ISSN 2446-7014
YEAR 6 • No 109 • JANUARY 30th, 2020
The Boletim Geocorrente is a fortnightly publication of the
Conjuncture Assessment Group (NAC), linked to the Research
and Post-Graduation Superintendency (SPP) at the Naval War
College (EGN). NAC follows the International Conjuncture under
the theoretical view of Geopolitics, in order to provide an alternative
for the global demand for information, making it accessible and
integrating society into defense and security issues. Moreover, it
disseminates updated knowledge of international conflicts and
crises to meet the Naval Staff’s demands.
The Boletim Geocorrente aims to publish short articles concerning
current issues about ten macro-regions in the globe: South
America, North and Central America, Sub-Saharan Africa, Middle
East and North Africa, Europe, Russia and former USSR, South
Asia, East Asia, Southeast Asia and Oceania, Arctic and Antarctica.
Furthermore, some editions feature the “Special Topics” section.
The research group connected to Boletim has members from
different areas of knowledge, whose diverse backgrounds and
experiences provide a comprehensive of the conjuncture and of the
latest international issues. Thus, it seeks to identify the aggravating
elements, motivational factors and contributors for the escalation of
conflicts and ongoing crises as well as its impacts.
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process.
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the Brazilian Navy.
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BRAZILIAN NAVAL WAR COLLEGE
RESEARCH AND POST-GRADUATION SUPERINTENDENCY
CONJUNCTURE ASSESSMENT GROUP
BRAZILIAN NAVAL WAR COLLEGE'S DIRECTOR
EDITORIAL BOARD
ReaR admiRal edgaR luiz SiqueiRa BaRBoSa
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
BOLETIM
GEOCORRENTE
captain (Retd) leonaRdo FaRia de mattoS (egn)
RESEARCH AND POST-GRADUATION SUPERINTENDENT
OF THE BRAZILIAN NAVAL WAR COLLEGE
SCIENTIFIC EDITOR
captain (Retd) FRanciSco eduaRdo alveS de almeida (egn)
ReaR admiRal (Retd) maRcio magno de FaRiaS FRanco e Silva
ASSISTANT EDITORS
liutenant (J.g.) JanSen coli calil n. almeida de oliveiRa (egn)
JéSSica geRmano de lima Silva (egn)
noele de FReitaS peigo (Facamp)
pedRo allemand manceBo Silva (uFRJ)
TRANSLATION
AnA cArolinA vAz FAriAs (uFRJ)
RESEARCHERS OF THE CONJUNCTURE ASSESSMENT GROUP
SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
SOUTH AMERICA
dAvid sEvEro pErEirA FrAnçA pinto (uErj)
FrAnco nApolEão AguiAr dE AlEncAstro guiMArãEs (puc-rio)
isAdorA jAcquEs dE jEsus (uFrj)
joão victor MArquEs cArdoso (unirio)
viviAn dE MAttos MArciAno (uFrj)
AdriAnA EscostEguy MEdronho (EhEss)
BEAtriz MEndEs gArciA FErrEirA (uFrj)
cArlos hEnriquE FErrEirA dA silvA júnior (uFrj)
gABriElA dE AssuMpção noguEirA (uFrj)
joão FElipE dE AlMEidA FErrAz (uFrj)
pEdro EMiliAno Kilson FErrEirA (unvErsidAdE dE sAntiAgo)
NORTH & CENTRAL AMERICA
ARCTIC & ANTARTIC
AnA cláudiA FErrEirA dA silvA (uFrj)
cArolinA côrtEs góis (puc-rio)
jéssicA pirEs BArBosA BArrEto (Egn)
victor cABrAl riBEiro (uFrj)
victor EduArdo KAlil gAspAr Filho (Egn)
AnA cArolinA FErrEirA lAhr (Egn)
gABriElE MArinA MolinA hErnAndEz (uFF)
lAilA nEvEs lorEnzon (uFrj)
pEdro AllEMAnd MAncEBo silvA (uFrj)
rAphAEllA dA silvA diAs costA (uFrj)
EUROPE
EAST ASIA
AriAnE dinAlli FrAncisco (univErsität osnABrücK)
doMiniquE MArquEs dE souzA (uFrj)
glAycE KErolin rodriguEs MAxiMiAno (uFrj)
MAthEus souzA gAlvEs MEndEs (Egn)
MElissA rossi (suFFolK univErsity)
nAtháliA soArEs dE liMA do vAlE (uErj)
thAïs ABygAëllE dEdEo (univErsité dE pAris 3)
joão pEdro riBEiro grilo cuquEjo (iBMEc)
MArcEllE torrEs AlvEs oKuno (iBMEc)
philipE AlExAndrE junquEirA (uErj)
rodrigo ABrEu dE BArcEllos riBEiro (uFrj)
vinicius guiMArãEs rEis gonçAlvEs (uFrj)
MIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA
RUSSIA & FORMER USSR
AnA luizA colArEs cArnEiro (uFrj)
André FiguEirEdo nunEs (EcEME)
shAKilA dE sousA AhMAd (uFrj)
pEdro dA silvA AlBit pEnEdo (uFrj)
josé gABriEl dE MElo pirEs (uFrj)
luizA goMEs guitArrAri (uFrj)
pEdro MEndEs MArtins (EcEME)
pérsio glóriA dE pAulA (uFF)
SOUTHEAST ASIA & OCEANIA
SOUTH ASIA
MAthEus Bruno FErrEirA AlvEs pErEirA (uFrj)
thAyná FErnAndEs AlvEs riBEiro (uFF)
vinícius dE AlMEidA costA (Egn)
joão MiguEl villAs-BoAs BArcEllos (uFrj)
MArinA soArEs corrêA (uFrj)
rEBEcA vitóriA AlvEs lEitE (Egn)
SPECIAL TOPICS
AlEssAndrA dAntAs Brito (Egn)
louisE MAriE hurEl silvA diAs (london school oF EconoMics)
