Reflections for a Buddhist Geography (updated and extended version)

Reflections for a Buddhist Geography This is an updated and extended version, written in April 2020, of the original paper published at: Vasconcelos, V.V., 2017. Reflections for a Buddhist Geography. Brazilian Geographical Journal, v. 8, n. 2, p. 37-44. Available at: http://www.seer.ufu.br/index.php/braziliangeojournal/article/view/31111 1 Reflections for a Buddhist Geography Abstract The expanding contact between Western and Eastern cultures is helping academic disciplines (such as geography) that are based on Western philosophies to have a deeper dialogue with Eastern philosophies and religions, such as Buddhism. This paper focuses on the Buddhist principles of the Theravada school and their similarities and differences with Western doctrines in academic geography. These principles include (1) detachment as a way to escape from suffering; (2) the causal chain (karma [kamma]) as a world conception in which there is no place for free will; (3) the doctrine of no-self; (4) integrated practice, reflection and compassion in Buddhist ethics; and (5) the nonexclusive and nonproselytizing nature of Buddhism. Some possibilities for the development of Buddhist geography are explored in terms of the relation between people and forest retreats, pilgrimage routes, stupas and temples. This discussion opens the way for developments in the way geography interprets the world and helps people’s lives. Keywords: Buddhism, Geography, Eastern Philosophy, Geographical Thought, Epistemology, Religion. Re s u m o O contato crescente entre culturas ocidentais e orientais está contribuindo para que algum as disciplinas acadêm icas (tais com o a Geografia) baseadas em correntes filosóficas ocidentais tenham um contato m ais profundo com filosofias/ religiões orientais, com o o Budism o. Alguns princípios budistas da escola Theravada são discutidos neste artigo, em relação a suas sim ilaridades e diferenças com o pensam ento geográfico. Os princípios discutidos são: (1) desapego com o um cam inho para escapar do sofrim ento; (2) encadeam ento causal (karm a [kam m a]) com o um a concepção do m undo onde não há lugar para a livre vontade; (3) doutrin a da inexistência de um “eu”; (4) integração entre prática, reflexão e com paixão na ética budista; (5) natureza não exclusiva e não proselitista do Budism o. Algum as possibilidades para o desenvolvim ento de um a geografia budista são apresentadas, incluindo a relação das pessoas com retiros nas florestas, rotas de peregrinação, stupas e com plexos de templos. As discussões apresentadas abrem cam inho para novos desenvolvim entos na m aneira com que a Geografia interpreta o m undo e auxilia as pessoas em suas vidas. Palavras -ch ave : Budism o, Geografia, Filosofia Oriental, Pensam ento Geográfico, Epistem ologia, Religião Introduction Buddhist religion and philosophy 1 emerged between the 6th and 4th centuries BCE in northeastern India, featuring principles that distinguished it from contemporaneous hegemonic Brahmanistic religions (Zimmer 1953). In more recent centuries, as contact and familiarity between Western and Eastern societies has grown, many westerners have found Buddhism to be a new way of interpreting and living in this world. Geography was consolidated as a formal academic discipline in Europe during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and was established on a foundation of Western philosophies, including positivism, neo-positivism, Marxism, phenomenology and existentialism, among 1 This paper will not propose a distinction between the religious and/or philosophical nature of Buddhism, as it is not a distinction made by the Buddhists themselves, although this kind of separation may be considered conventional in Western thought systems. 2 others. Among the main themes of geography are the relationships between humans and nature and between humans and other humans in terrestrial spaces. Similarly, Buddhism addresses relationships among humans and the human relationship with nature, but Buddhist approaches to these subjects differ from those of Western philosophical systems. This paper presents considerations on the differences between Buddhism and some of the principles of Western philosophical systems that are important to contemporary geography. These differences may provide new ways to address traditional problems in geography and assist in the historical development of this discipline. In the second half of the twentieth century, many Asian universities began teaching geography in countries in which Buddhists were a significant part of the population, such as Japan, China, and Thailand, to name a few. Meanwhile, many westerners who were adopting Buddhism as a reference were also studying courses in geography at various schools and universities. Thus, many individuals have begun to identify themselves as both Buddhists and geographers as long as they have learned, practiced and/or taught from both reference sources. The consequences and fruitfulness of combining these frameworks of knowledge may have passed unnoticed or with little reflection thus far. However, there is clear social relevance in this dialogue because there are between 500 million (Pew Research 2017) and 1.1 billion (Snyder 2016) 2 Buddhists in the world, including approximately 6 million (Pew Research 2012) to 12 million (Snyder 2016) living in Western countries. Methodology The main hermeneutical approach used in this paper reflects the Tipitaka Theravada Buddhist Cannon to academic literature about Buddhism, geography and the relationship between them. The hermeneutic philosophy (Dilthey 1910) was a relevant guideline to transpose the reflection from ancient texts to later historical contexts. Following this approach, the research delimitation will focus on how the Cannon has been interpreted by orthodox Buddhist monks through history. Therefore, it focuses on the Sthavira Buddhist interpretation, considering their divergences with Mahāsāṃghika groups during the early Buddhist councils (400 BCE to 100 CE) (Gethin, 2012), following through the interpretation of the orthodox Buddhist lineage of Theravada (school of the elders) tradition up to the contemporary scene. We follow the World Fellowship of Buddhist Declaration of 1950 to not use the term Hīnayāna 3 to refer to contemporary Theravada Buddhism, although we explore the geographical implications of this term as a way some Mahāyāna sutras have referred to orthodox Buddhist groups along history. This paper will not address the Mahāyāna tradition or the many other lineages of Buddhism that have been influenced by other religions in Asia throughout its history. Even with respect to the Theravada tradition, this paper will be restricted to the doctrine adopted by the monks and will not address those popular rituals and beliefs practiced by the lay 2 The number of Buddhists in China and India is a controversial issue, especially because of Buddhism’s nonexclusive adoption characteristics and because the Chinese government does not disclose statistics about religious affiliation, as discussed by Snyder (2016). 3 Although strongly emphasizing the diversity and complexity within each of these two Buddhist traditions, Cohen (1995: 2) describes the general characteristics that have been attributed to each one: “the Hīnayāna champions the arhat ideal, the Mahāyāna, the bodhi-sattva ideal; the Hīnayāna is centered on the sangha, the Mahāyāna, on the Buddha; the Hīnayāna is rationalist in its metaphysics, the Mahāyāna, mystical; Hīnayāna is ethical, Mahāyāna devotional; the Hīnayāna has closed its canon, the Mahāyāna allows for continuing revelation”. Note that Cohen (1995) was heavily criticized by Silk (2005:411-12) due to his oversimplifications. 3 population that attends Theravada temples. This choice is made to focus on how those principles have been interpreted by groups that explicitly aim to retain relatively closer to the early original core of Buddhist doctrine, although future research may expand this scope. As argued by Tuan (2010: 47-48), the spatial spread of Mahāyāna and (to a lesser extent) Theravada Buddhism (Gombrich, 2006) throughout history, as well as the adoption of Buddhism into lay society from both Theravada and Mahāyāna, have increased cultural diversity within Buddhism; however, Tuan (2010:47-48) argues that this has often (though not always) tended to shift from the abstract and impersonal principles to more mundane necessities and desires that came from local cultures. As also inferred from Tuan (2010: 41 and 57), these cultural changes can be partially seen as a consequence of the shift in focus from self-perfection (i.e., following the strict core principles of Buddhism), which has been the main concern of the orthodox Buddhist lineages, to universal compassion (making Buddhism more accessible to a wider community), which is a fundament of the Mahāyāna tradition. This study does not aim to criticize which branches of Buddhism are better or worse, truer or falser, or imply any hierarchy among them. There may be many interesting topics for geographical thought emerging from the development of posterior Buddhist branches such as Zen and from the intertwinement of Buddhism with other religions and philosophies such as Taoism, Tibetan Shamanism, Confucianism and Shinto. However, these aspects would be too wide for this paper and should be explored in further studies. The reflections in this paper aim to address geography theory and practice in a general scope and do not focus on a specific subfield in geography. Some focus is given to humanistic geography 4, especially existential geography, regarding the perception of the self and surrounding environment and the relationship between Buddhists and places. The use of general system theory and the ethical dimensions of environmental studies are also discussed with their particular interests in physical geography. Discussion Discussed Buddhist Principles This text mainly discusses the following Buddhist principles, as presented in the reference works of Harvey (2013), Crosby (2013), and Rahula (1974), selected due to their relevance for the potential dialogue with geographical thought: - The world is dynamic, and attachment to things causes suffering because these things change. Detachment is the path to a peaceful life. - Living beings and their choices follow conditioned genesis of interdependent actions and consequences (karma [kamma]), and there is no place for free will in this context. - There is no self, ego or soul, and we are merely ever-changing physical and mental arrangements. - Ethical conduct is a way to help humans attain peaceful lives and develop more coherent worldviews simultaneously. Ethical guidelines help the mind become calmer and more optimistic through the practice of compassion, awareness, discipline, cultivation of wisdom and shunning of violence. 