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This book presents the welfare regime of China as a liminal space where religious and state authorities struggle for legitimacy as new social forces emerge. It offers a unique analysis of relations between religion and state in the... more
This book presents the welfare regime of China as a liminal space where religious and state authorities struggle for legitimacy as new social forces emerge. It offers a unique analysis of relations between religion and state in the People’s Republic of China by presenting how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tries to harness Buddhist resources to assist in the delivery of social services and sheds light on the intermingling of Buddhism and the state since 1949. This book will appeal to academics in social sciences and humanities and broader audiences interested in the social role of religions, charity, NGOs, and in social policy implementation. The author explores why the CCP turns to Buddhist followers and their leaders and presents a detailed view of Buddhist philanthropy, contextualized with an historical overview, a regional comparative perspective, and a review of policy debates. This book contributes to our understanding of secularity in a major non-Western society influenced by religions other than Christianity.
This book presents the welfare regime of societies of Chinese heritage as a liminal space where religious and state authorities compete with each other for legitimacy. It offers a path-breaking perspective on relations between religion... more
This book presents the welfare regime of societies of Chinese heritage as a liminal space where religious and state authorities compete with each other for legitimacy. It offers a path-breaking perspective on relations between religion and state in East Asia, presenting how the governments of industrial societies try to harness the human resources of religious associations to assist in the delivery of social services. The book provides background to the intermingling of Buddhism and the state prior to 1949; and the continuation of that intertwinement in Taiwan and in other societies where live many people of Chinese heritage since then. The main contribution of this work is its detailed account of Buddhist philanthropy as viewed from the perspectives of the state, civil society, and Buddhists. This book will appeal to academics in social sciences and humanities and broader audiences interested by the social role of religions, charity, and NGOs, in social policy implementation. It explores why governments turn to Buddhist followers and their leaders and presents a detailed view of Buddhist philanthropy. This book contributes to our understanding of secularity in non-Western societies, as influenced by religions other than Christianity.
Is China truly a secular state? André Laliberté puts this widely held perception to the test, arguing that we must first broaden our definitions if we are to comprehend fully the religious nature of the Chinese state. From there,... more
Is China truly a secular state? André Laliberté puts this widely held
perception to the test, arguing that we must first broaden our definitions if
we are to comprehend fully the religious nature of the Chinese state. From
there, Laliberté presents the long tradition of Chinese statecraft, which
has involved different forms of intermingling between religion and state,
and describes how the Communist Party perpetuates this institutional
intertwinement despite its materialist philosophy. He then explores the
variety of forms in which societies with a Chinese heritage outside of the
People’s Republic of China are moving beyond this mutual entanglement
between religion and state.
Laliberté looks at a relatively unexplored aspect of modern Taiwan: the influence of religion on politics. This book offers a detailed survey of three of the most important Buddhist organizations in Taiwan: the Buddhist Association of the... more
Laliberté looks at a relatively unexplored aspect of modern Taiwan: the influence of religion on politics. This book offers a detailed survey of three of the most important Buddhist organizations in Taiwan: the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC), the Buddha Light Mountain (or Foguanshan) monastic order, and the Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Association (or Ciji). It examines their contrasting approaches to three issues: state supervision of religion, the first presidential election of 1996, and the establishment of the National Health Insurance.

This study analyzes the factors that explain the diverse paths the three organizations have taken in the politics of Taiwan. Based on an in-depth examination of Buddhist leaders' behaviour, The Politics of Buddhist Organizations in Taiwan compels us to question conventional views about the allegedly passive aspect of religious tradition, deference to authority in societies influenced by Confucian culture and the adverse legacy of authoritarian regimes.
This volume looks at the secular state in the context of contemporary Asia and investigates whether there existed before modernity antecedents to the condition of secularity, understood as the differentiation of the sphere of the... more
This volume looks at the secular state in the context of contemporary Asia and investigates whether there existed before modernity antecedents to the condition of secularity, understood as the differentiation of the sphere of the religious from other spheres of social life. The chapters presented in this book examine this issue in national contexts by looking at the historical formation of lexicons that defined the "secular", the "secular state," and "secularism". This approach requires paying attention to modern vernacular languages and their precedents in written traditions with often a very long tradition. This book presents three interpretive frameworks: multiple modernities, variety of secularisms, and typologies of post-colonial secular states.
With well over a 100 million adherents, Buddhism emerged from near-annihilation during the Cultural Revolution to become the largest religion in China today. Despite this, Buddhism’s rise has received relatively little scholarly... more
With well over a 100 million adherents, Buddhism emerged from near-annihilation during the Cultural Revolution to become the largest religion in China today. Despite this, Buddhism’s rise has received relatively little scholarly attention. The present volume, with contributions by leading scholars in sociology, anthropology, political science, and religious studies, explores the evolution of Chinese Buddhism in the post-Mao period with a depth not seen before in a single study. Chapters critically analyze the effects of state policies on the evolution of Buddhist institutions; the challenge of rebuilding temples under the watchful eye of the state; efforts to rebuild monastic lineages and schools left broken in the aftermath of Mao’s rule; and the development of new lay Buddhist spaces, both at temple sites and online.

Through its multidisciplinary perspectives, the book provides both an extensive overview of the social and political conditions under which Buddhism has grown as well as discussions of the individual projects of both monastic and lay entrepreneurs who dynamically and creatively carve out spaces for Buddhist growth in contemporary Chinese society. As a wide-ranging study that illuminates many facets of China’s Buddhist revival, Buddhism after Mao will be required reading for scholars of Chinese Buddhism and of Buddhism and modernity more broadly. Its detailed case studies examining the intersections among religion, state, and contemporary Chinese society will be welcomed by sociologists and anthropologists of China, political scientists focusing on the role of religion in state formation in Asian societies, and all those interested in the relationship between religion and social change.
This book is part of a three-volume overview of methodological issues and conceptual categories in the study of Chinese religions. It starts with an assessment of the major earliest works (predominantly textual, historical and... more
This book is part of a three-volume overview of methodological issues and conceptual categories in the study of Chinese religions. It starts with an assessment of the major earliest works (predominantly textual, historical and ethnographic) and the individuals who produced them (including religious practitioners, academic figures, explorers and photographers) who initiated the study of different religious traditions in modern China. The second part of the volume discusses methodological and disciplinary approaches that are currently used in the study of religion in modern China and Taiwan, with constructive conclusions on potential changes in research trajectories, and thus works toward an overdue improvement of research methods. These final chapters address methodological disciplines such as anthropology, sociology, political science and history: they do so by discussing progress made in their specific fields, but also by addressing broader issues in the study of Chinese religions.  Special attention is paid to non-Western, and in particular Chinese, scholarship.
