
negates the possibility of such events occurring. The rabbis like Aristotle, did not believe that
interspecies mating resulted in offspring (outside of limited cases such as mules).
M. Weismantel, “Moche Sex Pots: Reproduction and Temporality in Ancient South America,”
American Anthropologist 106 (2004): 495–505.
Cf. Psuedo-Aristotle, Problems, for whom neither bodily variant uterine deliveries “born of
corrupted seed” nor worms generated by excrement are to be called offspring; cf. Aristotle,
Generation of Animals 4.767b–769b (trans. A. L. Peck; LCL 366; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1942), 400–21.
While this supplement to Simon’s exclusion of species nonconforming offspring may seem
surprising, we will soon see that it overlaps with the majority view about similarly appearing
offspring in the case of the human parturient in t. Nid. 4:5 (par m. Nid. 3:2), except in the latter case a lower threshold of resemblance is required.
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camel born of a cow, a cow. The principle is that a creature is always classed as
the same kind as the one from which it emerges, even if all appearances are to
the contrary. And to reiterate, the principle also emphasizes that the rabbis do
not, generally speaking, contemplate these deliveries to be the result of crossspecies mating.38 In other words, this is not a matrilineal principle of speciation
per se.39 This is clear for several reasons: firstly, a distinct category for creatures
that are considered cross-species offspring or genuine hybrids exists: kil’ayim.40
The rabbis name these offspring as such and discuss these specifically, usually
invoking examples of hybrids of similar species (e. g. offspring of donkeys and
horses, or offspring of sheep and goats).41 Secondly, this version of the rule of
generation, not only reiterates the shorter version in t. Bek. 1:5, it supplements
with negation. Like the earlier version it states that kind generates like kind (a
version of Aristotle’s anthrōpos anthrōpon gennai), but it also explicitly adds that
the opposite cannot occur.42 And, it extends the negation to a variety of different types of kinds, including larger and smaller cattle, and even the human.
Finally, immediately after the rule of generation, the Tosefta follows with a runthrough of the widely divergent gestational times and modes43 of a variety of
creaturely kinds, including pure, impure, large, small, domesticated, land, and
sea creatures, and humans (by comparison to dolphins) in t. Bek. 1:10–11.44 This
display of data seems designed to bolster the argument that successful cross38
39
40
41
42
43
44
It is possible that Rabbi Simon’s view may indicate that he does think that this is the result of
a cow-camel mating.
Pace S. J. D. Cohen, The Beginnings of Jewishness: Boundaries, Varieties, Uncertainties (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 300–1. For a closer examination of the principle of
generation as a limit on genuine interspecies generation and in its two contexts in Mishnah
and Tosefta Kil’ayim and Bekorot see Neis “Interspecies.”
See Lev 19:19 and Deut 22:9–11.
The tractates of Bekorot and Kil’ayim distinguish between interspecies offspring – offspring
born of two different kinds (kil’ayim) – and cross-species offspring, the de novo delivery which
resembles another kind, but is not the result of interbreeding. Tosfeta Kil’ayim 5:3 similarly
distinguishes between the two. For additional instances of genuine kil’ayim see t. Kil. 5:5, m.
Bek. 2:5, and m. Kil. 8:4. On the use of kil’ayim offspring as firstborn donations see m. Bek.
1:4–5 and t. Bek. 1:13.
On Aristotle’s repeated maxim see D. M. Balme, “Anthropos anthropon gennai: Human is Generated by Human” in The Human Embryo: Aristotle and the Arabic and European Traditions (ed.
G. R. Dunstan; Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1990), 20–31.
t. Bek. 1:11’s viviparous and oviparous generators show the rabbis view eggs that are ostensibly external to the fish’s body as generative material. Note also the discussion of mammalian
gestation and delivery (dolphins).
t. Bek. 1:10 refers to gestational times, whereas t. Bek. 1:11 refers to three gestational modes
among sea creatures (impure fish – breeders, pure fish – egg-layers, dolphins mammals).
These echo Aristotle’s distinctions among creatures that are viviparous (live births, e. g., humans and dolphins), oviparous (produce eggs with most development outside of the parent
body or )מטיל ביצים, and ovoviviparous (produce eggs but retain them inside the female
body until hatching or )משריץ. On Aristotle’s between oviparity and ovoviviparity among
fish see L. Bodson, “Aristotle’s Statement on the Reproduction of Sharks,” Journal of the
History of Biology 16 (1983): 391–407. Aristotle and Pliny describe dolphins as viviparous
and as suckling their young (see e. g., Aristotle, Generation of Animals 2.732b.15–36 [trans.
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breeding cannot occur, even as it confirms without explaining why it might
seem to occur.45 Perhaps the Tosefta’s admission of a body of zoological and
biological expertise that is not necessarily rabbinic per se (t. Bek. 1:12) alludes
to the difficulty of classifying materials and species, in what can sometimes be
a generatively capricious world.
Explanatory Vacuums
If, per the majority view, there can be species non-conforming offspring that
are spontaneously occurring rather than products of interspecies sex, we are
left with an explanatory vacuum for how these events come to be. Aristotle,
who also admits that cross-species appearing deliveries occur while similarly
negating the possibility of successful cross-species breeding except in cases
where there are similar gestational modes and periods, does supply an explanation for these events. Put simply they happen due to the failure of male seed
to master female matter.46 His examples of species nonconforming offspring
and bodily variation focus on humans, but also include some nonhuman cases.
The explanatory vacuum left by the Tannaim acknowledges a disruptive unpredictability of expected mimetic outcomes in generation. In this regard Emma
Bianchi’s work is instructive: Bianchi has sought to complicate the common
interpretation of Aristotle’s explanation for variant reproductive outcomes as
solely related to weakened male seed.47 Instead she highlights how Aristotle’s
account attends to the potentials of female matter’s aleatory character, in which
it is dynamic and unpredictable rather than waiting passively and inertly for
male seed to act upon it. A similar sense of unruliness and unpredictability in
rabbinic reproductive thought queers linear or expected accounts of “reproduction.” Humans are caught up in this unruliness (per the generation principle)
but they also attempt to tame it partly via the physical project of converting
animal bodies and products into food and ingesting them, a project co-sponsored by rabbinic knowledge-making and by additional forms of hands-on
expertise provided by others.
45
46
47
A. L. Peck; LCL 366; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1942], 136–39 and Pliny, Natural History 10.7–9 [trans. H. Rackham; LCL 353; Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1940], 296–99).
On the ways this passage in t. Bekhorot echoes the argumentation and sequence of Aristotle’s
Generation of Animals 769b23–26, see Neis, “Interspecies,” 319–20 and Neis, “Reproduction,”
311–312.
Aristotle, Generation of Animals 2.738b.28, 184–185; 2.746a.30, 242–143.
E. Bianchi, The Feminine Symptom: Aleatory Matter in the Aristotelian Cosmos (New York:
Fordham University Press, 2014).
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3. Human Emission, Gestation, Xenogenesis
In this section I investigate the ways that the generative unruliness manifested
in the tractate of Bekorot is also displayed in the tractate of Niddah. Here too,
we see that rabbinic knowledge-making engages materially with these humanly
emitted products, in concert with other actors including the emitters and parturients themselves, other women, and physicians. As with Bekorot’s animal
products, Niddah contains assessments of human emissions of liquids and
materials that are assessed as generative material, including offspring. And as
with Bekorot’s generation principle (t. Bek. 1:9), Niddah implicates humans in
species variable outcomes.