4 In this paper, we use the concept of Humanistic Geography to describe the geography field that “tries to understand the human world by analysing people’s relations with nature, their geographical behaviour and their feelings and ideas in regard to space and place” (Tuan, 1976) 4 - Buddhism is a nonexclusive and nonproselytizing religion/philosophy. A person may gradually incorporate Buddhist principles without having to promptly deny his/her previous religious or philosophical background. Geography and the Attachment to Place In humanistic geography, the emotional connection of people to the places in which they live is a core research theme (Tuan, 1976). These studies frequently show how beautifully an individual or collective culture can intertwine with places and how these connections become important to people. Following the same approach, many geographers study how people suffer when they lose access to or control of their homelands. In political and social geography, this process is termed deterritorialization (Deleuze and Guattari 1972); in many studies, the geographer assumes the role of denouncing the suffering of the dispossessed people while supporting their fight to recover their lost territories, i.e., their reterritorialization. Since the Industrial Revolution, human society has gradually increased the power and speed with which it can transform its environment on Earth. Large mining and agricultural undertakings completely alter vast rural areas, while increasingly more people move to cities (particularly to metropolises). Even within cities, the transformation of urban spaces has become progressively more frequent. Berman (1983) succeeded in reinterpreting the quotation “All that is solid melts into the air” from Marx and Engels (1848) to conceive of how the gears of modernity engender an accelerating cycle of destroying and rebuilding places and human values. Whereas many geographers defend people’s rights to be emotionally attached to places, Buddhism seems to offer a different approach 5. As commented by Tuan (2010: 42-43), the history of Buddhism started when the Buddha decided to abandon his links to his homeland (including his royal heritage) to live as a wanderer. The implicit message, in consonance with the Buddhist doctrine of detachment as the way to cessation of suffering (Third Noble Reality/Truth), is that if people were less attached to places, they would suffer much less when facing changes in their environments or even when they are compelled to move to another place. In our contemporary world, in which changes are broader and more rapid every day, this Buddhist attitude might help people better cope with their lives. The relationship between Buddhist values and activism has created distinct interpretations. Visser (1980) and Molle et al. (2002) proposed the hypothesis that Buddhists in South Asia would tend to protest less against unequal social and/or environmental conditions when compared to occidental Christians because Buddhists would believe, based on the rule of Karma [kamma], that disadvantageous conditions would be a consequence of wrong actions in present and past lives and that the current conditions would be a chance to engage into wholesome actions and show detachment from the material world. On the other hand, many Theravada Buddhist monks in Thailand have been involved in activism against mining and other development projects on mountains and forests where ancient Buddhist temples were built (Swearer 1998; Walter 2007). From a practical perspective, the Kūṭadanta Sutta (A Bloodless Sacrifice - DN5) scripture of the Dīgha 5 Tuan (2010: 51) noted this contrast: “whereas placelessness is not good in geography, it is in religion, it is a precondition for – and a sign – of enlightenment”. 5 Nikāya (n. 26) mentions that the Buddha emphasized the need for effective political and social strategies to guarantee a community’s physical needs so that people would have more peace of mind to dedicate to spiritual activities. However, the key point is that it would lead to a type of “unattached activism”, in which the person acts because he/she thinks it is the right thing to do, but that it should not lead to the development of desire or expectations based on the results of these actions. Humanistic Geography, the Self, Causality and Free Will In humanistic geography, which is grounded largely in phenomenology and particularly on the works of Husserl, Heidegger, Sartre and Merleau-Ponty, the idea of self as the source of consciousness is a core tenet. For Sartre, existence (of the self) even precedes essence (of perceived things in the world) (Sartre 1946). Reconciling the Buddhist doctrine of no-self and no-soul with these philosophical doctrines is challenging, especially at an ontological level. Just as Medidhammaporn (1988) draws analogies between Husserl’s notion of consciousness