Bringing together international experts on ethnicity and nationalism, this book argues that competing moral economies play an important role in ethnic and nationalist conflict. Its authors investigate how the beliefs and practices that... more
Bringing together international experts on ethnicity and nationalism, this book argues that competing moral economies play an important role in ethnic and nationalist conflict. Its authors investigate how the beliefs and practices that normatively regulate and legitimize the distribution of wealth, power, and status in a society – moral economies – are being challenged in identity-based communities in ways that precipitate or exacerbate conflicts. The combination of theoretical chapters and case studies ranging from Africa and Asia to North America provides compelling evidence for the value of moral economy analysis in understanding problems associated with ethnic and nationalist mobilization and conflict.
Contemporary nation-states have seen the rise of religious pluralism within their borders, brought about by global migration and the challenge of radical religious movements. Secular States and Religious Diversity explores the meaning of... more
Contemporary nation-states have seen the rise of religious pluralism within their borders, brought about by global migration and the challenge of radical religious movements. Secular States and Religious Diversity explores the meaning of secularism and religious freedom in these new contexts. The contributors chart the impact of globalization, the varying forms of secularism in Western states, and the different kinds of relations between states and religious institutions in the historical traditions and contemporary politics of Islamic, Indic, and Chinese societies. They also examine the limitations and dilemmas of governmental responses to religious diversity, and grapple with the question of how secular states deal (and should deal) with such pluralism. This volume brings in perspectives from the non-Western world and engages with viewpoints that might increase states’ capacities to accommodate religious diversity positively.
As the Chinese Communist Party continues to move away from socialism, it faces a growing number of challenges to the claim that it represents the sole legitimate governing body in China. In order to reaffirm itself as the most effective... more
As the Chinese Communist Party continues to move away from socialism, it faces a growing number of challenges to the claim that it represents the sole legitimate governing body in China. In order to reaffirm itself as the most effective force for keeping the country together, the CCP has adapted to contemporary political conundrums in a variety of ways.

Rejecting pessimistic perspectives which predict an erosion of state power or naive optimism that state-society relations will evolve towards a Western-style pluralist democracy in the foreseeable future, the contributions to this volume explore many ways in which the CCP selectively adapts to the challenges that have arisen from its strategy of rapid economic growth at the expense of political reform, in order to maintain its authority and relevance. Examining trends such as the reliance on religious charities originating from outside the PRC, the revival of local governance in urban settings, the passing of legislation for workers, or the multiplication of environmental non-governmental organizations, this book tackles the question of whether the Chinese government can overcome these challenges.
Throughout the two years of this pandemic, Taiwanese public authorities have obtained cooperation from religious organisations in limiting and mitigating the contagion, and the population was largely spared the influence of conspiracy... more
Throughout the two years of this pandemic, Taiwanese public authorities have obtained cooperation from religious organisations in limiting and mitigating the contagion, and the population was largely spared the influence of conspiracy theories about the virus’ origins. I have found no trace of any significant doomsday theologies among the major religions practiced in Taiwan emerging in the public health emergency caused by COVID-19. What explains this largely cooperative relationship? From the perspective of public policy, why has the government obtained the compliance of most religious actors to its directive and faced little or no opposition coming from them? I use a historical institutionalist approach to argue that decades of toleration from political leaders of all trends towards religions have generated a path dependency of mutual trust and that legacy predates the period of democratisation. The article explores the extent to which this outcome results from three factors: Taiwan’s religious diversity, or the absence of a religious hegemony opposed to the state; pragmatic and flexible theologies; and/or convergence between successive Taiwanese governments’ social policies and the social teachings of religions.
When he wrote A Secular Age, Charles Taylor discussed the trajectory of societies of the North Atlantic influenced by Western Christianity and the changes in secularity they experienced.
This philosophy of robust pluralism finds strong resonance in Taiwan. Taiwan’s ability to achieve covenantal pluralism represents a remarkable achievement, considering the shadow of China, where in recent years policies implemented by the... more
This philosophy of robust pluralism finds strong
resonance in Taiwan. Taiwan’s ability to achieve
covenantal pluralism represents a remarkable
achievement, considering the shadow of China,
where in recent years policies implemented by
the Communist Party have been antithetical to
what constitutes covenantal pluralism. China
negates religious diversity by its bureaucracy of
religious affairs, persecutes minorities, promotes
atheist education, and dissuades religious
literacy. What makes the case of Taiwan even
more remarkable is that it has moved past its own
history as an authoritarian regime that bore
similarities with the current one in China. Even
more important, the religious practices of
Taiwanese have a lot in common with those of
the Chinese. In other words, Taiwan exemplifies
the possibility and the robustness of meaningful
covenantal pluralism in a society with a Chinese
cultural heritage.
The Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of the Elderly was revised in 2012, to include the obligation to frequently visit parents (OFVP). It calls on the Confucian tradition of filial piety.... more
The Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of the Elderly was revised in 2012, to include the obligation to frequently visit parents (OFVP). It calls on the Confucian tradition of filial piety. According to official discourse, countered by the authors, the practices of filial piety have declined in China. Through a study of the OFVP, the authors show that while filial piety faces new challenges, it remains highly valued in Chinese society. Chinese judges adopt a highly contextual approach to the implementation OFVP, taking into account the parties’ situation.
This is an introduction to a special issue of the Journal of Buddhist Ethics on Buddhism and politics.
This paper argues that Buddhists still lack an international organization that could help them present a unified voice the way that the World Council of Churches does for non-Catholic Christians, or the Organisation of Islamic... more
This paper argues that Buddhists still lack an international organization that could help them present a unified voice the way that the World Council of Churches does for non-Catholic Christians, or the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, for all Muslims, whether they are Sunni or Shia. There exist international organizations that claim to speak on behalf of Buddhists the world over, but they compete against each other. The basis of this competition has little to do with the differences between the Mahāyāna, Theravāda, and Vajrayāna schools, but owes a lot more to competition between Asian great powers, in particular China and India. The paper will demonstrate this by first presenting an historical account of the different attempts to create a unified Buddhist international organization, along with different transnational Buddhist institutions. Then it will review the divisions that have prevented so far the creation of such an organization.