Women are described as variously expelling pieces of flesh (t. Nid. 4:1, m.
Nid 3:1), entities like “species of peel, species of dust, species of barley, species
of red flies,” (m. Nid. 3:2, t. Nid. 4:2), “species of fish and locusts, or forbidden
creatures and crawling creatures” (m. Nid. 3:3), and “species of domesticated
animals, wild animals, or bird” (t. Nid. 4:5). The Tosefta (like the Mishnah) rules
on the first two batches of materials as potential menses rather than as potential
offspring. It omits the third set of materials (fish and locusts etc.), whereas the
Mishnah treats it as potential nidda and the Sifra rules it out as potential offspring (valad).48 Like the Mishnah, the Tosefta inaugurates its consideration of
potential human offspring with the cases of deliveries resembling domesticated
animals, wild animals, or bird species. Before moving directly to this latter set
of materials, I proceed with some observations about material engagement and
expertise with respect to human products.
Material Engagement with Human Uterine Products
As discussed, Tosefta (and Mishnah) Niddah lists solid materials passed by women
including things like species of animals, organic entities (e. g. barley, peels), smaller
creatures (flies, fish, reptiles, etc.). The Tractate’s materials also range from textured
fetal sacs to flattened fetuses, and from placentae to body parts that are blunted
or incised.49 And these entities follow similarly vivid descriptions in the previous
chapters of fluids that are considered as possible menstruation.50
Materiality is established not just through ekphrasis (which of course in antiquity is not the Cartesian disembodied gaze but rather a potentially haptic one in
its own right, one that potentially troubles a clear subject/object visual binary) but
also through explicit scrutiny, inspection, and tactile manipulation: this interven48
49
50
Sifra Tazria, Parashah 1:7, Weiss ed., 48a.
On the latter see t. Nid. 4:11.
M. Nid. 2:6–7. For visual apprehension of blood see Fonrobert, Menstrual Purity, 94–96, 105–
17 and C. T. Halberstam, Law and Truth in Biblical and Rabbinic Literature, 21–29. On rabbinic “visual epistemology” and “taxonomy of colors,” see M. Balberg, “Rabbinic Authority,
Medical Rhetoric, and Body Hermeneutics in Mishnah Nega‘im,” AJSR 35 (2011): 323–46.
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tionism is more pronounced in the Tosefta Niddah than the Mishnah.51 For the
first product, a piece of flesh, the Tosefta reports a tradition in which the piece is
torn to check for the presence of blood (to see if it is menstrual material). This
active treatment of the material contrasts with the Mishnah which merely states
that if there is blood with the piece it is niddah and if there is not, it is not. The
Tosefta’s test is not only more interventionist, in piercing into the interior of the
piece of flesh, it is also more stringent. For the second set of products – entities
resembling kinds of peel, barley, dust, red flies – the Tosefta reports a teaching
in the name of Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel that she (likely the emitter) ought
to crush ( )ממעכתןthe material with spit on her fingernail. Only if it dissolves is
it considered niddah. Compare this to the Mishnah’s test: “let her put them in
water, if they dissolve she is impure, if not she is pure.” The Tosefta’s recommendations of human handling of uterine material also in the case of the textured
fetal sac (shefir meruqam), these are similarly lacking in the Mishnah.52 Notably
both m. Nid. 3:2 and t. Nid. 4:2 have a female actor handle the stuff in question.
In addition to these examples of material engagement, the Tosefta also recounts
three case-reports, two of which mark extra-rabbinic forms of expertise. Thus,
we hear of two women who respectively produced material resembling red peels
and red hairs (t. Nid. 4:3 and 4), are cross-referred by Rabbi Tsadok to “the sages,”
who in turn consult with “the doctors.”53 Given the context, and the language of
comings and goings, the terse narration allows us to conjure the speculative possibility that perhaps Rabbi Tsadok, the sages, and the doctors have encountered
these products.54 The physicians assess the materials and present diagnoses: in the
first case the materials signify that the patient has “an internal wound” and in the
second case she has “a growth in her internal organs.”55 These are analogs to the
wasp honey case in Bekorot in that these fleshy entities are seemingly ruled out as
51
52
53
54
55
On ekphrasis and other rhetorical techniques in rabbinic texts see Neis, Sense of Sight, 22, 110,
161–65, 202. On tactile viewing see G. Frank, The Memory of the Eyes: Pilgrims to Living Saints
in Christian Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 118–23 and Neis,
Sense of Sight, 88–89, 120–23, 134, 180, 251–57. Other examples of t. Niddah’s interventions
include: t. Niddah 8:2 and t. Niddah 4:17 (an account of autopsies of executed enslaved women in Cleopatra’s court).
See t. Nid. 4:12 on tearing a sac and t. Nid. 4:11 on visual scrutiny, oil versus water, and light.
While in m. Nid. 3:2 MS Kaufmann vocalizes ( ְּׂשע ָֹרהbarley), Tosefta in MS Vienna describes
the woman emitting ( שערות אדומותred hairs).
In contrast to Fonrobert’s “science of blood,” Halberstam argues that in tannaitic sources
women are supposed to adhere to “objective standards” and that it is only later in the Bavli
that we see rabbis engaging in scientific inspections (Halberstam, Law and Truth, 27–41 and
188). However, in cases of fetuses in the Tosefta, the usage of feminine and masculine forms,
and specific stories, seems to imply both women and rabbis (as well as others) handling and
making determinations.
Note that these two cases seemingly contradict both Rabban Simon ben Gamliel’s and the
parallel Mishnah’s instructions to conduct a solubility test to determine if these substances are
menstrua. This contradiction is later resolved in the Bavli which adds the words “let her put
them in water if they dissolve she is impure” after their diagnoses (b. Nid. 22b). My thanks to
Sarra Lev for her insights into this Talmudic passage.
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menses (and perhaps implicitly as offspring) but are nonetheless conceptualized –
and unlike other cases of species nonconforming products, explained – as bodily
derivatives.56 We should also note that similar to the Tosefta’s turning to the knowledge of hunters and experts to discern fish intestines and eggs, here too, the rabbis
turn to medical knowledge producers to understand women’s uterine products.
The Animal in the Human
We turn now to the third set of materials that are in the form of larger nonhuman creatures and that are disputedly human offspring (t. Nid. 4:5).
She who expels ( )המפלתsomething like a kind of domesticated animal, a wild animal,
or bird ([ )כמין בהמה חיה ועוףshould sit for the relevant days of childbirth impurity] –
the words of R. Meir. And the sages say: as long as it has human form.
R. Hanina son of Gamliel said: the words of R. Meir are fitting regarding an animal
because the eyeballs of an animal resemble human eyeballs, and the words of the sages
regarding a bird, because it does not have something of human form ()מצורת אדם.
(6) There was a case of a woman from Sidon who gave birth to a likeness of a raven (דמות
)עורבthree times, and the case came before the sages, and they said: anything that does not
have something of human form is not offspring.