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BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
BOLETIM
GEOCORRENTE
INDEX
RUSSIA & FORMER USSR
SOUTH AMERICA
The Russian Federation constitutional reforms ......................................................9
The oil extraction beginning in Guyana and the important discovery in Suriname
4
EAST ASIA
NORTH & CENTRAL AMERICA
A troubled early 2020 for China ..............................................................................9
South Korean Navy will expand operations in the Strait of Hormuz .....................10
Canadian support vessel construction milestone ...................................................4
SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
Capturing the Nile: Ethiopia and downstream States’ deal an inch closer .............5
United Kingdom-Africa Relations after Brexit .........................................................5
SOUTH ASIA
Indian Navy successfully tests naval fighter plane version...................................10
SOUTHEAST ASIA & OCEANIA
Australia leading the world energy production .................................................... 11
EUROPE
In Davos, Europe is Trump’s new economic target ................................................6
Libya-Turkey Maritime Deal Increases Tensions in the Mediterranean ..................7
ARCTIC & ANTARTICA
Chilean Territorialism in Antarctica and the relationship with Brazil......................12
MIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA
The escalation of tensions between the USA and Iran ...........................................7
Military modernization and naval force boosts Egypt's regional presence .............8
Selected Articles & Defense News........................... 13
Geocorrente Calendar.............................................. 13
References............................................................... 14
REGIONS ANALYZED IN THIS EDITION
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BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
SOUTH AMERICA
The oil extraction beginning in Guyana and the important discovery in Suriname
João Felipe Ferraz
O
n January 20th 2020, Guyana sent is its first crude oil
lot to the United States of America (USA) refineries,
amounting to nearly 1 million barrels. Oil companies
like American Exxon Mobil and the British Tullow
Oil have performed drilling and eventually discovered
oil in Guyana’s coast since 2015, totalling a reserve of
more than 8 billion oil and gas barrels. Therefore, the
production officially started in 2020, corresponding to
an initial daily extraction of 120 thousand barrels, with
potential projections of 750 thousand barrels per day until
2025. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) forecasts
a growth of 85.6% in the South American country's GDP,
the lowest in South America (data from 2018), where
around 750 thousand people live.
In parallel to this important Guyanese economic
milestone, the oil companies Apache Corp and Total have
announced the discovery of an important oil and gas field
on the coast of the country bordering Guyana, Suriname
- a country that holds the second lowest South American
GDP. Comparatively, it is relevant to notice both
countries’ different political situations, which directly
influence factors in an economic projection of fossil
fuels export. In Guyana, David Granger’s presidential
term comes to an end in March of this year, which may
mean a power turnover and as a consequence the review
of the signed contracts with exploring companies. On
the other hand, Suriname experiences an even more
unstable political conjuncture, susceptible to wrong
decisions that can impact directly the oil sector. Since
2010, the President of the South American country is
Desi Bouterse, a political and military leader accused of
serious Human Rights violations and various corruption
cases. It is also important to highlight his participation
in the military leadership of a totalitarian government in
the 1980s.
The two South American countries’ particular
conditions render uncertain the expert's economic
predictions who cautiously see a major large finance
injection in a short period of time. However, Guyana
and Suriname’s insertion into the oil market is a great
opportunity for growth for two economies historically
dependent only on mineral extraction and agriculture.