In this essay, I present the concepts of religious resistance and contentious politics, in which religions represent a source of inspiration, before moving to the issue of how these concepts apply to China. I note that there is little... more
In this essay, I present the concepts of religious resistance and contentious politics, in which religions represent a source of inspiration, before moving to the issue of how these concepts apply to China. I note that there is little literature on this particular subject, which is always politically sensitive. As the Communist Party of China has increasingly recognized the relevance of religion in contemporary society, it has tried to keep it in check and thereby ensure that independent associations with a religious background will not become involved in contentious politics. This article then briefly introduces the four case studies in this special issue on the theme of religion and contentious politics in China: two cases of persecution of Christians and Catholics during the period of Mao, and two articles about Buddhism, which has a more complex relationship with the state.
In this essay I argue that despite the scope of change in the realms of military, security, economic, and social policies, as well as changes in the legal sphere, the path dependency left by the institutions of the previous imperial and... more
In this essay I argue that despite the scope of change in the realms of military, security, economic, and social policies, as well as changes in the legal sphere, the path dependency left by the institutions of the previous imperial and republican regimes has influenced the current arrangements for the regulation of religion by the state in China. This state of affairs has less to do with something specific to Chinese culture and more to do with the particular institutional context of the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the first section of this paper, I consider the influence of previous regimes' institutions that is still felt in the current regulatory mechanisms for the control of religion. Then, in the second section, I explore the current approach to religious affairs, drawing attention to its quadripartite dimensions: political, legal, administrative, and managerial. In a third section I examine the nature of the challenges faced by the Communist Party of China, the legal and state apparatus of the PRC, and the religious institutions. The discussion uses evidence from fieldwork that I have undertaken over the space of ten years on the philanthropic activities of Buddhist institutions in China. I conclude by discussing the political obstacles that stand in the way of implementing a secular state in China that is genuinely pluralist and supportive of religious diversity. Ré sumé : Dans cet essai, j'avance que malgré l'ampleur des changements dans le domaine des politiques militaire, sécuritaire, e ´conomique, et sociale, de même que dans la sphère juridique, la dépendance au sentier des régimes impériaux et républicain précédents a influencé le dispositif contemporain de supervision de la religion par l'E ´ tat
This essay argues that differences in religious ecologies, between China and the polities of Taiwan and Hong Kong are necessary but insufficient explanations for their different approaches to the reliance on religious actors for the... more
This essay argues that differences in religious ecologies, between China and the polities of Taiwan and Hong Kong are necessary but insufficient explanations for their different approaches to the reliance on religious actors for the delivery of social services. I discuss briefly two other explanations for the differences in policy outcomes: the legacies of colonial and semi-colonial rule, and the influence of ruling party ideologies, before I shift to an historical neo-institutional approach, which contrasts the path dependency of past policies of usurpation directed by the CCP at religious institutions between 1949 and 1978, and the policies of cooptation adopted in Taiwan and Hong Kong during the same period. I argue that although the Chinese government has affirmed with increasing clarity in recent years its interest in an approach that encourages the cooptation of religious institutions, the previous approach of usurpation has undermined the resources of religious institutions, left many religious actors distrustful of authorities, and continues to influence many constituencies that could oppose the approach of cooptation. To substantiate this argument, the essay proceeds as follows: it first discusses the different strategies available to states as they accumulate symbolic power, underlining the role of religious institutions in that process; then it contrasts the results achieved by religious philanthropy in Taiwan and Hong Kong in the provision of a wide array of services, on the one hand, with the difficulties faced by their counterparts in the delivery of social services in China, on the other; and finally it reviews some of the explanations for the discrepancies observed.
This essays looks at the diversity of approaches used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in its politicization of religions. It first provides an overview of continuity with past practices by the Chinese state in the imperial and... more
This essays looks at the diversity of approaches used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in its politicization of religions. It first provides an overview of continuity with past practices by the Chinese state in the imperial and republican eras to stress the undetermined nature of ideological change in China. Then, it looks at the mechanisms by which the CCP makes religion a political issue and a matter of public concern within broader agendas. It stresses that this politicization of religions has unfolded in two different ways since 1949: besides the negative and coercive approach of the authorities, positive and cooperative strategy are also implemented. The regime hopes religions will be active politically to promote its objectives, such as projecting abroad an image of China’s soft power, raising funds for philanthropic activities within China, or supporting the state ‘patriotic’ agenda. The actions by the CCP suggest that it does not look at all religions as equally valuable to serve its political objectives, as it still maintains a distinction between official and banned religions. The article documents that the state’s encouragement to the revival of some religious activities is selective but on the other hand that CCP views are more nuanced than outsiders assume.
The paper uses the framework of multiple modernity to present a robust defense of the universality of human rights, focusing on the idea of freedom of conscience. The normative stand that human rights are universal can be reinforced by... more
The paper uses the framework of multiple modernity to present a robust
defense of the universality of human rights, focusing on the idea of freedom
of conscience. The normative stand that human rights are universal can be
reinforced by a comparative historical sociology that shows concepts such as
pluralism and respect for different worldviews are best explained as the result
of endogenous evolution rather than an imposition from outside. The article
also explains that the framework of multiple modernity is not a reification of
different civilizations with fixed characteristics, but rather different historical
trajectories that have each produced a variety of institutional forms. This
last point will be emphasized by demonstrating the variety of approach to
the relations between states and religions in East Asia, and even within the
polities that claim a Chinese cultural identity.
This article looks at Ciji (Tzu Chi), a Taiwanese Buddhist charity which has been active in China since 1991. Ciji’s presence in China is all the more remarkable in view of outbreaks of crises in relations across the Taiwan Strait as well... more
This article looks at Ciji (Tzu Chi), a Taiwanese Buddhist charity which has been active in China since 1991. Ciji’s presence in China is all the more remarkable in view of outbreaks of crises in relations across the Taiwan Strait as well as the religious nature of the organization. The article first addresses the issue of Taiwan’s soft power in its relations with China and suggests the possibility that Ciji’s activities in Taiwan have shown China the benefits of a liberal policy towards religion in that charitable activities carried out by religious organizations complement the government’s social policies. The second section chronicles Ciji’s presence in China since 1991 and shows that local governments have their own reasons for welcoming Ciji’s volunteers. The third section compares and contrasts state approaches in China and Taiwan with respect to the provision of social services by religious organizations and notes that even if local governments in China are learning about the benefits of a more open policy in their dealings with Ciji, the central government has not adopted the liberal approach of the Taiwanese government in the regulation of religion.