(7) The facial form of which they spoke can be one of any facial forms, except the ears …
t. Nid. 4:5–757
The rabbis have moved from uterine formations resembling smaller entities to
these larger creaturely beings of the land and skies, exemplified by the tripartite rabbinic classification of wild animal, domesticated animal, and bird. The
minority view of Rabbi Meir declares that such a delivery is offspring (vālād),
but the majority view of the sages requires that the creature have “(something
of) human form” for it to so qualify. Thus, the majority in t. Nid. 4:2 (par. m.
Nid. 3:2) contradicts Bekorot’s principle of generation (t. Bek. 1:6 and 9, m. Bek.
1:2) in which a delivery is simply classified on the same lines as its parents without any need for partial resemblance to its parent. It specifically contradicts the
expanded version of t. Bek. 1:9 that subsumed human/animal scenarios within
this rule. When considering tannaitic texts, we only find this expanded version
of the generation principle including the human in the Tosefta, in Bekorot and
in t. Kil. 5:8. At the same time, as we will see, it is only in Tosefta Niddah that we
56
57
Compare to Pseudo-Aristotle’s distinctions between offspring and “corrupted seed” (see notes
24 and 29).
Cf. m. Nid. 3:2: “One who expels ( )המפלתsomething like a kind of ( )כמיןdomesticated animal, wild animal or bird, whether pure or impure – if it is male she should sit [out the days
of impurity] for a male, if female she should sit for a female, if it is not known she should sit
for a male and a female: the words of R. Meir. And the sages say: Anything that does not have
something of human form is not a valid delivery.”
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find an attempt to ameliorate the contradiction between the principle of generation that includes animals delivered by humans as offspring and the majority
view here in Niddah that only does so if they have some elements of humanness.
The majority view’s requirement in Niddah for an otherwise animal or birdlike delivery to have “something of human form” recalls the minority view in t.
Bek. 1:9 of Rabbi Simon. Rabbi Simon did not recognize the camel-calf born to
a cow as a cow.58 Both the majority view in Niddah and Rabbi Simon in Bekorot deny the radically species-nonconforming delivery as offspring of its birthparent but seem to affirm that a creature that has elements of both its parent
species and another species can, if it fulfills minimal criteria for resemblance
(“something of human form” or “its head and majority resemble its mother”)
qualify as offspring.59 In the human case, since we are dealing with a nonliving emission (or miscarriage), this has purity60 and sacrifice,61 inheritance,62
firstborn redemption, and other consequences.63 In the animal case, this allows
humans to ingest the calf. In both human and nonhuman emissions and materials deemed nonfetal (and for humans non-menstrual) additional questions
of disposal, purity, and consumption follow.64
Human Exceptionalism/Human Animality
As mentioned, Niddah’s apparent inconsistency with Bekorot’s majority view
when it comes to human reproductive variation is softened in the Tosefta. The
Tosefta scrutinizes the requirement for “something of human form” (t. Nid. 4:7),
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
As argued elsewhere (Neis, “Reproduction,” 289–317), the linguistic and conceptual affinities
between m. Nid. 3:2, t. Nid. 4:2 and t. Bek. 1:9 (m. Bek. 1:2, 2:5) mean that one cannot simply
write off the human cases of species variation in Niddah as hyperbolic or metaphorical.
Cf. the majority’s view does not claim that the animal-like entity delivered by a human is classified as the species that it resembles, which was Rabbi Simon’s conclusion.
Purity considerations impact species designation for the animal delivery, corpse impurity for
the nonliving human delivery, and menstrual or post-partum impurity for the menstruant or
parturient.
E. g., in the animal case, if it is a pure kind or a donkey it is subject to the firstborn obligation.
In the case of women’s uterine entities, determination as offspring entails childbirth sacrifices
by the parturient.
E. g., m. Bek. 1:1 on sales of pregnant animals; m. Bek. 8:1 on birth-order based inheritance claims.
M. ’Ohal. 7:4, 7:6 and t. ’Ahil. 8:1 consider the precise moment at which a live or dead fetus
conveys impurity (see also t. Yebam. 9:4 and 9:5). See V. Noam, “Ritual Impurity in Tannaitic
Literature: Two Opposing Perspectives,” JAJ 1 (2010): 65–103.
Non-menstrual liquid material could include urine, milk, and genital emissions. On susceptibility to impurity of human and animal milk see m. Makš. 6:7–8. On animal urine and
milk, and distinctions between gestational and other sorts of bodily emissions, see b. Bek. 7a.
On the purity of human liquid and solid waste see R. Neis, “‘Their Backs Toward the Temple,
and Their Faces Toward the East’: The Temple and Toilet Practices in Rabbinic Palestine and
Babylonia,” JSJ 43 (2012): 328–68. See t. Nid. 4:10 on skin that “comes out of the skin of the
face of a human (’ādām) whether [they are] alive or dead, is pure and permissible for enjoyment (hănā’â); on the “caul” see S. Lieberman, Tosefet Rishonim, 3:265 and b. Bek. 7b.
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limiting it to human facial features (excluding ears). Under this definition a
creature expelled by a human that has some human facial features, but that
otherwise appears animal-like, does count as a human baby. The idea that the
face and its features are something peculiarly human is shared by Pliny.65 However, the Tosefta goes on to soften even this narrowed minimal requirement by
including Rabbi Hanina’s suggestion. Hanina claims that one must concede to
Rabbi Meir in the cases of animal-like deliveries, “because the eyeballs of an
animal resemble human eyeballs” (t. Nid. 4:5).66 Paradoxically, the very idea
of human/animal difference as based in species-particular features is undone
via the logic of likeness. The effort to draw humans apart (“from any of them,”
t. Bek. 1:9) ends up becoming the grounds for highlighting the ways in which
they are already like other kinds.
4. The Generation of Bodies of Knowledge: Beyond Binary Analytic
So far, we can discern a fundamental indeterminacy that the human – including of course the rabbinic human – occupies in generative knowledge. On the
one hand, we might view the rabbis as elevating (male) humans qua knowing
subjects who objectify their “data” (the generative and material outcomes of
women and animal bodies). This view is most obviously manifest in the way
that the classification of ambiguous uterine or other bodily contents of animals
and the distinctions between species are maintained via the logics of killing
and consumption by humans in Bekorot.67 On the other hand, zoological and
gynecological knowledges were not only paralleled but also intertwined, making
humans (alongside animals) objects of knowledge that were themselves effects
of material generative processes.68
As I will argue in this section, this dual distinction and implication of humans
from and among others materials and species parallels the complex positionality
of the rabbis as male, Jewish, knowledge-makers seeking to shape and understand the generative and bodily materials of women and animals. These human/
rabbinic knowers did not stand outside of the knowledges they sought to command: they were materially embedded in these same processes and subject to
their vicissitudes. There are thus multiple and intersecting dimensions through
65
66
67
68
See Pliny, Natural History 7.8 (trans. H. Rackham; LCL 352; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940), 510–13; and idem 11.138 (trans. H. Rackham; LCL 353; Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1940), 518–19.
What remains excluded is the bird-like creature delivered to a woman: this creature, affirms
Hanina and the case report that follows (t. Nid. 4:6), has nothing of human form.
Though nonhuman patterns of killing and ingestion are contemplated in the fish-fish scenarios in t. Bek. 1:7 (m. Bek. 1:2).
See m. Ḥul. 4:2–7, m. Bek. 3:1 for combined human-animal considerations about reproduction.