NORTH & CENTRAL AMERICA
Canadian support vessel construction milestone
Jéssica Barreto
O
th
n January 16 2020, a Keel Laying ceremony took
place in the Seaspan North Vancouver shipyard.The
event, which consists in housing a coin representing the
project next to the vessel's keel, symbolizing good luck,
is a milestone in the construction of the Joint Support
Vessel (JSS) HMCS Protecteur.
The project is part of Canada’s National Shipbuilding
Strategy (NSS), which establishes the construction of
two vessels of this type. These ships will replace the
two support vessels built between the 1960s and 1970s,
which were decommissioned in 2014 after several years
in operation and due to major damage in a fire during a
voyage in 2015. Since then, the Royal Canadian Navy
(RCN) has used a converted tanker for this support
function.
The support vessels replacement effort dates back to
the 1990s, with modest success. In the early 2000s, Paul
Martin’s liberal government launched a procurement
project for this type of ship that was approved in 2004,
entering its definition phase. Nevertheless, the Paul
Martin's government was replaced by the conservative
Stephen Harper in 2006, who determined the suspension
and the review of all procurement processes started in the
previous administration.
Still in 2006, the JSS project was again approved with
modifications, but in 2008 the project proposals request
was cancelled due to prohibitive costs, well above the
State funding capability. Therefore, the Defense Minister
at that time asked a third agent to review the project anew,
formed by representatives of the departments involved
in the country's defense procurement system. Thus, the
recommendation made by this review was the need for
an overhaul of RCN and the shipbuilding sector, giving
rise to NSS in 2010.
Thereby, with the construction initiated in June 2018,
the vessels will be the fourth delivered by the Seaspan’s
shipyard, after the three offshore fisheries science ships
and will be the biggest vessel ever built by the Canadian
industry in terms of length, with 173,7 meters. The vessel
is due to be delivered in 2023.
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SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
Capturing the Nile: Ethiopia and downstream States’ deal an inch closer
Franco Alencastro
R
epresentatives of the Ethiopian State announced on
January 24th the beginning of a round of negotiations
between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan on the Nile River
waters management. The announcement follows a
meeting between the Sudanese and Ethiopian Foreign
Ministers on the 22nd. The core of the negotiation will
be Ethiopia's intention to build the Great Ethiopian
Renaissance Dam (GERD) in the Nile. The GERD
is projected to be one of the largest dams in the world
when completed: it is estimated to be the eighth largest in
installed capacity, reaching 6.45 Gigawatts.
The GERD represents a major point of attrition
between the neighbouring countries, as the Nile is an
important source of drinking water for Sudan and Egypt,
and local officials say that the dam would damage its ebb.
Egypt, particularly, depends heavily on the Nile for the
irrigation of its agriculture, which occurs exclusively on
the banks of the river, taking up only 3% of the territory.
And although the country's agricultural production
has grown by more than 20% in the past two decades,
population growth has been even faster, putting further
pressure on the sector. Notably, the rise in food prices
was one of the causes of popular discontent that led to the
overthrow of Hosni Mubarak in 2011.
The construction of GERD, announced in 2011, has
not yet started as a result of this dispute. For Ethiopia,
the construction of the dam represents victory over a
considerable challenge: generating enough energy for a
country whose GDP has been growing at a rate of over
10% for more than a decade. The GERD also allows
to circumvent external dependence on energy sources
such as oil, an important fact in an economy historically
penalized by the scarcity of foreign exchange. The dam
construction, however, cannot come at the cost of more
external problems for a country that in recent years has
overcome historical disputes such as the conflict with
neighboring Eritrea. Negotiation, therefore, is a necessary
step.
Source: Atlantic Council
United Kingdom-Africa Relations after Brexit
João Victor Marques Cardoso
O
th
n January 20 2020, the UK-Africa Investment
Summit was held in London, in which delegations
from only 21 African countries met. Organized by the
British government, the Summit announced £1.5 billion
in public initiatives such as infrastructure projects
estimated at £350 million, in addition to private businesses
equivalent to £6.5 billion. Ahead of eleven days of the
United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union
(EU), the event represented a political-economic nod to
Africa, whose relevance should not be strategically ruled
out.
On the British side, the need to renew historical
ties with Africa was noticed during Theresa May’s
government, who made an official visit to South Africa,
5
Nigeria and Kenya in August 2018. The then minister of
Africa, Harriett Baldwin, affirmed the importance of trade
to create jobs and investments in order to reduce African
dependence on foreign aid. The term Global Britain was
widely used so that the country did not shirk from global
responsibilities, even though Brexit materialized. On
the other hand, under Boris Johnson's administration,
the priority given to domestic issues seemed to weaken
the approach to the African continent. However, the
withdrawal from the EU requires trade negotiations with
the rest of the world, with the UK-Africa Investment
Summit evincing this.