This paper explores the possibility that Chinese Buddhist institutions can represent a source of alternate civility conducive to a more open political system. The paper starts to explore the issue from a comparative perspective and... more
This paper explores the possibility that Chinese Buddhist institutions can represent a source of alternate civility conducive to a more open political system. The paper starts to explore the issue from a comparative perspective and considers three area of contention between the state and religious authorities in which the latter can advance the interests of society: education, health care, and relief. After a brief survey of social policies and the role granted by the state to religious institutions as providers of services in recent years, the essay considers the philanthropic activities of Buddhist institutions. This survey looks at some of their achievements and their shortcomings, and notes that they have adopted the same cautious attitude as their co-religionists in Taiwan, which may nurture an alternate civility, but does not sustain necessarily political reform.
Like all other societies in the industrialized world, both Canada and Taiwan are facing challenges to economic growth which threatens the resilience of their social welfare systems because of their aging populations. This article will... more
Like all other societies in the industrialized world, both Canada and Taiwan are facing challenges to economic growth which threatens the resilience of their social welfare systems because of their aging populations. This article will focus on the specific challenges faced by the Republic of China (ROC, hereafter Taiwan), in relation to the unique situation of its giant neighbor, the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
Policy-makers,media, and outsiders often look at the achievements of the Buddhist Compassion Merit Society for Relief (Fojiao Ciji Gongdehui 佛教慈濟功德會, hereafter Ciji) in the management of its hospitals and its contribution to education in... more
Policy-makers,media, and outsiders often look at the achievements of the Buddhist Compassion Merit Society for Relief (Fojiao Ciji Gongdehui 佛教慈濟功德會, hereafter Ciji) in the management of its hospitals and its contribution to education in Taiwan as an example of the benefits to society made possible by the involvement of religious institutions in the delivery of social services. Some of the policy-makers who believe that the state is spending too much for the provision of health care and social welfare services see in the activities of organizations such as Ciji the proof that civil society organizations can do better than the state for the provision of key social services such as health care and disaster relief. The paper argues that despite the remarkable achievements of Ciji in health care, education and disaster relief, these claims that religious institutions can represent an effective alternative to the state may be too optimistic. It discusses this issue by first presenting the major organizations involved in the reconstruction effort following the 921 earthquake. Then, it will present the arguments of the experts who emphasize reliance on civil society and religious organizations for social services. In a third section, it will underline the opposition this model receives from politicians with different views on religion, civil servants involved with social policy and religious affairs, media, academics, and some of the religious actors themselves in Taiwan. Then, the paper provides details about Ciji and other Buddhist organizations’ efforts to provide emergency disaster relief and sustain the reconstruction of residential housing and schools. The paper concludes on the limits of the government’s strategy of reliance on religious institutions for the provision of disaster relief.
Page 1. Assessing the Risks of Conflict in the PRC-ROC Enduring Rivalry* Brianjob,Andre Laliberte, Michael D. Wallace Introduction The Risk of PRC-ROC Confrontation: Mixed Signals T he mutually unsatisfactory state of ...
... Dans ces conditions, les besoins les plus urgent en matière de santé publique étaient souvent confiés aux soins d'organismes tels que la Croix-rouge ou ... En 1976, suite au passage du typhonMinnie, Tzu Chi a amassé la... more
... Dans ces conditions, les besoins les plus urgent en matière de santé publique étaient souvent confiés aux soins d'organismes tels que la Croix-rouge ou ... En 1976, suite au passage du typhonMinnie, Tzu Chi a amassé la somme de trois millions de yuan pour venir en aide aux ...
In Lipinsky, A. and Michael Hsiao, H.H. (Eds.), LIT Verlag, p. 135-153.
What is the fate of religion in China under Xi Jinping? How successful has been the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in ensuring that China keeps religion out of politics? The resilience, and even the growth, of religion in China, suggests... more
What is the fate of religion in China under Xi Jinping? How successful has been the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in ensuring that China keeps religion out of politics? The resilience, and even the growth, of religion in China, suggests that the CCP has accepted a social role for religion in the country. This change coincides with the deepening of China’s interaction with the outside world, a phenomenon that brings to mind another question, addressed by others looking into the influence of religion in contemporary societies. What is the poltical leaning of religion in China? The acceptance of religion by the state suggests that the latter believes in its capacity to control a phenomenon that it had hoped to see whither away during the three first decades after 1949. However, it leaves open the question of whether the state is justified to manifest this self-confidence.
To answer these questions, this chapter first looks at the institutional dimension of relations between state and religion. Then, it moves on to present the complex nature of China’s religious landscape, marked by an age-old diversity but also by the recent efforts of the state to regulate and to manage this diversity. These defining characteristics of religious life in China, I argue, seriously undermine the ability of any religious actor to challenge significantly and effectively the authority of the state. Then, I will review some of the major themes that these religious actors have articulated when they want to oppose political authority.
The goal of this chapter is to introduce us to the expectations and limitations the state imposes to Chinese political scientists when they look at religion and politics. Its main point is that the framework imposed by the state and which... more
The goal of this chapter is to introduce us to the expectations and limitations the state imposes to Chinese political scientists when they look at religion and politics. Its main point is that the framework imposed by the state and which is transmitted by the main institutions training political scientists powerfully influence the production of research in general, and acts as a deterrent.
This chapter looks into exchanges between Chinese and Taiwanese scholars who specialize in religious studies and assesses the extent to which such interactions have had an effect on how Chinese officials approach religious affairs. It... more
This chapter looks into exchanges between Chinese and Taiwanese scholars who specialize in religious studies and assesses the extent to which such interactions have had an effect on how Chinese officials approach religious affairs.  It argues that the Chinese leadership sees the advantages of Taiwanese authorities’ prudent management of religious affairs for stable governance, but some fundamental differences in both polities make the wholesale adoption of Taiwan’s approach somewhat difficult.
Migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong, Taipei, and Shanghai suffer from a variety of abuse from their employers, often in complicity with brokers. How have governments and civil society responded? This chapter reports on a comparative... more
Migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong, Taipei, and Shanghai suffer from a variety of abuse from their employers, often in complicity with brokers. How have governments and civil society responded? This chapter reports on a comparative survey of the measures taken by governments and private sectors to address abuse against such workers in Taiwan, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), and Shanghai. This multi-scalar comparison identifies the most efficient ways in which governments can intervene to prevent abuse against domestic migrant workers. The three locations have similar demographic and socio-economic characteristics, but the authorities examined here represent three different levels of government: national, semi-autonomous, and municipal. The locations also represent three different forms of political system: liberal democratic in Taiwan, “consultative authoritarian” in Shanghai, and a hybrid between the two systems in Hong Kong. This chapter, based on fieldwork in all three locations, identifies the actors in government, the agencies that recruit and place domestic workers, and the organizations that advocate the protection of their rights, and assesses their relative influence and resources. I analyse the role of governments, employment agencies, civil society and faith-based/communal organizations in promoting/guaranteeing and/or respecting the rights of domestic workers.