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which we may consider the positionality of rabbinic knowledges about generation, including gender, species, materiality, and empire.69
As feminist science studies scholars have shown us, binary analytic frames
that view their data in terms of subject/object; active/passive; powerful/powerless
are often hierarchical in overdetermined ways and insufficient for understanding knowledge-making. These insights in part rest in showing how difficult it is
to disentangle knowledge-making from its objects. Theoretical physicist Karen
Barad demonstrates how political and economic materialist constraints, as much
as biomaterial ones, shape the ways that the sonogram summons materialized
fetuses into being. She enjoins scholars to recognize the ways in which matter
and bodies become legible through material-discursive means.70 Her analysis
links techno-biology with classed, racialized, and gendered biopolitics, bringing technicians, scientists, doctors and machines into the picture. Taking her
insights to our sources: while dyadic, hierarchical models of power/knowledge
do get at important dimensions of the conditions of possible knowledge in late
antiquity, they fail to fully capture the dynamic, dispersed, and staggered ways in
which knower/known, men/women, culture/nature, empire/province, humans/
animals, impinged upon and mutually constituted each other.
The work of Barad, as well as that by scholars such as Judith Butler, Susan
Hekman and Sirma Bilge, helps us get beyond binary models of agency/passivity,
and dualisms such as subordination/resistance or acting/acted upon, to those
in which subjects are simultaneously “constituting and constituted.”71 Feminist
new materialists (including Barad) expand agency to incorporate the nonhuman,
thus further disrupting agential dualisms that assume humans to be actors and
nonhumans to be objects of human action.72 Reading these scholars with rabbinic sources means analyzing the rabbis’ positionality as members of a small
provincial sub-elite, styled as men and as people who understood themselves
to be bearers of a burgeoning and wide-ranging body of expertise. Our sources
emerge at the interstices of multiple movements and moments, congealing as
efforts in which gender is negotiated, reproduction is stimulated or suppressed,
expertise is contested, over and via the voices and bodies of men, women, rabbis, physicians, shepherds, fetuses, cows, and more.
69
70
71
72
I invoke “positionality” in its sociological usage, “in which people are defined not in terms of
fixed identities, but by their location within shifting networks of relationships, which can be
analyzed and changed.” (F. A. Maher and M. K. Thompson Tetreault, The Feminist Classroom:
Dynamics of Gender, Race, and Privilege [Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers,
2001], 164).
K. Barad, “Getting Real: Technoscientific Practices and the Materialization of Reality,” Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 10 (1988): 87–128.
J. Butler, The Psychic Life of Power: Theories in Subjection (Stanford: Stanford University Press,
1997); S. Hekman, “Subjects and Agents: The Question for Feminism,” in Provoking Agents:
Gender and Agency in Theory and Practice (ed. J. Kegan Gardiner; University of Illinois Press,
1995), 194–207 and S. Bilge, “Beyond Subordination vs. Resistance: An Intersectional Approach
to the Agency of Veiled Muslim Women,” Journal of Intercultural Studies 31 (2010): 9–28.
See references in notes 1 and 2 above.
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Beyond Dualist Analyses of Gender
Dualist approaches to gender allow us to helpfully characterize the rabbis as
male knowers (along with doctors), who not only objectify but also, as Gwynn
Kessler has argued, elide the very women whose bodies they claim as knowledge,
in part by focusing mostly on their contents.73 The iterated “she who expels”
(hamapeleṭ) in Tosefta and Mishnah Niddah simultaneously renders women
as grammatical frames and uterine containers for what become the objects of
rabbinic scrutiny and the products of rabbinic labor.74 At the same time, as we
have noted, m. Nid. 3:2 and t. Nid. 4:2 have a female (grammatical) subject submerge or crush what she has expelled. This may betray the rabbinic appropriation and incorporation of women’s (or midwives’) practices already in play,
as much as it may signify rabbinic desires to direct them. In other instances of
physical manipulation of uterine materials (t. Nid. 4:1, 11, 12), the grammatical subjects are male (singular and plural). But even in those cases it is hard
to know whether this means to exclude women who were more proximate to
these materials than men.
Texts beyond Niddah that refer to obstetrics introduce actors in addition to
the female parturient. In m. ’Ohal. 7:4 “they carry her out” during a difficult
labor and in m. Ohal. 7:6 we are told that “they” cut up and remove a fetus limb
by limb if a woman is going through a difficult labor.75 Both most likely refer
to midwives.76 Similar phrasing is used to discuss an animal in “difficult labor”
73
74
75
76
On how rabbinic sources “foreground fetuses simultaneously backgrounding women” see
G. Kessler, Conceiving Israel: The Fetus in Rabbinic Narratives (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 21; cf. B. Duden, Disembodying Women: Perspectives on Pregnancy
and the Unborn (trans. L. Hoinacki; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993); and
Halberstam, Law and Truth, 38–39 on patriarchal objectification. See C. E. Fonrobert, Menstrual Purity: Rabbinic and Christian Reconstructions of Biblical Gender (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 2000), esp. 103–27 on the “science of blood;” H. King, Hippocrates’ Woman: Reading the Female Body in Ancient Greece (London: Routledge, 1998), and R. Flemming,
Medicine and the Making of Roman Women: Gender, Nature, and Authority from Celsus to Galen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
Per Kessler and Duden, women recede as objects of male/rabbinic knowledge, though in Tractate Niddah they do come into relief in terms of their im/purity status.
This is as long as its majority has not emerged. This arguably contrast with the recession of
women in favor of fetuses which is described by Donna Haraway as “…why women have had
so much trouble counting as individuals in modern Western discourses. Their bodies’ troubling talent for making other bodies, whose individuality can take precedence over their own,
even while the little bodies are fully contained and invisible without major optical technologies … Women can, in a sense, be cut in half and retain their maternal function – witness
their bodies maintained after death to sustain the life of another individual” (Haraway, “The
Biopolitics of Postmodern Bodies: Determinations of Self in Immune System Discourse,” Differences: A Journal of Cultural Studies 1 [1]:3–44, at 39). See C. H. Tzuberi, “A House Inside a
House: Mishnah ’Ohalot 7:4,” Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women’s Studies & Gender Issues
28 (2015): 134–46.
See m. Shab. 18:3 on calling the midwife (hăkhāmâ) on the Sabbath. On women’s territory
and the limits of women’s agency see Fonrobert, Menstrual Purity, 137–42.
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whose fetus is also removed limb by limb in m. Ḥul. 4:2 by a shepherd.77 Furthermore, m. Ḥul. 4:3 fills in what was implicit in both human and animal scenarios by discussing the impurity consequences for both shepherds and midwives (ḥayâ) inserting their hands into animal and human uteri respectively.