and the idea of the Brahmic ātman (self), so might Buddhist criticisms of Brahmanism – defending the doctrine of no- ātman – be applied to phenomenology’s idea of self. Nevertheless, some authors (Lee 2008; Gokhale 2013) have attempted to reconcile Sartrean existentialism with Theravada Buddhism through Sartre`s proposition that consciousness is nonbeing and that the self, therefore, is ultimately an empty construction (Sartre 1943) 6. Hume’s (1739) approach, as noted by Hoffman (1980) and Giles (1993), is, somewhat surprisingly, much closer to the Buddha’s view of self because Hume conceptualized human beings as ever-changing bundles of perceptions that are subject to causal patterns 7. In practical terms, the Buddhist can differentiate between an existential (conventional) self”, to be improved and eventually transcended by Buddhism practice, while not accepting the metaphysical “absolute-self” (Pérez-Remón 2012). However, the main focus of Buddhist text, as emphasized by Ṭhānissaro (2011) and Harvey (2013:60-62), is not about the ontological existence or not of the self but how the act of perceiving the self (or nonself) may lead or not to a path of nonsufferance. For Buddhism, the attachment to this existential self is the origin of egoism, of the fear of death and of the fanatic will that drives self-protection and self-preservation. In a broader spiral, this egoism can trigger other feelings – including hatred, ill-will, conceit, and pride – and has even led to war all over the world (Rahula 1974: 51). These ethical implications for geographical thought will be discussed in the next section. In existentialist geography (Samuels 1981), mainly based on Sartre’s philosophy, original freedom is the basis of individuality. Moreover, individuals are “condemned to be free,” and they are nothing more than what they choose to be (Sartre 1946). However, in Buddhist doctrine, everything – the physical and the mental – is conditioned, relative and interdependent. Therefore, each physical and mental state has a conditioned genesis (karma [kamma]) and is dependent on everything else in the world. In this context, Meyers (2016) interprets that the Buddhist doctrine on free will should be interpreted in two levels. At the ultimate ontological level, as there is no self (no agent) and just a chain of causal relations, 6 We are not implying that Theravada Buddhism needs to reconcile or to be opposed to Sartrean existentialism, or in what extent Sartre and other philosophers cited in this paragraph had previous knowledge of Buddhism and were aiming to conciliate it with their doctrines. We are just indicating some possible ways in which Buddhism may open dialogues with human geography through its philosophical bases. 7 However, Hume’s definition makes no mention of the divisibility and impermanence of the materialcomponents of the body, which is highlighted in Buddhism explanation of nonself. 6 the mere idea of “free will” cannot arise or be sustained in Buddhist thought (Rahula 1974: 54), and it is thus difficult to reconcile Sartre’s existentialism within this Buddhist paradigm. On the other hand, on the level of the existential (conventional) self, the person can understand the chain on causality and alter its functioning (Harvey 2013:59; Siderits 2016 [2008]) by renouncing their own will, becoming, instead of a “freedom of will”, a “freedom from will” 8 (Repetti 2010). This freedom by renunciation would include the detachment to place, discussed in the previous section. As a result, understanding the conditioned genesis of mental and physical processes is one of the main ways of gathering awareness and wisdom in the Buddhist doctrine. In this context, much of the experimental academic research regarding causes of individual and social behavior in psychology and other human sciences (including geography), in addition to other useful causal studies in the biological and physical sciences, contributes valuable knowledge for assisting people in setting more coherent strategies for their lives. In a social context, managers and politicians might use this causal knowledge to underpin wiser decision making to decrease people’s suffering. This causal knowledge also encompasses environmental knowledge, which is studied in depth in geography. General system theory (Bertalanffy 1968) lies as a basis for many academic environmental studies, especially in physical geography (Harrison 2009). Therefore, some studies (Shen & Midgley 2007; Fenney 1995; Macy 1991) that explored possible interconnections between systems theory and Buddhism may be valuable for this dialogue between Buddhism and geography. For example, the panca niyamadhamma theory, exposed in the commentaries Aṭṭhasālinī (272-274) and Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī (DA 2.431) of Buddhaghosa, respectively, to the Dhammasangaṅi and Dīgha Nikāya books, proposes that there are natural laws on physical, biological, psychological and moral subsystems, while the causality law can interconnect these subsystems (Silva 1994). Shen and Midgley (2007) emphasize the shared attitude in Buddhism causal reasoning and system theory of gradually looking for broader visions of the implications of actions, processes and choices. Macy (1994) investigated how