On the African side, there is an opportunity for
more favorable negotiations, due to the pressure faced »
BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
by London to minimize the negative impact of Brexit,
stipulating reduced access to the EU market. Thus
far, eleven African countries have signed “continuity
agreements” with the United Kingdom, which aim
to replace those existing by the EU. It is still too little
compared to the size of the continent, which receives
less than 4% of foreign direct investments and occupies
only 2.5% of British trade with the world. In view of the
need to create twenty million jobs annually to follow its
demographic growth and the fact that, by 2050, a quarter
of global consumers will be African, the imbalances can
be perpetuated.
If the United Kingdom favors to shield its influence
instead of directing it towards capacity building and
reducing asymmetries, support for development would
be illusory. In addition to the Brexit uncertainties,
economies such as South Africa and Nigeria, African
main trading partners, would be impacted, spilling over
into their respective regions.
EUROPE
In Davos, Europe is Trump’s new economic target
Nathália do Vale
L
th
ast Friday, January 24 , was the last day of the World
Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland. With the
presence of economic authorities from all over the world,
the summit had global warming and its impacts in world
economy as its main theme. Throughout the discussions,
it became clear that, after the trade war between China
and the United States dominated the economic agenda of
2019, something similar will happen this year between
Europe and the USA. While Trump said that a free trade
agreement between them is inevitable, Europeans such
as Bruno Le Maire, France’s Finance Minister, stated
that the European Union (EU) will retaliate if the United
States decides to raise tariffs on their products. “Europe
has changed in the past few years, it is not as naive as it
used to be. Europe has become more independent and
more aware of its strategic interests”, said Le Maire.
The region is the United States’ main economic
partner, followed by China, Mexico, Canada and
Japan, with which the USA closed economic deals last
year. Besides that, the US$ 162,6 million trade surplus
in exports with the US and the election year in the
country are two important negotiation assets for Europe.
Meanwhile, the pressure from the agricultural lobby
and Europe’s economic stagnation are two downsides in
negotiating a future deal, along with opposing views over
the importance of climate issues in the world’s economy.
France might be a good example of how this “tug
of war” may play out. On January 1st 2019, France
announced tariffs up to 3% on the profits of IT giants
GAFA (Google, Amazon, Facebook and Apple), alleging
tax evasion. After Trump announced, last December, an
increase of up 100% in tariffs on French agricultural and
manufactured goods, both countries declared they would
lift tariffs on both sides and initiate discussions for a
thematic agreement in the Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD).
Moreover, it is worth mentioning that Brexit will
continue to play an important part in EU’s agenda this
year. With UK’s inevitable exit on January 31st and
the urgent need to negotiate deals with the British on
numerous themes, it could be questioned whether Europe
will be able to be strong enough with two of its main
partners in an independent manner.
Source: Eurostat
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BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
Libya-Turkey Maritime Deal Increases Tensions in the Mediterranean
Melissa Rossi
O
th
n January 20 2020, Greek Foreign Minister, Nikos
Dendias, expressed his concerns about the European
Union (EU) not condemning more openly the maritime
deal signed by the Libyan Government of National
Accord (GNA) and the Republic of Turkey during the
Berlin Conference, which took place the day before. The
deal, signed last November by Libyan leader al-Sarraj
and Turkish President Erdogan, delineates the maritime
boundaries of both countries ignoring Greece’s Exclusive
Economic Zone (EEZ) off the coast of Crete.
Ankara has adopted an aggressive foreign policy
stance towards its Mediterranean neighbours due to its
growing political and economic isolation in the region,
especially after the discovery of significant oil and gas
fields in the Eastern Mediterranean fields to which
Turkey has no access. In May and July 2019, Ankara sent
Turkish Petroleum drill ships, the Fatih and Yavuz, to start
activities in Cyprus’ EEZ. As a response, the EU imposed
economic sanctions against Turkey, while Cyprus made
a petition to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to
rule on the dispute. Nevertheless, none of these actions
were able to change Ankara’s behaviour, who claims that
the maritime zones in question belong to its continental
shelf.
In regard to the geopolitical relevance of the LibyaTurkey maritime deal, once again Turkey takes a
belligerent stance, but this time against Greece. Ankara is
clearly aware of the violation of Greece’s EEZ, but chooses
to play a dangerous realpolitik game to exert pressure
on its European neighbors, even though it is not certain
that the agreement will withstand the Libyan conflict,
since the country remains divided into two governments:
the Turkish and the UN-backed government located in
Tripoli and led by al-Sarraj and General Khalifa Haftar’s
government in Tobruk, supported by Russia, the United
Arab Emirates and Egypt. Nevertheless, if al-Sarraj’s
government does prevail, the maritime deal will be valid
and it is very likely that we will witness the same Turkish
belligerent foreign policy, including the deployment of
Turkish drill ships in Greece’s EEZ.