Just as Galen’s disparagement of and Soranus’s masculinized criteria for midwives may belie their dependence on midwives’ knowledges, so too do rabbinic
texts hint at the ways in which rabbinic knowledge draws from multiple sources
including women’s, shepherds’, and others’ traditions and material engagement.78
Beyond Dualist Analyses of Knowledge-Making
One way of characterizing rabbinic knowledge-making is as a claim to a totalizing ordering of a Jewish collective and more.79 This often relies on a series of
intra-Jewish dualisms including rabbi-knowers/known and rabbi-authorities/
followers. Taking a broader perspective, rabbinic knowledge-making has itself
been framed through binary grids of (Roman, or scientific) influence versus
rabbinic resistance (or appropriation). More recently, scholars have introduced
more multi-dimensional approaches to the various relationships between rabbis
and multiple others.80 Indeed, Palestinian rabbinic positionality was notoriously
complex, the rabbis being located and constituted within multiple “shifting networks of relationships.”81
In our last example in m. Ḥul. 4:3, we showed how in addition to the Niddah
and Bekorot sources, which introduce parturients and experts as knowledge77
78
79
80
81
Both follow the structure of: “if [the woman/the first-time birthing animal] is having a difficult
delivery, they/he cuts up [the fetus in her uterus and extract it/it] limb by limb [because her life
precedes its life/and throw it to the dogs]. If the greater part had emerged [they do not touch it,
for one life does not trump another’s/behold it is buried and she is exempt from the firstborn].”
The substantive and structural similarities, and also the substantive differences, are striking.
A. Ellis Hanson, “A Division of Labor: Roles for Men in Greek and Roman Births,” Thamyris
1 (1994): 157–202; M. H. Green, Making Women’s Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008); Flemming,
Roman Women.
See C. E. Fonrobert, “Blood and Law: Uterine Fluids and Rabbinic Maps of Identity,” Henoch 30
(2008): 243–66. In that article Fonrobert brilliantly unpacks the multidirectional and layered
ways in which uterine blood science operates beyond gender, to further rabbinic conceptions
of Jewish (e. g., rabbinic, Samaritan), para-Jewish (e. g., Samaritan) and non-Jewish identity.
See M. L. Satlow, “Beyond Influence: Towards a New Historiographic Paradigm,” in Jewish
Literatures and Cultures: Context and Intertext (eds. A. Norich et al.; Providence: Brown Judaic Studies, 2008), 37–53; H. Lapin, Rabbis as Romans: The Rabbinic Movement in Palestine,
100–400 CE (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); also L. Salaymeh, The Beginnings of Islamic Law: Late Antique Islamicate Legal Traditions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2016), especially 86–98 for a critique of the way “influence” and its concomitant reliance on
“origins” are used to understand Islamic law and E. Dench, Empire and Political Cultures in
the Roman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018). On the “influence” paradigm in scholarship on early Jewish science see n84 below.
Maher and Thompson Tetreault, The Feminist Classroom, 164.
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makers and practitioners, the rabbis also consider shepherds together with midwives. We saw earlier that besides relying on women to conduct some of their
forensic tests, the rabbis resorted to physicians’ diagnoses. But we may now
refine that observation by noting that this also served to detract from a rabbinic
monopoly of the “science of blood” and other uterine materials. Tzvi Novick has
shown in the case of the rules of ṭ rēfôt that something similar is afoot, with an
ambivalent rabbinic movement between assertions of control over and dependence on the zoological expertise of others. In the cases, above, of shepherds’ and
midwives’ (and other women’s) interventions, we do not always see the rabbis
explicitly ceding expertise. Nonetheless these acknowledged extra-rabbinic
presences at the very least signify that people other than rabbis are the ones
who handle animal and human materials, whether or not their knowledges are
always credited.
Thus, even as the rabbis arguably seek to control the means of human and
animal reproduction, they are clearly indebted to (even if sometimes wary of)
the expertise, experience, actions, and wills (or perhaps, collaboration) of other
actors. The incorporation of their knowledges or bodies within the rabbis’ own
epistemic regimes, ought not obscure that such moves may be designed to construct rabbinic expertise through rhetorical means.82 But it should equally not
obscure the ways that rabbinic texts themselves obscure knowledge and indeed
agency of various others.
These dimensions of gender and expertise were naturally inflected by ethnoreligious dynamics. To claim Jewish reproductive knowledge in Palestine was
to do so in the contexts of Palestinian social formations and Roman imperialism. Certain forms of knowledge, particularly medical knowledges, were ethnoracialized.83 For example, educated Romans tagged doctors and professionalized medical knowledges as Greek, with concomitant ambivalence thereto.84 It
82
83
84
M. Balberg, “Rabbinic Authority, Medical Rhetoric, and Body Hermeneutics in Mishnah
Negaim.”
See S. Lieberman, “The Natural Science of the Rabbis,” in Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (New
York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1962), 180–93. On healing practices as
“the ways of the Amorites” or “magic” and their relationship to Roman “folk” medicine or
“magic” see G. Veltri, “The Rabbis and Pliny the Elder: Jewish and Greco-Roman Attitudes
toward Magic and Empirical Knowledge,” Poetics Today 19 (1998): 63–89 and R. Lesses, “‘The
Most Worthy of Women is a Mistress of Magic’: Women as Witches and Ritual Practitioners
in 1 Enoch and Rabbinic Sources,” in Daughters of Hecate: Women and Magic in the Ancient
World, (eds. K. B. Stratton and D. S. Kalleres; Oxford: Oxford University Press: 2014), 71–107.
On Amorite practices related to healing, childbirth, and animal generation see m. Shab. 6:10,
t. Shab. 6:4, 17–19, 23. On reading for multiple voices within male-authored medical texts see
H. King, “Medical Texts as a Source for Women’s History,” in The Greek World (ed. A. Powell;
London: Routledge: 1995), 199–218.
It is important to distinguish between moments when the rabbis and others tag certain knowledge as products of particular ethnicities and when we as scholars claim the presence of certain “Greek,” or other “foreign” knowledges in rabbinic sources (and often, then, as influences). Cf. S. Lieberman, “The Natural Science of the Rabbis,” in Hellenism in Jewish Palestine
(New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1962), 180–93. See J. Scarborough,
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is hard to determine what ethno-religious identity is imagined of Niddah’s rôf ’îm
or of their knowledges, but notably m. ‘Abod. Zar. 2:2 and t. ‘Abod. Zar. 3:4 forbid (or at least recommend against) accepting healing (rîpûy) from non-Jewish
people (cf. t. Hull. 2:21–22).85
In these same chapters of ‘Abodah Zarah, midwives are distinguished in terms
of ethno-religious designations as Israelites, idolaters, or Samaritans. While m.
‘Abod. Zar. 2:1 allows non-Jewish women to attend Jewish women in labor and to
nurse their infants, t. ‘Abod. Zar. 3:3 only allows them to do so if overseen, because
of their suspicion of killing Jews. (This is in contrast to Samaritan women who
may assist and nurse and who may be assisted as midwives and wet-nurses by
Jewish women; t. ‘Abod. Zar. 3:1). Tellingly, the Tosefta adds that a gentile woman
may not cut the fetus out of a Jewish woman’s uterus or administer an abortifacient to her and that one should refrain from entrusting cattle with their shepherds (t. ‘Abod. Zar. 3:4, 3:2). Furthermore, both the Mishnah and Tosefta caution against a Jewish male isolating himself with non-Jews (bloodshed), against
a Jewish woman being isolated with them (sex), against leaving one’s animals
in non-Jewish inns (sex), and against Jewish women nursing their children or
assisting them as midwives (so as not to grow little idolaters; m. ‘Abod. Zar. 2:1).