causal interdependence and codependent arising (Paṭiccasamuppāda Vibhaṅga Sutta - SN 12:2) in Buddhism can be related to mutual causation and feedback in system theory. Fenney (1995) relates the concept of dynamic fluctuation/stability of systems theory (Prigogine 1987: 100) with the role of karma [kamma] in forming “habituating forces”, while analytical insight (vypasiana) over causal chains could enable “dehabituating forces”. Shen and Midgley (2007) also deal with fluctuations and stability from a different angle, showing how the comprehension of nature as an everchanging process of impermanent objects in Buddhism aligns with the system theory framework of increasing entropy in systems until they dissipate. The main conception of “environment” should be discussed in this relationship between Buddhism and Geography. Western science is heavily based on the separation between the subject and object of research (Pascale 2010:31) that tends to lead to a notion of “environment’’ as something external to the researcher (Allen, 2004:99), which in this paper case is discussed as the geographer. In Buddhism, the ultimate goal of attaining Nirvāṇa [nibbāna] (cessation of suffering) comes after one overcomes the illusion of separation of the self with rest of the world (Harvey 2013:59,77-78), aligned with a perception of environment 8 “The sort of freedom constituted by enlightenment involves freedom from the otherwise conditioned nature of the ego-volitional complex, or freedom from the self” (Repetti, 2016:271). 7 as something that connects and encompasses the self, up to the point that the perception of self is dissolved in the environment, reaching the perception of no-self (Pelizzoli 2003). The environmental impact of human activities on the environment can also be addressed in Buddhist thought, including the understanding of the causes of human desire and the acknowledgment of the causal chains of actions to reach these desires until the impacts on the environment cumulated to placate the desires of society (Duc 2016). In analogy with the cessation of suffering on an individual level, the mitigation of environmental impacts on a global scale also goes through the understanding of these causal chains, and subsequently, the cessation of craving could reduce demand, subsequently decreasing environmental impacts in the whole product cycle (Sponsel and Natadecha-Sponsel 2003:355; Duc 2016), from the extraction of natural resources, pollution in fabrication and transportation, and destination of residues. The Buddhist monks, following their conduct codes of a poverty vow for a simple life, serve as examples for the Buddhist laity to avoid overindulgence, materialism and consumerism (Henning, 2002:51-53; Sponsel and Natadecha-Sponsel 2003:359-361) Intertwining Ethics, Knowledge and Practice in Geography In the previous section, it was discussed how detachment to the self could lead the person from egoistic attitudes towards a perception of interconnectedness with the world. Karaṇīyamettā Sutta 9 of the Sutta Nipāta (I.8) prescribes compassion for all living begins as a path to purify one’s heart, while widening the goal of decreasing suffering not only for the individual but also for all beings, therefore constituting an environmental ethics and spirituality 10 (Duc, 2016). Marxist geography, as well as other humanistic geography trends, has a long story of ethical concern towards society (Popke 2010), and some authors have also focused on widening these approaches to environmental ethics (Proctor 1998; Lulka 2007). In physical geography, although the methods and study scope may not always focus on social relationships, frequently the objective of the studies is to provide tools for better environmental management, that is, the ethics lies on the meta-research choices. In Buddhism, wisdom comes through study and practice together in everyday life, and the Noble Eightfold Path, as written in the Nagara Sutta (The City - SN 12.65 PTS: S ii 104 CDB i 601), thus comprises proper understanding, proper thought, proper speech, proper action, proper livelihood, proper effort, proper mindfulness and proper concentration. In daily practice, compassion is also tied to discipline and reflection (Rahula 1974: 46), as expressed in the Karaṇīyamettā Sutta. These teachings explain why Buddhist monks dedicate themselves to meditation practice and to strict compliance with codes of conduct, in complement to studying Buddhist texts. This relevance of practice on a Buddhist ethical base that extends to all living beings is one of the motivations that have led many Buddhist monks into social and environmental activism (Sivaraksa 2005; Darlington 2017, 2018), as previously referred in this paper. Karaṇīya can be translated to “what should be done”, while Mettā can be translated to “loving kindness” (Boddhi, 2005), friendliness (Kalamashila, 1996) or goodwill. 10 Duc (2016:338) uses the definition of spirituality as a “general state or experience of inner well-being and transformation”, associated with “ personal transcendence, supraconscious sensitivity, and meaningfulness” (Zinnbauer et al. 1997:551). 