Source:TRT Wrold
MIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA
The escalation of tensions between the USA and Iran
Ana Luiza Colares
O
n January 3rd 2020, the United States launched an
offensive near Baghdad International Airport. The
drone air attack resulted in the death of Iranian General
Qassem Soleimani, head of the Special Forces of the
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The incident sparked
international concern and took thousands of Iranians to
the streets to demand a response from the government.
On January 8th, Iran carried out retaliatory attacks
using medium-range ballistic missiles, striking two Iraqi
bases where the US military were stationed, causing
structural damage. A few hours later, a Ukraine Airlines
plane heading for Kiev was shot down shortly after taking
off from Tehran, killing 176 civilians, mostly Iranians.
The day after the attack, President Donald Trump made
a statement de-escalating military offensives, saying
that economic sanctions would continue and calling on
Iranians to sign a new deal on their nuclear program.
On the 11th, the Iranian government acknowledged that
its air defense force was responsible for the fall of the
Ukrainian aircraft, having mistaken it for a possible
North-american air strike. The population's mourning
for Soleimani has been replaced by public resentment
towards its authorities, with demonstrations for changes,
strongly repressed in Tehran on the 12th and 13th.
Recent events are not isolated. Since the US left
the Nuclear Deal in 2018, and the return of economic
sanctions on Iran led by the Trump administration, there
has been an escalation of tensions between countries,
especially in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz.
It is worth highlighting the international action of the
Revolutionary Guard, mainly in the so-called “axis of
resistance” in countries like Syria, in support of Bashar
Al-Assad; in Yemen, in support of the Houthi group; and
in regions where the Lebanese Hezbollah group operates,
all Shia Muslims. This way, Iran and the United States find
themselves constantly in opposite sides in the conflicts in »
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BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
the Middle East, since Israel and Saudi Arabia, supported
by the US, actively participate against the groups above.
In addition, the US has the advantage of being present
militarily in the Persian Gulf and surroundings through,
for example, the Sentinel Program, being able to track
the Iranian actions and the groups that are within its
sphere of influence.
Thus, the unstable relations between the countries
transcend several peculiarities, alliances and involve
regional and global players, the latter exemplified by
Russian and Chinese criticism over the North-american
attack of the 3rd, in addition to the attempt by European
countries such as Germany and France for a negotiation
in favor of maintaining the 2015 Nuclear Deal. Although
tension between the United States and Iran has eased in
recent weeks, it is difficult to predict what is to come,
especially the stance of radical Shia groups that support
Tehran.
Source: DW
Military modernization and naval force boosts Egypt's regional presence
Pedro Albit
J
Tarek el-Molla, announced the signing of nine oil and
gas exploration agreements worth US$ 452 million in
the Mediterranean and the Western Desert. Four of these
agreements are partnerships with Shell, while the other
adjusts the price of gas in the concession area for Shell
and British Petroleum.
On January 15th, Berenice military base was opened,
becoming the largest in the Red Sea, with air and naval
bases, a military hospital and training camps. The base
opened a day after the end of new military exercises,
Qader 2020, involving the three arms of the Egyptian
Armed Forces in manoeuvers to protect the Sinai
Peninsula and the Suez Canal. With the aim of protecting
navigation in the entrance to the Red Sea, which leads to
the Canal, the base also meets the strategic imperative of
supporting Iran's rival countries in the Gulf and Western
allies, containing Iranian operations in the region. For
this reason, the base may, in the future, also serve as
logistical support for the United States Air Force, which
does not have its own base in Egypt.
anuary 2020 marks Egypt's efforts for bigger maritime
presence in the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. After
the Turkish Parliament approved the deployment of troops
to Libya on January 2nd, to support the internationally
recognized government, Egypt, which endorses Libyan
General Khalifa Haftar, carried out large scale naval
exercises in the Mediterranean two days later, on January
4th.