In these chapters, Jewish and non-Jewish men, women, and animals, circulate in various reproductive, non-reproductive, or counter-reproductive combinations.86 This is an instance in which politics, gender, and ethnicity combine
in rabbinic efforts to know, claim control over, and ostensibly protect, Jewish
reproductive resources.87 The scenarios in ‘Abodah Zarah are illuminating complements to our sources in Bekorot and Niddah. They manifest a rabbinic elaboration of measures intended – at least in part – to proliferate (or construct)
Jewish life by safe-guarding its human and nonhuman means of (re)production,
in a protective, competitive, collaborative, and even exploitative spirit vis-à-vis
non-Jews. And they clearly indicate how multiple (rather than binary) social,
gendered, and political factors were at play in rabbinic knowledge-making about
human and nonhuman bodies.
85
86
87
“Romans and Physicians,” The Classical Journal 65 (1970): 296–306 on the Roman preference
for the medicus paterfamilias; H. Von Staden, “Liminal Perils: Early Roman Receptions of
Greek Medicine,” in Tradition, Transmission, Transformation: Proceedings of Two Conferences on Pre-Modern Science Held at the University of Oklahoma (eds. F. J. Ragep and S. Livesey;
Leiden: Brill, 1996), 369–418; A. Y. Reed, “Abraham as Chaldean Scientist and Father of the
Jews: Josephus, Ant. 1.154–168, and the Greco-Roman Discourse about Astronomy/Astrology,” JSJ 35 (2004): 119–58; G. Veltri, “On the Influence of ‘Greek Wisdom’: Theoretical and
Empirical Sciences in Rabbinic Judaism,” JSQ 5 (1998): 300–17.
See also m. Yoma 8:4, and y. Yoma 8:4, 45a–b.
For a recent reading of Bavli Avodah Zarah through the lenses of animal studies and posthumanist theory see Mira Beth Wasserman, Jews, Gentiles, and Other Animals: The Talmud After
the Humanities (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017). See also Beth Berkowitz,
Animals and Animality in the Babylonian Talmud (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,
2018), 185–191.
I make no claims about the success of these attempts. I suspect that the rabbinic debate about
gentile midwives betrays the fact that Jewish women often did employ them.
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Related to these considerations of ethnicity/Jewishness as a salient factor in
the politics of such knowledges was the presence of Rome. Scholars have shown
how crucial were imperial drivers of medical, scientific, and ethno-geographic
knowledge-making projects by those such as Galen and Pliny.88 It is hard to
think of a more fundamental desideratum for imperial administration than
the proliferation of people, animals, and other materials. We can view the rabbinic gynecology, biology, and zoology that emerges through the ritual filters
of purity (Niddah, Oholot), regulation of animals and humans for the Temple (Bekorot), species distinctions (Kil’ayim) and animal slaughter (Ḥullin), as
part of corresponding rabbinic attempts to account/control for the generation
of bodily matter.89 These ritual framings of such generative knowledge, make
their biopolitics no less poignant.90 Seth Schwartz’s call to heed the material
consequences of two failed Jewish revolts comes to mind: specifically, the small
size of the Jewish population in Roman Palestine.91 Reproductive knowledge
88
89
90
91
S. P. Mattern, The Prince of Medicine: Galen in the Roman Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013); T. Murphy, Pliny the Elder’s Natural History: The Empire in the Encyclopedia
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2004); J. König and T. Whitmarsh, eds., Ordering Knowledge in the Roman Empire (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Flemming, Roman
Women.
On biopolitics see M. Foucault, The History of Sexuality. Volume 1: An Introduction, (trans.
R. Hurley; New York: Vintage Books, 1990), 139 and idem, The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at
the Collège de France, 1978–1979 (eds. M. Senellart and M. Foucault; London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); cf. M. Ojakangas, “Michel Foucault and the Enigmatic Origins of Bio-Politics
and Governmentality,” History of the Human Sciences 25 (2012): 1–14. See W. Scheidel, ed.,
Debating Roman Demography (Leiden: Brill, 2001); and R. Flemming, “States and Populations
in the Classical World,” in Reproduction, 67–80.
See Neis, “Reproduction,” 293–98, including references, which argues against the idea that
rabbinic science or medicine is subordinate to distinctively “halakhic” concerns and derivative or inferior to Greek and Roman science. I argue that this betrays an anachronistic notion of science in terms of genre and content. More recently, I argued against characterizing
and analyzing the plural content of rabbinic texts like the Mishnah as overwhelmingly legal
and cautioned against overly theological-anachronistic readings of “(the) halakhah.” See Rachel Rafael Neis, “The Seduction of Law: Rethinking Legal Studies in Jewish Studies,” Jewish
Quarterly Review 109 (2019): 119–38. Here, too, I argue that questions about the generation
of bodies and bodily material were congruent with rather than secondary to ritual or other
framings. See A. Y. Reed, “‘Ancient Jewish Sciences’ and the Historiography of Judaism,” in
Ancient Jewish Science and the History of Knowledge in Second Temple Literature (eds. J. BenDov and S. Sanders; New York: New York University Press, 2014), 195–254. Cf. S. T. Newmyer,
“Talmudic Medicine and Greco-Roman Science: Crosscurrents and Resistance,” in ANRW
II.37.3: 2895–911 and Samuel Kottek, “Medicine in the Talmud,” in Encyclopaedia of the History
of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures, ed. Helaine Selin (Dordrecht:
Kluwer Academic, 1997) 714–17.
S. Schwartz, “The Impact of the Jewish Rebellions, 66–135 CE: Destruction or Provincialization?,” Revolt and Resistance in the Ancient Classical World and the Near East: In the Crucible of
Empire (eds. J. J. Collins and J. G. Manning; Leiden: Brill, 2016), 234–52; also idem, Imperialism
and Jewish Society: 200 B.C.E. to 640 C.E. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 15,
108–10; and idem, The Ancient Jews from Alexander to Muhammad (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2014), 85–90.
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must have been particularly pertinant to this small scholastic movement within
a minority population. Claiming its mastery was no casual move on its part.92
Beyond Dualist Analysis of Nonhuman Material: Kicking Back
Our sources show the materialized effects of the rabbis deploying purity and
ritual frames to classify the human and animal material. But despite the stacked
odds, as we have shown repeatedly, the line between the human and the nonhuman and indeed, between the human and the “mere” material, was surprisingly
thin, or at least unpredictable, at times. The treacly texture of this material means
that an account of rabbis qua subject-knowers, and of women/animals and their
products as passive knowns or inanimate objects, is insufficient.
Whether through ekphrasis, forensic testing, or even forms of use,93 whether
or not they rely on the handiwork of non-rabbis, there is no shortage of other
kinds of material engagement with the bodily contents of women and animals.94
Recalibrating accounts of agency demands attention to how both human and
nonhuman reproductive bodies impinge upon their knowers in material (even
if not in determinist) ways. Karen Barad demonstrates the inseparability of scientific observational apparatuses from their objects’ surveillance and seeks to
account for the co-constitution of material and discursive constraints whereby
“matter comes to matter” in the realm of physics.95 Her work on the increasing use of fetal-imaging technologies attends to the layered links (or “entanglement”) between the biomaterial (from the putative fetus and piezoelectric
transducer, to its operators and readers) and its political-social-gendered shaping. Barad’s study provides some obvious analogies to our ancient uterine and
bodily materials. Its analysis of the way material bodies and technologies collaborate (or “intra-act”) with complex social and professional practices in giving rise to fetuses is instructive for rabbinic knowledge-making about human
and nonhuman bodily materials.