This chapter offers a multi-scalar comparison of governments’ and private sectors’ responses to abuse against domestic migrant workers in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Shanghai. The comparison aims to identify the optimum level of government... more
This chapter offers a multi-scalar comparison of governments’ and private sectors’ responses to abuse against domestic migrant workers in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Shanghai. The comparison aims to identify the optimum level of government intervention to efficiently prevent abuse against domestic migrant workers. Although the three locations have similar demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, the authorities examined here represent three different levels of government: national, semi-autonomous, and municipal. Based on fieldwork in these three locations, Laliberte presents the actors in government, domestic worker recruitment/placement agencies, and domestic workers’ rights advocacy organizations, and assesses their relative influence and resources and their ability and interest in promoting/guaranteeing and/or respecting the rights of domestic workers.
This chapter discusses the evolving demotic of China’s moral economy, which the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) are trying to exploit and shape to fit into the official ideology as they pursue sustained economic development,... more
This chapter discusses the evolving demotic of China’s moral economy, which the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) are trying to exploit and shape to fit into the official ideology as they pursue sustained economic development, while trying to ensure social stability and maintain national unity, in a polity torn asunder by the processes that its own strategy of development has unleashed. The argument made here is that the modernist state ideology of “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” promoted in its most recent iteration of “harmonious society” under CCP General Secretary Hu Jintao (2002-12) and “China dream” under his successor Xi Jinping (2012-), is manufactured out of the moral economy of traditional beliefs briefly attacked during the rule of Mao, and as such it represents a fascinating case study of a political ideology being trumped by the underlying moral economy of the society. In its effort to selectively retrieve elements of China’s tradition, the CCP risks compromising some core tenets of its official worldview, such as historical materialism. More specifically, the economically neoliberal and politically authoritarian regime in the People’s Republic of China, which I term the “Chinese variety of capitalism,” maintains an ideational superstructure that is nominally materialist but appropriates and revitalizes traditional customs, religious beliefs, and rituals to naturalize and legitimize unequal and exploitative relations of production. This effort to mine the resources of the Chinese moral economy, or the effort by the CCP to embody the widely shared views in the population about how the world should be, faces two particular obstacles. The first problem is the attempt to eliminate forcefully specific forms of ritual practices, such as those followed by adherents of Falungong, embraced by millions of people as the embodiment of a certain form of cosmically ordered morality. The second problem is the subordination to the Han ethnic majority of ethnic minority groups living in the periphery of the territory: the CCP’s effort to impose a unified ideology rooted in the culturally specific Chinese moral economy might represent for many non-Chinese a form of cultural imperialism. Thus, to the extent that the CCP bases its ideological hegemony on claims of perpetuating an essentialist view of China existing for two millennia under successive dynasties that selectively retrieve elements of the tradition and reject others, I label it the “moral economy of empire.”
This project began with the questions of when and how normative principles of economic justice and reciprocity – the core of a moral economy – become recast as principles within identity-based communities in ways that often precipitate... more
This project began with the questions of when and how normative principles of economic justice and reciprocity – the core of a moral economy – become recast as principles within identity-based communities in ways that often precipitate conflict. Th e challenge was daunting, considering the wide variety of case studies that we had examined and in particular the discrepancies in levels of development, the nature of political systems, and cultural differences among them. This final chapter explores the answers that our contributors have offered and draws some conclusions based upon their findings. The previous chapters have provided compelling evidence of the value of moral economy as an analytic framework to understand the problems associated with ethnic and nationalist mobilization. Moral economy analysis remains as important as ever at a time when theories about rational actors tend to prevail in political science, even in relation to ethnic conflicts. The moral economy analysis adopted by most authors in this book begins, at least implicitly, with a critique of rational actor theory's assumption that choices are made on the basis of a cost and benefit calculus made in isolation from historical, social, and cultural contexts. In other words, cultural norms and expectations are often major constraints, if not determinative factors, too important to be ignored.
In this chapter, I look beyond the structure of official Buddhism and offer a bird’s eye view of the numerous Buddhist website in China, asking to what extent they resist, reinforce, or complement the party-state’s agenda? In addressing... more
In this chapter, I look beyond the structure of official Buddhism and offer a bird’s eye view of the numerous Buddhist website in China, asking to what extent they resist, reinforce, or complement the party-state’s agenda? In addressing this issue, I will proceed as follows: I will first briefly address the issue of online religions and politics; make the case for a comparative perspective; underline the past and present activism of Buddhists in Chinese societies; introduce the broad contours of the Chinese Buddhist cyber-scape; and proceed with a content analysis of a representative site before concluding about the politics of online Buddhism in China.
This chapter discusses the relevance of religion in the development of China before 1949, and then moves to China since and examine, in turn, the plural reality of religion in the People’s Republic of China, the Communist Party of China’s... more
This chapter discusses the relevance of religion in the development of China before 1949, and then moves to China since and examine, in turn, the plural reality of religion in the People’s Republic of China, the Communist Party of China’s thinking on the place of religion in development, and the changes in the Chinese government’s approach to the place of religion in development. A short section on Taiwan and Hong Kong will remind us that there are many approaches governments in societies influenced by Chinese culture can adopt in the inclusion of religion in development. Finally, the last two sections look at the ambiguities of religions’ views of religions in China on development and, in particular, on whether they have specific views on poverty alleviation.
Preface Introduction: Globalization, Secular States, and Religious Diversity / Bruce J. Berman, Rajeev Bhargava, and Andre Laliberte Part 1: Historical and Theoretical Approaches 1 Religious Pluralism as a Self-Evident Problem in the... more
Preface Introduction: Globalization, Secular States, and Religious Diversity / Bruce J. Berman, Rajeev Bhargava, and Andre Laliberte Part 1: Historical and Theoretical Approaches 1 Religious Pluralism as a Self-Evident Problem in the Context of Globalization / Peter Beyer 2 Secular Modernity, Religion, and the Politics of Knowledge / Bruce J. Berman 3 Can Secularism Be Rehabilitated? / Rajeev Bhargava Part 2: Secularisms in the West 4 Between Secularism and Postsecularism: A Canadian Interregnum / Paul Bramadat and David Seljak 5 Tolerance and Accommodation as Vestiges of the Empire / Lori G. Beaman 6 In God We Trust? Secular States, Diversity, and the "Clash" within North America / Yasmeen Abu-Laban and Claude Couture 7 Ideologies, Institutions, and Laws: Religious Freedom in Secular States / Ahmet T. Kuru Part 3: Secularisms beyond the West 8 State Intervention in the Reform of a "Religion of Rules": An Analysis of the Views of B.R. Ambedkar / Rinku Lamba 9 Som...