9 8 Unlike with more conventional sciences, the process of becoming a geographer is frequently identified as a conjunction of attitude, practice and reflection. This triple amalgam, throughout history, forms what Brunhes (1910) referred to as the Geographic Spirit. As Carl Sauer expressed in his text “The Education of a Geographer” (Sauer 1956), these geographic attitudes may come from personal life, as in the desire since childhood to explore new places, love maps and guide people through places. For a person to become a professional geographer, this attitude must be developed through the experience of fieldwork and by studying the works of earlier geographers, which results in a special way of perceiving forms and connections in landscapes. Marxist and cultural geographers have stressed how geographers must immerse themselves in the social contexts and places upon which they reflect and act. In addition to learning to “see”, “feel” and “act” in space, geographers must also develop the skill to represent spaces on maps, drawings and schematic diagrams, using techniques that merge artistic ability with the requirement of correspondence with the reality being portrayed. In this context, both geography and Buddhism have the appeal of joining practice, reflection and ethical values, which also leads to the possibility of integrating these two sources of reference within an individual’s personal experience. A Buddhist geography would aim to help people and other living beings suffer less by incorporating positive attitudes toward life and by increasing awareness about themselves and their world. This experience might even extend beyond individual lives to overlap with social and political geography. Hughes (1987) and Jnawali (2007) posited that Buddhism might contribute to seeking peace in a global geopolitical context. These contributions are based mainly on the advice to government rulers in Buddhist texts about being primarily good moral role models for other people by avoiding violence, lies and corruption (Rahula 1974: 85), as is described in the Ten Royal Virtues (Dasavidha-rājadhamma) found in the collection of Jātaka stories (I, 160, 599; II, 400; III, 274, 320; V, 119, 378). Such possibilities can be exemplified by contemporary socially engaged Buddhist activism in countries where Buddhism has a primary cultural influence (Sivaraksa, 2005). Based on these socially engaged behaviors, is the comprehension that the causal chain of good deeds would fruit into more good karma [kamma], in a process called Puñña, related not only to the individual but also gradually spread through society [Adhiṭṭhāna] (Hookham 2004). Possibilities for a Humanistic Buddhist Geography Because of these distinct characteristics of Buddhist thought and practice, it is pertinent to explore what would be the open possibilities for geography on Buddhist grounds. The Buddhist principles of nonself-centering, compassion and engaged attitude, while also recognizing the interconnectedness between actions and living beings, have been recognized by many authors (such as Loy 1997; Henning 2002; Johnston 2006) as compatible with the ethical philosophy of deep ecology proposed by Naess (1973). As an analogy, Guimarães (2013) proposed that Buddhist principles could be a base for developing a “Deep Geography” as a paradigmatic change in geographical thought. One possible way to start to reflect on Buddhist geography is through the geographical relations of space and place in the ancient Buddhist canon. For this purpose, Law (2014) produced a comprehensive baseline work for further studies that explores toponymy, places and routes throughout the early Buddhist canon. One of the most outstanding contrasts in these Buddhist texts, as discussed by Andrade and Apolloni (2010), is between cities (nagara) and forests (aranha). The cities, despite their 9 social significance, were described as places where ambitions, entertainment and continuous labor would easily lure and distract the mind. Therefore, the forests were the place where lay people and monks would look for a peaceful environment and a simpler life and were more propitious for reflection. This symbolism is very strong in the Buddhist scriptures, to the point that, as reminded by Swearer (2001) and Harvey (2013:16), the Buddha was reportedly born, achieved illumination, made his main speeches and died under the trees. Forests, for Buddhists, are at the same time a place for freedom, retreat and even exile. In the Mahasatipatthana Sutta (374) and in the Baddhali Sutta (14-16) of the Majjhimā Nikāya, for example, the Buddha suggests monks to meditate in the forests, thickets, on the base of trees, as well as in secluded places such as mountains, ravines and caves in the wild, as a routine practice. Many Theravada temples have a Bodhi-three, sometimes argued to be descending from the original tree under which the Buddha achieved enlightenment (through branch cutting propagation), and there are also many temples within natural or carved caves, linked to the practice of ancient monks of meditating within caves (Harvey 2013:239-240,258). Spiritual retreats in isolated areas continue to be a recurrent practice for Buddhists (monks and lay) from early Buddhism until today. Until the beginning of the twentieth century, forest wandering monks were still common in South and Southeast Asia, but currently, these retreats