The exercise used Mistral class amphibious assault
carrier and Gowind-class corvettes, both Frenchmanufactured, as well as American-manufactured
Oliver Hazard Perry-class frigates and a German Type
209 submarine. The exercise can be considered a
display of force and commitment to Egypt's Libyan ally,
because right after the announcement of Turkish troops
deployment, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Arab
Republic of Egypt published a note rejecting the initiative
for it violates international agreements. Another way
to consolidate its presence in the Mediterranean took
place on January 20th, when the Minister of Petroleum,
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BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
RUSSIA & FORMER USSR
The Russian Federation constitutional reforms
Pedro Martins
O
th
n January 15 , President Vladimir Putin made his
“State of the Nation Address”. In it, the Russian
president announced a set of constitutional amendments
to "transform Russia into a welfare state that embraces
the rule of law and increase the efficiency of National
institutions, without changing the basics of the
Constitution". After that speech, Russian Prime Minister
Dmitri Medvedev resigned and, following Russian
legislation, all the other members of his cabinet as well. In
his place, Mikhail Mishustin, former head of the Russian
Federal Tax Service, was approved by a large majority by
the Russian Parliament, with 383 votes in favor and 41
abstentions from the Communist Party, while Medvedev
became deputy head of the National Security Council.
The new cabinet appointed by Mishustin had major
changes among its members, but kept Sergey Lavrov
and Sergey Shoygu in the Foreign Affairs and Defense
ministries, respectively.
Like many former Soviet Union countries, the Russian
Federation is a semi-presidential republic. This means
that there is a power division between the President,
responsible for Foreign Affairs and Defense, and the
Prime Minister, responsible for domestic affairs. In the
specific Russian case, the Prime Minister is appointed by
the President and subsequently approved by Parliament.
Under current Russian law, the President cannot have
more than two consecutive terms. With the proposed
constitutional amendments, which will be debated at the
Parliament on May 1st, presidential terms will be limited
to two, regardless of whether they are alternated, the
criterion for presidential candidates will increase, the
Russian constitution will be prioritized over international
treaties, and increase the powers of Parliament to appoint
and approve the Prime Minister and members of the
ministerial cabinet.
In this regard, the constitutional reforms proposed
by President Putin can be interpreted as a mechanism
by which he can influence the future successors of
his stint, given that it ends in 2024. Under the current
constitutional text, he could not run for a third consecutive
term. According to Tatiana Stanovaya of the think tank
Carnegie Russia Endownment for Peace, the changes
reflect an “insurance policy” against possible abuses
of power, indicating that Putin is working on a possible
successor in the Russian Federation presidency.
EAST ASIA
A troubled early 2020 for China
Philipe Alexandre
O
n January 11th 2020, national elections took place
in Taiwan, which resulted in the stay of proindependence President Tsai Ing-wen and her Democratic
Progressive Party (DPP) in power. Tsai won 57.1% of the
votes, defeating her biggest pro-Beijing rival, Han Kuoyu, of the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang), with 38.6%
of the vote. DPP also won a majority of the seats in the
island's legislature.
This result is considered a major turning point in the
Taiwanese political scene, as several opinion polls in
2018 and 2019 indicated Han's 30% point advantage over
Tsai. However, the latest events in Hong Kong favoured
Tsai, as she supported the protesters. This allowed Tsai to
turn the election in Taiwan into a referendum on relations
with China, which indicated a rejection of the island's
local population to the "one country, two systems" system
advocated by Beijing, that is in effect in Hong Kong.
An annual study by the National Chengchi University
in Taipei shows that only 10% of the Taiwanese people
support unification.
It is necessary to wait in order to know how Beijing
will behave in this second Tsai’s term. Possible reactions
from the continent may include a decrease in the flow
of investment to Taiwan and an expansion of Taipei's
diplomatic isolation on the international stage. The
island's diplomatic partners have narrowed to 15 countries
after Beijing persuaded seven States to cut ties with
Taipei after Tsai's election in 2016. Military intimidation
is another tool that can be used, which can exacerbate
regional tensions and strategic rivalry between Beijing
and Washington. The United States is required by its own
laws to ensure that Taiwan is able to defend itself.
Finally, it is valid to analyze Tsai's victory in a
broader spectrum. While Beijing has managed to
conduct and achieve its interests internationally – with
the signing of the first phase of the trade agreement with
Washington, maintaining the economic growth expected
– domestically, the conjuncture is more challenging:
seven months of demonstrations in Hong Kong and the
beginning of the coronavirus outbreak in the middle
of festivities. In view of these, Beijing should be more
concerned with its domestic affairs in 2020. The history
of the dissolution of the communist bloc in the 1990s,
due to internal reasons, is still in the minds of the Chinese
authorities.
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South Korean Navy will expand operations in the Strait of Hormuz
Marcelle Torres
R
ecently, the US has increased pressure on South
Korea to send a naval force to the Middle East to be
part of the naval security mission in the Strait of Hormuz.