This chapter makes the case for Including East Asia in Discussing the Secular State as an approach to manage religious diversity. I argue that this absence of East Asia in comparative discussion of the secular state is a serious problem... more
This chapter makes the case for Including East Asia in Discussing the Secular State as an approach to manage religious diversity. I argue that this absence of East Asia in comparative discussion of the secular state is a serious problem that needs to be addressed. One-quarter of the world’s population lives under the direct administration of East Asian governments -- a greater percentage of the global population than the total number of citizens in the Americas and western Europe, which stand as the models of secularism for the rest of the world. This absence has been long justified by proponents’ belief that Western norms are hegemonic owing to Euro-American economic, political, and military supremacy. Given that the economic dominance of the West is currently being challenged and that East Asia has clearly emerged as the other centre of the world system, the lack of attention to this geographical area has become untenable. Ignoring East Asian secularism is also a weak policy prescription, as many societies might gain by learning about the absence of a substantial opposition to the ways that states interact with religion in the democratic societies of East Asia -- Japan, the Republic of Korea (or South Korea), and Taiwan -- where this opposition could legally express itself.
The goal of this essay is to explore the institutional factors that have made it possible for the democratic transition in Taiwan to avoid falling into violent inter-ethnic conflict an outcome that was possible considering the nature of... more
The goal of this essay is to explore the institutional factors that have made it possible for the democratic transition in Taiwan to avoid falling into violent inter-ethnic conflict an outcome that was possible considering the nature of the authoritarian regime enforced in that island for decades ...
This chapter argues that the concept of religious establishment should not be limited to situations of church-state relations and develops this argument by looking at a variety of religious establishments in a society influenced over... more
This chapter argues that the concept of religious establishment  should not be limited to situations of church-state relations and develops this argument by looking at a variety of religious establishments in a society influenced over centuries by Chinese tradition. It starts with the premise that the history of relations between religion and state in China and societies that have been under its influence have characteristics that make the modalities of these relations different from the modalities of church-state relations in the West, but argues that these differences are not obstacles to cross-cultural comparisons, and they should not exclude the possibility of cross-cultural transmission of institutional norms, broadly defined, such as those of the secular state.
This chapter discusses the evolving approaches adopted by the Chinese Communist Party in its attitude toward different religions, as well as the different policies of other entities with Chinese populations such as Hong Kong, Macau,... more
This chapter discusses the evolving approaches adopted by the Chinese Communist Party in its attitude toward different religions, as well as the different policies of other entities with Chinese populations such as Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and Singapore. The issues of Chinese Christians, Tibet, Xinjiang, and Falun Gong are analyzed, as well as their geopolitical implications. The comparison between these policies and cases shows that there are many ways in which a Chinese government can assert its authority over religion, beyond the use of repressive power, but also many ways in which Chinese religious believers relate to the state, other than through dissent.
This chapter discusses the evolving approaches adopted by the Chinese Communist Party in its attitude toward different religions, as well as the different policies of other entities with Chinese populations such as Hong Kong, Macau,... more
This chapter discusses the evolving approaches adopted by the Chinese Communist Party in its attitude toward different religions, as well as the different policies of other entities with Chinese populations such as Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and Singapore. The issues of Chinese Christians, Tibet, Xinjiang, and Falun Gong are analyzed, as well as their geopolitical implications. The comparison between these policies and cases shows that there are many ways in which a Chinese government can assert its authority over religion, beyond the use of repressive power, but also many ways in which Chinese religious believers relate to the state, other than through dissent.
This chapter provides a distinctive perspective on the practice of group recognition in states that are going through a process of democratization, in states that are moving from an approach that seeks to control to an approach that is... more
This chapter provides a distinctive perspective on the practice of group recognition in states that are going through a process of democratization, in states that are moving from an approach that seeks to control to an approach that is more responsive to group demands. First, the groups that I examine are defined by state bureaucracies as religions. Other taxonomies exist that are based on ethnolinguistic differences or that distinguish between different categories of immigrants and Aboriginality, but they are not numerically significant in East Asia countries, which appear culturally homogeneous because of universally spoken languages and common ethnic identities with which majorities overwhelmingly identify.  However, if we pay attention to the deep diversity of religious practices and beliefs in this part of the world, these societies appear far more diverse and plural in a cultural sense. Second, East Asian societies are often overlooked in normative discussions regarding recognition of cultural diversity. North American and European policy makers stand to gain a lot by studying societies whose history and culture are so different from their own, specifically by identifying more inclusive institutional designs that can accommodate demands for recognition. An analysis of East Asian democratic states’ techniques to categorize cultural distinction should help us distinguish between what is contingent and what may be more universal features of statecraft.
As countries in Asia try to create unified polities, many face challenges from minority groups within their own borders seeking independence. This volume brings together international experts on countries in all regions of Asia to debate... more
As countries in Asia try to create unified polities, many face challenges from minority groups within their own borders seeking independence. This volume brings together international experts on countries in all regions of Asia to debate how differently they have responded to this problem. Why have some Asian countries, for example, clamped down on their national minorities in favour of homogeneity, whereas others have been willing to accommodate statehood or at least some form of political autonomy? Together they suggest broad patterns and explanatory factors that are rooted in the domestic arena, including state structure and regime type, as well as historical trajectories. In particular, they find that the paths to independence, as well as the cultural elements that have been selected to define post-colonial identities, have decisively influenced state strategies. This is a global phenomenon – and the book explains the broader theoretical and political implications – but violence and ethnic unrest have been particularly prevalent in Asia, and this is as true of China in its relationship to Tibet, as of Burma and Sri Lanka in relation to their national minorities. As the first book to analyse this phenomenon across Asia, it will attract a readership of students and scholars across a broad range of disciplines.
This is a review article of the volume edited by Mirjam Künkler, John Madeley, and Shylashri Shankar, A Secuqlr Qge beyond the West: Religion, Law and the state in Asia, the Middle East and North Africa.
Joanna Handlin Smith,The Art of Doing Good. Charity in Late MingChina,Berkeley, University of California Press, 2009, 406 p.Directrice du prestigieux Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Joanna Handlin Smith a rassemblé dans cet ouvrage le... more
Joanna Handlin Smith,The Art of Doing Good. Charity in Late MingChina,Berkeley, University of California Press, 2009, 406 p.Directrice du prestigieux Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Joanna Handlin Smith a rassemblé dans cet ouvrage le fruit de plus de plus de deux décennies ...