happen mostly within isolated monasteries because religious regulations have gradually prohibited monks from dwelling as hermits in forests, restricted their pilgrimages and mandated them to be attached to a monastery (Tiyavanich 1997), aiming specially at more manageable institutional control, leading to a geographical reflection on how zoning laws may inhibit religious freedom on spatially diverse practices. Nevertheless, a current especially relevant movement is the Theravada Kammaṭṭhāna Forest Tradition of Thailand, in which monks dwell in modest forest monasteries to live as similar as possible to the original Buddhist ideal and practice (Cai 2014). Another possible geographical analysis of the narrated life of the Buddha is his life route, which has since become an important pilgrimage for Buddhists, as detailed by Aitkin (1995), Rain and Mitra (1999), and San (2002). The main sites in this route are Lumbini (the Buddha’s birthplace), Bodh Gaya (place of the Buddha’s enlightenment), Saranath (place of the Buddha’s first teachings) and Kushinagara (place of the Buddha’s death and where he attained nirvana) (Stoddard 2010). By passing through these sites and among the temples and monuments built there in the memory of the Buddha, Buddhists recollect and revivify the original teachings of Buddhism. Many geographical studies have been conducted on the expansion of Buddhism since its origin (Kashyap 1956; Casparis 1990; Bapat 2016). Since King Asoka’s empire (268-232 BCE), the practice of sending pieces of the Buddha’s ashes and relics to be stored in new stupas can be interpreted as a geographical (material) counterpart of the mental representation of expansion of the “Buddhist World” (or the “Territorial body of the Buddha” on Earth). Usarski (2010), based on the theoretical framework of the geography of religion proposed by Schwind (1975), argues that the geography of stupas can be analyzed through three main theories: - Theory of environmental modulation: Analyzing the impact of Buddhism on space through buildings, local devotion and pilgrimage to stupas. - Theory of divulgation: focusing on the role of the texts and images carved on the stupas’ walls in the strategies and practices for expanding the teachings and maintenance of Buddhism’s history and principles. 10 - Theory of environmental dependence: analyzing how pre-Buddhist local cultures of certain regions influenced the distinct architecture stiles of stupas, as well as their carved texts and symbols. The religious landscapes and sacred places of Buddhism, such as the stupas, present a symbolic architectural style that has the objective of offering a path from the material level to the transcendental experiences of Buddhism (Usarski 2010). Gill Filho (2009: 104) analyzed the Buddhist symbolism in temple complexes, such as Borobudur (Java), which creates a sacred landscape path in which the aspirant to Buddhist knowledge is gradually exposed and instigated to reflect on different spatial levels: “I – the spatiality of desires, considered inferior, in which the person is attached to things of the material world. II – the spatiality of the forms, in which the person frees himself/herself from desires but is still attached to names and forms. III – the spatiality of non-form, in which the person defends himself/herself from the material world and the forms world and is free of the mundane contingencies, thereby achieving enlightenment.” (Gil Filho 2009: 104 – authors’ translation) When transitioning to these more abstract levels, it becomes progressively challenging to contemplate the spatiality of the nonmaterial world and even more on the nonform world. However, it is important to understand that these higher levels do not negate the worlds of material (substances/forms) and conceptual (ideas/names) beings but recognize them as veils hindering an inner existential essence, and therefore, the person can learn how to address these worlds (and their respective spatiality) in a more coherent way. Nevertheless, the abovementioned spatial levels discussed by Gil Filho (2009) are consistent with the general framework of Tuan (2010), in which religion leads to a transition from place to placelessness as the person delves into deeper spiritual abstraction. Another relevant aspect throughout the history of Buddhism’s spatial expansion is the gradual differentiation between the Sthavira/Theravada (school of the elders) and Mahāsāṃghika/Mahāyāna traditions in different countries. Although the implications of these distinctions have been a contentious debate in the literature (Silk 2005), from a geographical perspective, the use of the concept of Hīnayāna (small vehicle) 11, by Mahāyāna (great vehicle) Ugraparipṛcchā and Prajñāpāramitā sutras to refer to other early Buddhist schools 12, may fit into an implicit strategic reasoning of maintaining the territory of “core countries” (the small vehicle), which focus more on the preservation of the original doctrine, while the geographical dissemination of Buddhism has been made historic by the “greater vehicle”, which has more flexibility to adapt and develop through cultural changes in space and time. This interpretation is aligned with the interpretation from the Mahayana Lotus Sutra (Saddharma Puṇḍarīka Sūtra) that the small vehicle is portrayed as incorporated and completed by the great vehicle (William 2009). Although the preservation of this “knowledge of the elders” has been a main concernment of Theravada tradition (Harvey 2013:199), this In this paper, the translation of Hīnayāna to “small vehicle” was preferred over “inferior vehicle” due to the reported discontentment of Theravada Buddhists with the possible prejudices associated with any potential “inferiority” insinuated by the latter translation (Silk 2005). 