Such request is another military alliance test between
Washington and Seoul, with both still negotiating the
share of defense costs on the Korean Peninsula. In
response, South Korea decided to expand the operational
areas of the Cheonghae Naval Unit to the Strait of
Hormuz, however independently, without being directly
part of the US coalition or without affecting relations
with Iran.
Since 2009, the Cheonghae Unit has been conducting
anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, Somalia,
which accounts for 29% of South Korea's total maritime
volume, and has carried out rescues and evacuations
during the crises in Libya and Yemen. Created to protect
civilian ships near Somalian coast and to cooperate with
the Combined Maritime Forces in maritime security
operations, the Cheonghae Unit will be composed by
the 4,500-ton destroyer Wang Geon, equipped with
anti-aircraft, anti-surface, anti-submarine weapons and
a contingent of 300 military personnel, with Muscat in
Oman as an advanced operational base.
About 70% of South Korea's crude oil imports come
from the Middle East, with 170 South Korean vessels
sailing through the Strait of Hormuz, approximately
900 times a year. "Considering a political analysis and
bilateral ties with the countries of the Middle East, I
believe that our position on the matter cannot be exactly
the same as that of the United States," said Kang Kyungwha, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of
Korea. In December 2019, Tokyo also expressed the
independent character of its support to Washington's
request. For Japan, imports reach 90%.
In addition to the region's importance in supplying oil
to South Korea, there are about 25,000 South Koreans in
the Middle East, with more than 1,500 in Iraq. Staying
independent and considering the military role in the
region is the best immediate option. The second is to
rethink the country's energy security and also make it a
national priority.
Source: Yonhap Newsl
SOUTH ASIA
Indian Navy successfully tests naval fighter plane version
João Miguel Villas-Bôas
T
deck. In the Indian case, the country adopted the system
STOBAR: Short Take-Off But Arrested Recovery for
the aircraft carriers Vikramaditya (Kiev class) and the
nationally produced, in final testing, Vikrant.
Currently, the Indian Navy operates the Russian
fighters Mig-29K, but, due to a number of problems with
the airplane, the Indian government has been looking for
alternative solutions. The national project of fighter Tejas,
in the naval version, shows itself as a possible solution.
However, despite the success in the recent test, the model
sought by the country’s Navy involves the conception of
a fighter plane with two turbines, a demand not yet met
by Tejas naval version. In effect, the companies HAL »
he Indian Navy celebrated the successful takeoff-and-landing of the naval version of its national
fighter plane Tejas aboard INS Vikramaditya airplane
carrier. The airplane is produced by the State company
Hindustal Aeronautics Limited (HAL), in partnership
with the Defense Research Development Organization
(DRDO) and conducted the test on January 11th 2020.
This achievement reinforces the advancement of
the Indian technological capacity and gives the country
the special status in terms of naval power, as few other
countries, namely the United States, Russia, France,
United Kingdom and China, have developed aircrafts
capable of landing and taking off from an aircraft carrier
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BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
and DRDO affirm that they are able to adapt the current
model (one turbine) to the Navy’s demand (two turbines).
However, experts say the deadline for delivering the new
version does not meet the geopolitical urgency of the
project to equip the Indian aircraft carriers with vigorous
deterrence power as companies would only be able to
deliver the first aircraft in 2030.
The case of “incomplete success” of the fighter Tejas,
in the naval version, shows the structural problems of the
Navy, of the Indian military-industrial complex and of the
others forces, to wit: planning, inability to meet deadlines
and doubtful effectiveness. India is a regional power with
important global ambitions to the international system
and its immediate geopolitical threats has as central
concern: the Indian Ocean. Although it has enormously
advanced in the technological and production capacity
of naval military equipment, the country still hesitates
about the deadlines and operationality of a series of
strategic projects, compromising its plans to become a
global power.
SOUTHEAST ASIA & OCEANIA
Australia leading the world energy production
Thayná Fernandes
I
n 2019, Australia managed to overtake Qatar in the
energy market, becoming the world's largest exporter
of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). This news is the result
of investments and efforts by the government to become
an important hub in the energy market. However, in
times of growing demand for renewable energies, would
this step be an advance or an indication that for some
countries the “sustainable future” has not yet arrived?
In 2014, one of the Australian challenges was the
coal export, whose biggest buyer was China. In 2015,
with the Paris Climate Change Conference, Australia
pledged to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Despite
this, in 2016, there were disputes with East Timor for the
maritime portion known as Timor Gap, an area containing
about 5.1 trillion cubic feet of LNG, whose limits were
not established. After resolving the issue in 2018, the
possibilities for exploring the region's hydrocarbons
were expanded. Through this trajectory, according to
Cullinane (2019), Australian gas production increased
16% compared to 2018. LNG revenue grew 25% every
four months, and export revenue of 2018-2019 increased
by around 60%, generating a profit of US$ 50 billion.