As Myra Hird elucidates, “observer and observed are not inherently static
in time or space (to make them so is to exact an agential cut).”96 This we might
92
93
94
95
96
Examples of analyses of modern political, racialized, gendered, and imperialist dimensions of
health and reproduction are: M. Murphy, Seizing the Means of Reproduction: Entanglements
of Feminism, Health, and Technoscience (Durham: Duke University Press, 2012); K. Tallbear,
“Beyond the Life/Not-Life Binary: A Feminist-Indigenous Reading of Cryopreservation, Interspecies Thinking, and the New Materialisms,” in Cryopolitics: Frozen Life in a Melting World
(eds. J. Radin and E. Kowa; Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2017), 179–202.
Though see t. Nid. 4:10 on skin that “comes out of the skin of the face of a human (’ādām)
whether [they are] alive or dead, is pure and permissible for enjoyment (hănā’â); on the “caul”
see S. Lieberman, Tosefet Rishonim, 3:265 and also b. Bek. 7b.
For mockery of rabbinic claims to expertise see y. Nid. 3:3, 50c.
K. Barad, “Posthumanist Performativity: Toward an Understanding of How Matter Comes to
Matter,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 28 (2003): 801–31.
M. J. Hird, “Feminist Engagements with Matter,” Feminist Studies 35 (2009): 329–46, 340.
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relate to the rabbis who, alongside their claims to generative knowledge, collaborate with other humans and indeed nonhumans (voluntarily or not, due to
the aleatory nature of generation). Barad describes how the transducer “helps
produce and is ‘part of ’ the body it images.”97 The limits and constraints of the
sonogram themselves impinge and produce the “fetus” as something legible as
such (with all the elisions of other potential bodies that then ensue, including
the gestating body). Tannaitic and other ancient apparatuses for observing the
contents of women’s and animal bodies were arguably different, involving hands,
knives, eyes, sunlight, water, and oil.98 But they were as susceptible to multiple
constraints and situatedness, including a different historical context for the sense
of sight itself.99 There were different means for observing the contents of the gestating body, whose interior was not susceptible to the kinds of imaging the sonogram produces: hence the prominence of “she who expels” as a way to extract
knowledge about the usually hidden innards.100
Barad further argues that “the surveillance of technicians, physicians, engineers, and scientists in their formation as particular kinds of subjects is implicated in the surveillance of the fetus and vice versa.”101 We might similarly point
to the ways that the sages and other experts come into their element as subjects,
even as they survey putatively generative material. The “agential cut” between
surveilling subject and observed object may have been contingent but its effects
were material: the one who declares that this impure fish ingested rather than
gestated the pure fish goes on to ingest the latter. The rabbis, for example, may
have been formed as particular kinds of subjects by virtue of their self-authorized
surveillance of the products of human and nonhuman bodies. However, the
contingency and perhaps vulnerability of these subjects as humans, themselves
products of particular bodies, is thrown into relief by the material and species
fluidity that they come to know.
97
98
99
100
101
“The transducer does not allow us to peer innocently at the fetus, nor does it simply offer
constraints on what we can see … That is, the marks on the computer screen (the sonogram
images) refer to a phenomenon that is constituted in the intra-action of the apparatus and
the object (commonly referred to as the “fetus”).” Barad, “Getting Real,” 87–91.
Ancient observational apparatuses for fetuses were less mechanical, e. g., the digital exams
or at assistance in m. Ḥul. 4:3. Cf. t. Nid. 8:2, b. Nid. 65b-66a for use of a tube to check intrauterine bleeding (see Fonrobert, Menstrual Purity, 137–42) and b. Nid. 21b. Archaeological
findings in the Roman empire reveal an assortment of instruments such as speculums and
embryo hooks (see R. Flemming, “Gendering Medical Provision in the Cities of the Roman
West,” in Women and the Roman City in the Latin West [Leiden: Brill, 2013], 271–93.)
See D. Haraway, “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective,” Feminist Studies, 14 (1988): 575–99 and Neis, Sense of Sight, esp.
18–40.
We note that the opportunity to deduce interiorized contents and processes were precisely
enabled by scrutinizing emitted products (see e. g., Soranus’ Gynecology 1.12–13, 17–18; 2.1
[trans. O. Temkin; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991, 42–44, 58–62; 69–70.])
Although in animal cases, we read about cutting open slaughtered animals and finding fetuses within (m. Ḥul. 4:5).
Barad, “Getting Real,” 103.
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This sense of contingency and slippage between subject and object points to
the ways in which the material, whether fetus or nonhuman, whether living or
nonliving, “kicks back.” The rabbis and others hover over moments of indeterminacy, where one configuration of blood, bone, and flesh eludes instant legibility, where exposed or expelled contents of a body yields a surprise.102 This
unpredictable, sometimes unexplained, aleatory character of bodily contents
and reproductive materials suggests how the bodies and material contents of
women and animals push back. The Tosefta literally contemplates the fetus
(‘ûbbār) kicking and then withdrawing its foreleg from the uterus.103 In a different, but equally embodied example of “looking back,” rabbinic eyes that are all
set to scan uterine flesh for “something of human form” are effectively deprived
of their objectifying gaze, when it turns out that animals’ eyes already resemble
those of humans (t. Nid. 4:7).104
It is in the Tosefta – far more than parallels in the Mishnah – that we start to
see the failures of “agential cuts,” as the distinctions between human and nonhuman material come undone.105 Besides t. Nid. 4:7, in t. Bek. 1:9, the human
figures uneasily in the early rabbinic knowledge-project as it is simultaneously
subject to cross-species vicissitudes, while sponsoring the project of knowing
kinds and killing and ingesting of certain kinds. At the same time, we must recognize that crucial differences exist between the cases of bodily products in Niddah and those in Bekhorot. The products emitted by women in Niddah, whether
fetal or otherwise, are nonliving, whereas many of the entities emitted by animals –including those in the animal/human interspecies scenario – in Bekhorot
are presumptively or explicitly alive (which may then enable humans to kill and
ingest them).106 What, indeed happens, when a humanly delivered animal-like
creature lives to tell the tale? In our closing section we consider a case in the
Palestinian Talmud in which such a creature lives to have tales told about it.
102
103
104
105
106
Similarly, the rabbis hover over moments where indeterminacy reigns, where “fetus” (vālād
or ‘ûbbār) is not clearly distinguishable from menstrual material (niddâ) or a growth, and
where one species seems to emit another kind.
See t. Ḥul. 4:1–3 (MS Vienna, t. Ḥul. 5:1 MS London and editio princeps; par. m. Ḥul. 4:1, 4).
On the Black female “oppositional gaze,” see bell hooks, Black Looks: Race and Representation (Boston: South End Press, 1992), 115–31; on “staring back,” disability, and bodily agency
see R. Garland Thompson, Staring: How We Look (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
See also J. Watts Belser, “Reading Talmudic Bodies: Disability, Narrative, and the Gaze in
Rabbinic Judaism,” in Disability in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (eds. D. Schumm and
M. Stoltzfus; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 5–27.
This is together with the observational apparatus that supposedly enacts such distinctions:
the eyes.