... Elaine Jeffreys, ed., China's Governmentalities: Governing Change, Changing Government. ... Reviewed by: Linda Chelan Li, City University of Hong Kong, China Michel Foucault coined the concept of “governmentality” to make better... more
... Elaine Jeffreys, ed., China's Governmentalities: Governing Change, Changing Government. ... Reviewed by: Linda Chelan Li, City University of Hong Kong, China Michel Foucault coined the concept of “governmentality” to make better sense of the change in the ways people and ...
Page 1. m China GINING THE PEOPLE Chinese Intellectuals and the Concept of Citizenship, 1890-1920 Edited by JOSHUA A. FOGEL AND PETER G. ZARROW Page 2. Page 3. IMAGINING THE PEOPLE Th±s One QFQP-QKT-LUG2 Page 4. ...
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Abstract The purpose of this book is to analyse and measure uneven development in the Third World, dealing with concepts such as unbalanced growth and their empirical analogues, with special reference to India and China. Alternative... more
Abstract The purpose of this book is to analyse and measure uneven development in the Third World, dealing with concepts such as unbalanced growth and their empirical analogues, with special reference to India and China. Alternative development strategies ...
In this article, the two authors discuss how can Canada continue to benefit from Canada-Taiwan relations, and contribute to the prevention of cross-strait conflict. This is one of the most urgent issues we face.
Despite extensive academic discussion about de-centring the concept of secularity, very few academics have looked at contemporary China. This should not be surprising as the concept of ‘secularity’, and its cognates ‘secular’,... more
Despite extensive academic discussion about de-centring the concept
of secularity, very few academics have looked at contemporary China.
This should not be surprising as the concept of ‘secularity’, and its
cognates ‘secular’, ‘secularisation’, and ‘secularism’ rarely translate well
into Chinese. This article explores whether and how Wohlrab-Sahr
and Burchardt’s conceptual framework for understanding secularity
beyond the West and beyond modernity can be applied to China.
My focus here is on a case of secularity beyond the West, in modernity.
I will present axiomatic arguments generated by the scholarship
on secularity and assess their relevance to China. In other words,
this article looks into the lessons we can derive from China’s own
recent history of relations between religious and non-religious social
spheres to enrich our understanding of secularity beyond the West,
and, at the same time, contribute to the de-othering of China and the
critique of positive orientalism.
My paper relies on the comparative historical sociological method to trace the origins of different approaches to secular state institutions in Western societies, on the one hand, and East Asia, on the other, in their respective... more
My paper relies on the comparative historical sociological method to trace the origins of different approaches to secular state institutions in Western societies, on the one hand, and East Asia, on the other, in their respective configurations of relations between political and spiritual authorities. The relevance of a single belief system and its institutions in the development of the process of differentiation leading to secularism in Western Europe and the societies of the New World will be contrasted with the plurality inherent in East Asian belief systems and the consequences of this diversity for buttressing state authority to sanction or support the institutional expressions of these belief systems. The central argument of the paper is that while modernization and significant changes since the Meiji Restoration in Japan and the One hundred days reform in China have exposed these two states and their colonies or neighbours to the notion of secular state, the path dependency of previous centuries of state sacralised authority has left its marks on the efforts of recent regimes to design the institutions of secular states that differ in some fundamental respects to the original model.
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Outbreaks of violent conflicts linked with claims of ethnic, religious, and other cultural differences has drawn attention to a link between political and economic liberalization and the rise of ethnic conflict. Events in societies such... more
Outbreaks of violent conflicts linked with claims of ethnic, religious, and other cultural differences has drawn attention to a link between political and economic liberalization and the rise of ethnic conflict. Events in societies such as Sri Lanka and Indonesia suggest that, under certain circumstances, the process of democratization contributes to ethnic and nationalist conflict. This paper reflects upon the policy implications of recent scholarship on transitions from authoritarian rule, particularly in the culturally divided societies of East, South‐East, and South Asia. It aims to raise awareness of the dangerous tendency of Western governments and non‐governmental organizations to associate democratization mainly with the introduction of elections and the protection of individual civil and political rights, neglecting the legitimate grievances of minorities, aboriginal peoples, and other vulnerable communities that must be addressed if meaningful democratization is to succeed. Such a tendency is evident in international governmental and media focus on Burma, a multinational society with one of the most tragic and costly of the failed democratization processes in Asia.La croissance des conflits violents liés aux différences ethniques, religieuses et culturelles a attire l'attention sur le lien existant entre la libéralisation politique et économique et l'augmentation des conflits ethniques. Les derniers événements au Sri Lanka et en Indonésie suggèrent que, sous certaines circonstances, le processus de démocratisation contribue aux conflits ethniques et nationalistes. Cet article analyse les implications politiques de certaines études portant sur des pays anciennement autoritaires et actuellement en transition démocratique au sein des sociétés culturellement divisées de l'Asie de l'est, du sud‐est et du sud. L'article a pour but de souligner les tendances dangereuses initiées par certains gouvernements occidentaux et organisations nongouvernementales associant la démocratisation avec la tenue d'élections et la protection des droits civils et politiques individuels. Ces initiatives négligent toutefois les demandes légitimes des minorités, des peuples aborigènes et d'autres communautés vulnérables devant être prises en compte pour qu'une démocratisation significative soit possible. Une telle tendance est évidente à propos de l'attention gouvernementale et médiatique internationale que reçoit la Birmanie, une société multinationale marquée par un des plus tragique et coûteux processus de democratization manqué en Asie.
Buddhists constitute a majority of the population in peninsular Southeast Asia, but the largest concentration of Buddhists lives in East Asia. The delay between the times the Buddha gave his teachings and they were transcribed in written... more
Buddhists constitute a majority of the population in peninsular Southeast Asia, but the largest concentration of Buddhists lives in East Asia. The delay between the times the Buddha gave his teachings and they were transcribed in written form and the adoption of the latter through centuries in countries with vastly different cultures hampered the development of a unified Buddhist political thought. Two major trends within Buddhism aspire to influence contemporary politics: “Buddhism for the human realm,” a reform movement originating in Republican China, and “engaged Buddhism,” which is a contemporary international network of activists rather than a systematic body of thought. The three major schools of Buddhism do not differ fundamentally on matters of doctrine, so the variety of Buddhist political orientations has more to do with the historical and national circumstances of the religion’s diffusion. Buddhism has expanded out of its country of origin, India, where it has almost disappeared but remains an important source of soft power. The Mahayana school has spread to China, where it has developed an eschatology that has inspired rebellions through history. The Theravada school has spread to Southeast Asia and has provided a source of legitimation for many rulers. The colonial era brought a key change, as lay Buddhists and monastics inspired many nationalist movements. Only six governments give a “special place” to Buddhism in their constitutions, but other countries with large Buddhist populations feel its influence on politics through the sangha. In countries of the Theravada tradition, monastics play an important role in politics, whereas in countries where the Mahayana school prevails lay associations mobilize Buddhists. Very few Buddhist political parties have emerged and only in Japan has one endured in a coalition government. In Southeast Asia, the politics of Buddhism is often associated with nationalist intransigence, in contrast to the peaceful and tolerant image of the religion’s politics promoted by many of its exiled leaders in the “engaged Buddhist” network.