Although conventional energy is on the rise, Australia
leads the way in the renewable energy construction and
production. This aspect is part of the 2020 to 2030 goals
launched in 2001: the target set for 2020 was to generate
33 thousand GWh from renewable sources. The State
currently produces 260 thousand. For 2030, the goal
is for 50% of the country's energy source to be from
renewables. In 2018, that number reached 21% of the
national energy supply.
It is common for natural gas to be understood as a
transition energy source for more sustainable and cleaner
energies. The Australian case is relevant, because it
considers the reduction of pollution and also moves
towards energy autonomy and independence, crucial
factors in geopolitical terms. Depending on a few countries
for energy supply can cause major inconveniences to
States.
Source: Clean Energy Council
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ARCTIC & ANTARCTICA
Chilean Territorialism in Antarctica and the relationship with Brazil
Gabriele Hernandez
C
hile, one of the seven countries that claimed territory
jurisdiction over Antarctica before the Antarctic
Treaty in 1959, has approved the Chilean Antarctic
Statute project this January, which aims to protect and
strengthen its sovereignty in the continent. The Statute
seeks to reinforce and protect the country’s rights over
the region, claimed as part of its territory on the sixth
continent, though based on the Antarctic Treaty. It also
intends, to be a source of regulation of activities such
as fishery and economic development in the Magallanes
and Chilean Antarctic regions, since the area serves as a
seaport and an airport to Antarctica by Chile and other
countries that make use of Chilean facilities, Brazil
included.
By linking the activities in the Magallanes and
Chilean Antarctic regions to a Statute, Chile opens the
opportunity of giving them legal protection, securing the
Chilean Antarctic program to be more independent from
other government projects and becoming a State project
in itself. It also brings more autonomy to the Southern
region of the country, which relies heavily on Antarctic
activities.
Chile is one of the greatest partners in terms of
Antarctic cooperation with Brazil. In the 1960s, three
Brazilian Navy Officers were involved in three different
Antarctic expeditions held by Chile, the first Brazilian
military to ever visit the Southern continent. The new
Brazilian Antarctic Station Comandante Ferraz (ASCF),
inaugurated on January 15th, depends on the airstrip of
the Chilean Station Presidente Eduardo Frei Montalva,
located in the same island, and on the city of Punta
Arenas, the main logistic hub of the Brazilian polar ships.
Another recent event that reaffirms the degree of
cooperation between the two countries in the region was
the accident on December 10th, 2019, when a Hercules
aircraft (C-130) from the Chilean Airforce fell down
while flying over Drake’s Passage, heading towards
Antarctica. The NPo Almirante Maximiano, which was
stationed near the ASCF, was promptly called to aid the
search and rescue and was responsible to find the debris
of the aircraft.
Although the relationship between Antarctic countries
is centered on logistic and scientific cooperation, the
new Chilean Statute reinforces the territorial aspect of
the country’s presence in Antarctica and must be seen as
another proof of the importance of the frozen continent.
Source: Revista de Marina (adapted)
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BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
SELECTED ARTICLES & DEFENSE NEWS
► Top Risks 2020
EURASIA GROUP, Ian Bremmer e Cliff Kupchanr
► The Global Risks Report 2020
WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM
► Putin You've Got A Problem: The Russian Navy
NATIONAL INTEREST, David Axe
► 2020 Annual Forecast: A Global Overview
STRATFOR
► IMB: Unprecedented Number of Kidnappings in Gulf of Guinea
THE MARITIME EXECUTIVE
► In a quest for 355 ships, US Navy leaders are unwilling to accept a hollow force
DEFENSE NEWS, David Larter
► Report to Congress on Chinese Naval Modernization
USNI NEWS
► The Royal Navy’s New Aircraft Carriers Are Eating the Fleet
NATIONAL INTEREST, David Axe
GEOCORRENTE CALENDAR
FEBRUARY
MARCH
05-06 Warsaw Humanitarian Expo
Security Conference
2020
14-16 Munich
Elections in
Iran
21 Parliamentary
02 General elections in Guyana
05 178 OPEC Meeting
and Road Summit, in
Dubai
18-19 Belt
League 85-yearsanniversary
22 Arab
Referendum on the reform
the Falklands electoral
26 ofsystem
26-27 European Council meeting
Artificial Intelligence
Summit, in Saudi Arabia
30-31 Global
th
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BOLETIM GEOCORRENTE • ISSN 2446-7014 • No 109 • January | 2020
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Amendments to Constitution aimed at reinforcing 'rule of law & welfare
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