12 Acknowledging that this is rather an external interpretation from an outward group (Mahāyāna) about the Theravada and other orthodox early Buddhist schools, and not the interpretation that the Theravada make from themselves. 11 11 conception of “core countries” needs to be acknowledged as relative, in geographical terms: after the end of Asoka kingdom, Theravada tradition gradually lost its hegemony in the original birthplace in India, moved its center to Sri Lanka, and afterwards expanded to Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and adjacent countries (Crosby 2013). This geographical movement of the Theravada tradition, including cultural exchanges with these new communities and frequent negotiation and assimilation to state government powers, has conversely changed its identity and costumes through history (Gombrich 2006). Final Thoughts – Buddhist Geography as a Nonexclusive Approach According to the Ariyapariyesana Sutta (The Noble Search), when the Buddha attained enlightenment, he realized that this doctrine would be difficult for most people to understand because they were overpowered by passion and would not be possessed of the calmness of mind to think deeply on his teachings. Out of concern for this problem, the Buddha would have developed different approaches for speaking with the different types of people he met such that he might teach what each person would find helpful while avoiding other lessons that might be overly complex, disturbing or harmful for that person (Rahula 1974: 52). In this manner, Buddhism has spread throughout Asia as people have reflected on Buddhist principles and understood them as coherent and worthwhile; thus, people were able to incorporate these principles into their lives to a greater or lesser extent. Moreover, in addition to applying Buddhist principles to the practice of geography, the Buddhist approach might also bring useful insights into strategies for communicating the results of this practice. Throughout the history of Buddhism, the Buddhist doctrine was transmitted mainly to the extent that people recognized Buddhists as good examples and then sought advice for their lives. Similarly, Buddhism may have some influence on geographic theories only and to the extent that it proves to be coherent for geographic studies and for the lives of the individuals who undertake these studies. As a geographer intertwines reflection and practical life, he/she might then gradually incorporate some Buddhist principles into other aspects of his/her personal life and might find if it becomes easier or not to integrate these principles into the practice of being a geographer. One first concern faced by geography teachers and every concern that has a limited time for communicating geography content is how to choose the relevant content. In Anuradha Sutta (SN 22.86), the Buddha explained that while he had a limited lifetime, he also had to choose what questions he would focus his inquiries and teachings and decided to focus on the questions about how suffering is caused and how it could be ended, enabling people for skillful action on this goal (Ṭhānissaro, 2011:8). Based on the reflections presented in the previous sections, the geographical contents regarding the understanding of causal chains relating peoples to their places would be a relevant content; however, serving to the ultimate goal of reflecting about how perceptions, feelings and actions of people regarding places can lead them to reduce suffering. This strategy may be even more relevant when teaching or communicating about geography to Buddhist groups, and this paper’s objective was especially to highlight these many possible bridges of better dialogue between Buddhist culture and geography. Regarding the strategies of communication, as explained in the Pañha Sutta (Questions - AN 4.42, PTS: A ii 46) and in Kathāvatthu Sutta (Topics for Discussion, AN 3.67, PTS: A i 197) from the Aṅguttara Nikāya, the fourth division of the Sutta Piṭaka compilation, the Buddha instructed the monks to use four basic strategies, depending on their evaluation of how their 12 advice might be useful for each person: (1) direct response; (2) analysis of the reasons underlying the demand for advice; (3) counterquestions that would stimulate the person to reflect; and (4) finally, remaining silent. Although the context faced by the geographer is different from that faced by a monk, such communication strategies might be effectively adapted to various circumstances, such as classroom teaching, conferences, internet texts (blogs, discussion forums, social networks, online education), and conversations with geographers and other people in everyday life. 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