Niddah describes women as expelling (hamapelet) or miscarrying materials that are sorted as niddah, valad, or neither. The term for abortus or stillbirth is nēfel. Bekorot describes
animals giving birth or being born (hayoled, yalad, nolad), implicitly including humans per
t. Bek. 1:9.
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5. Conclusion: Family or Food? The Afterlives of Abortuses
The ways that live births of pure animal species are naturalized as a resource than
can be converted into food (or sacrifice) and the ways that human offspring are
caught up not only in circuits of purity but of human claims to property and kin
come together in the Talmud Yerushalmi’s commentary on m. Nid. 3:2’s scenario
of a woman expelling a creature that is animal- or bird-like. In the discussion that
follows the Amoraim press on the possibility of such a creature going on to live.
In the first instance, an Amora questions Rabbi Meir’s assertion that this
creature is offspring (vālād) by means of a scenario in which a woman expels a
raven-likeness (d mût ‘ôrēb) that goes on to “perch atop a palm tree.” Does one
say to him: “come perform the release ceremony for levirate marriage or enter
into levirate marriage?” Another Amora points out that such a question can be
equally directed to the majority sages’ admission of creatures with “something
of human form” as offspring. The Talmud then continues by defining of this
“something of human form” requirement:
For Rabbi Yosa said in the name of Rabbi Yohanan: If it is wholly human ()כולו אדם, but
its face is animal ()ופניו בהמה, it is not offspring ()וולד. But if it is wholly animal (בהמה
)כולוand its face is human ( )ופניו אדםthen it is offspring ()וולד.107
Rabbi Yohanan’s definition of “something of human form” refers to the face.
This fixation on the face as the site of (human) species determination becomes
the crux of the two scenarios that then follow:
If he is wholly human, but his face is animal, and he is standing and reading the Torah,
they say to him, “Come and get yourself slaughtered ()בוא לשחטך.” If he is wholly animal but his face is human, and he is standing and ploughing in a field, they say to him,
“Come perform the release ceremony or enter into levirate marriage ()בוא וחלוץ או יבם.108
In all these scenarios, what was dead on arrival in the earlier text is now animated, making the gestational/ingestive distinctions that much more vivid.109
Is this flesh of your flesh? If yes, it is family and thus is enfolded within the kin
obligations and generative motivations of the levirate, which is after all concerned with perpetuating the dead sibling’s line. If this is not fruit of your loins,
107
108
109
Cf. t. Nid. 4:7 (all facial features except for ears) and y. Nid. 3:3, 50c (bottom) for debate
about (a) what features ( )סימניןqualify and whether one or all are needed.
y. Nid. 3:3, 50c (per MS Leiden).
See y. Nid. 3:3, 50c (per MS Leiden): הפילה דמות עורב. Cf. t. Nid. 4:6: שהפילה דמות עורב שלשה פעמים.
The Tosefta has the woman expel (or abort) the raven-likeness three times, the Yerushalmi’s is
a living one-time occurrence. For the argument that the Yerushalmi is structured according to
the Tosefta Niddah, see T. Meacham, “Tosefta as Template: Yerushalmi Niddah,” in Introducing
Tosefta: Textual, Intratextual, and Intertextual Studies (eds. H. Fox, T. Meacham, and D. Kriger;
Ktav Pub Incorporated, 1999), 181–220. I attend to these issues in a future venue.
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then it is food, and we may say to him, “come, get yourself slaughtered.” Strikingly, the language here is of š ḥîṭ⸠the ritual slaughter required for killing pure
animals to render them permissible for Jewish consumption.
How we read these scenarios makes a big difference. We could read them as
neutrally applying Rabbi Yohanan’s principle of facial determination. But given the
contours of each example, I would argue that it is best to read them as expressing
wonderment. In other words, the two cases (or three, including the raven child)
press hard on the adequacy of formal tests, such as facial features, as determinative for species classification. The contingency of agential cuts is revealed for what
it is. In the first example a being with an animal face is classed as nonhuman. The
challenge to this technical determination is heightened by supposing that he performs not only the ostensibly very human activity of standing and reading, but also
a supremely Jewish, rabbinic, and gendered activity: he reads the Torah. It seems
preposterous to enjoin this Torah student to “come and get yourself slaughtered.” In
the second scenario a creature with a human face is at the plow. The idea of inviting
him to “come and marry your dead brother’s widow” (also Jewish and gendered)
seems intended as manifestly absurd. In these cases, we do not hear responses from
the creatures themselves (though at least one of them can recite text). But, notably, they are not only alive, they are animate: perching, standing, reading, plowing,
they are each addressed directly in Hebrew as participants in their own destinies.
***
“Species, like the body, are internally oxymoronic, full of their own others, full of messmates, of companions. Every species is a multispecies crowd.”
Haraway, When Species Meet, 165.
This article has traced the content, form, and conditions, of rabbinic knowledgemaking about the generation of material entities. In doing so it has followed the
rabbis and other humans as they have sought to discern, deliver, cut, classify
and dispose of human and nonhuman generative material. In deploying feminist science studies and feminist new materialisms, I have noted the ways in
which the material pushes back against rigid – or even minimal – definitions.
The Palestinian Talmud’s technically correct outcomes vacillate between the
absurd and the cruel, demonstrating the limits of classification, as well as their
stakes. The Torah scholar-animal and the beast of burden-human are paradoxically summoned to insert themselves into their im/proper destiny: knife and
stomach, marriage canopy and bed.110 Far from settling things, we are left with
110
This case in its details and scenarios truly enacts Aparecida Vilaça’s insights about how classification can work not only as distinction but also identification between eater and eaten.
The kind, or species, of a creature comes into focus as its living body enters the possibility
of entering another’s.
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an aporia: the species and materially variant are uneasily accommodated into
either animal or human realms. Their place in ongoing ingestive or gestational
economies is awkward in either scenario. The vestigial attempt to assert human
distinctiveness – and thus to settle knowledge – is undermined by moving and
composite bodies and body parts that show up both the contingency of rabbinic/
human ways of knowing and their potentially grave consequences. The closing gap between sexual imperatives, sexual taboos, and cannibalism, between
ingestion and generation, and between human and nonhuman is revealed for
the overlap that it is.111
In their quest to determine the identity of materials nested within the body,
the rabbis encountered fish, camels, cows, laboring women, midwives, doctors,
and hunters. Classification, theories of generation, explanation (to a limited
degree), as well as the aleatory and agentive creatures and materials themselves,
all brushed up against rabbinic claims to know. The unpredictable nature of generation: the anomalous outputs of creaturely bodies (from bee larvae to honey,
from human fetus to bird-likeness or menses, from cow calf to camel calf) queer
linear accounts of same-species, hetero-sexual reproduction.112 This entanglement of human knower with the material objects of its knowledge usher in analytic models beyond dualisms of knower/known, men/women, rabbis/Romans,
and humans/nonhumans.
111
112
See Vilaça, “Relations,” 83–106, and D. Labby, “Incest as Cannibalism: The Yapese Analysis,”
The Journal of the Polynesian Society 85 (1976): 171–79. The Yerushalmi also compels us, its
readers, and the rabbis, its writers, to squarely attend to the ways that liveness and death
(another dualism) impinge upon generative knowledge.
Neis, “Interspecies,” 10.
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