My chapter presents the existing research among Western and Taiwanese scholars writing in English on the relations between religion and politics in Taiwan. Its structure reflects existing debates in two distinct but interrelated... more
My chapter presents the existing research among Western and Taiwanese scholars writing in English on the relations between religion and politics in Taiwan. Its structure reflects existing debates in two distinct but interrelated phenomena: the emergence of a Taiwanese identity; and the transition to democracy. I preface the presentation of the above topics with a brief expose of the present situation as it pertains to the participation of religious actors in the politics of Taiwan, and notes the challenge of establishing a scholarship about religion and political change in Taiwanese society that is distinct from the scholarship on the relation between state and religion in China. In the section on religions and the politics of Taiwanese identity, I pay attention to the research on popular religions, highlight the scholarship about the role of the Presbyterian Church, and mention the contribution about the influence of Buddhist institutions. In the second section on the politics of democratization, I note the works on the decline of the state regulation of religion, discuss the findings on the limited influence of Confucianism, and the literature about the inconsistent attitude displayed by Christian denominations and Buddhist organizations, before concluding with the future area of research, in regards to the role of religions in philanthropy, gender issues, and alternate futures.
This chapter looks at the study of religion in China in the context of global historical change, the existence of institutional obstacles to academic inquiry, and the social reality of religious diversity and resilience in the face of... more
This chapter looks at the study of religion in China in the context of global historical change, the existence of institutional obstacles to academic inquiry, and the social reality of religious diversity and resilience in the face of political upheavals. The first section pays attention to the evolution of academic research on Chinese religions since the first arrival of European missionaries up until the beginning of the twenty-first century, acknowledging the difficulties faced by scholars along with their accomplishments, especially in the field of history. It then looks at the major trends in research and publishing about religions in the People’s Republic of China since 2000, with attention paid to the challenges faced by scholars, the ontological issue of defining Chinese religion(s) and the scholarship looking at relations between state and religion. The third section pays closer attention to the academic study relevant to specific religious traditions: it looks at academic research on Chinese Buddhism, Taoism, popular and communal religions, Confucianism, sectarian religions and redemptive societies, Christianity, and Islam. It briefly concludes with a discussion of the issues that the study of religion in China must address.
Buddhists constitute a majority of the population in peninsular Southeast Asia, but the largest concentration of Buddhists lives in East Asia. The delay between the times the Buddha gave his teachings and they were transcribed in written... more
Buddhists constitute a majority of the population in peninsular Southeast Asia, but the largest concentration of Buddhists lives in East Asia. The delay between the times the Buddha gave his teachings and they were transcribed in written form and the adoption of the latter through centuries in countries with vastly different cultures hampered the development of a unified Buddhist political thought. Two major trends within Buddhism aspire to influence contemporary politics: “Buddhism for the human realm,” a reform movement originating in Republican China, and “engaged Buddhism,” which is a contemporary international network of activists rather than a systematic body of thought. The three major schools of Buddhism do not differ fundamentally on matters of doctrine, so the variety of Buddhist political orientations has more to do with the historical and national circumstances of the religion’s diffusion. Buddhism has expanded out of its country of origin, India, where it has almost dis...
This course constitutes an introduction to the study of Chinese politics. We will look at them using a comparative perspective and will focus on domestic politics. During the first three weeks, we will look at the political history of... more
This course constitutes an introduction to the study of Chinese politics. We will look at them using a comparative perspective and will focus on domestic politics. During the first three weeks, we will look at the political history of China from the end of the imperial period until today and identify the major issues that have defined the contour of contemporary Chinese politics. For the second part of the semester, we will examine four dimensions of Chinese politics with two weeks for each dimension: institutions, political change, political economy, and the politics of identity. The goal of the course is to understand Chinese politics from the perspective of political science, but also to develop an awareness of the views of Chinese policy-makers and their opponents. At the end of the term, students should be able to assess critically information about Chinese politics.
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Hamrin insightfully links the current US-China confrontation over religion to ... American cultural wars and China's search for its own cultural identity in the 1990s and suggests a multifaceted approach to religious freedom in... more
Hamrin insightfully links the current US-China confrontation over religion to ... American cultural wars and China's search for its own cultural identity in the 1990s and suggests a multifaceted approach to religious freedom in China, the key to which is to depoliticize and de-...
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ABSTRACT
ABSTRACT
This chapter discusses the evolving approaches adopted by the Chinese Communist Party in its attitude toward different religions, as well as the different policies of other entities with Chinese populations such as Hong Kong, Macau,... more
This chapter discusses the evolving approaches adopted by the Chinese Communist Party in its attitude toward different religions, as well as the different policies of other entities with Chinese populations such as Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and Singapore. The issues of Chinese Christians, Tibet, Xinjiang, and Falun Gong are analyzed, as well as their geopolitical implications. The comparison between these policies and cases shows that there are many ways in which a Chinese government can assert its authority over religion, beyond the use of repressive power, but also many ways in which Chinese religious believers relate to the state, other than through dissent.
This article looks at Ciji (Tzu Chi), a Taiwanese Buddhist charity which has been active in China since 1991. Ciji’s presence in China is all the more remarkable in view of outbreaks of crises in relations across the Taiwan Strait as well... more
This article looks at Ciji (Tzu Chi), a Taiwanese Buddhist charity which has been active in China since 1991. Ciji’s presence in China is all the more remarkable in view of outbreaks of crises in relations across the Taiwan Strait as well as the religious nature of the organization. The article first addresses the issue of Taiwan’s soft power in its relations with China and suggests the possibility that Ciji’s activities in Taiwan have shown China the benefits of a liberal policy towards religion in that charitable activities carried out by religious organizations complement the government’s social policies. The second section chronicles Ciji’s presence in China since 1991 and shows that local governments have their own reasons for welcoming Ciji’s volunteers. The third section compares and contrasts state approaches in China and Taiwan with respect to the provision of social services by religious organizations and notes that even if local governments in China are learning about the benefits of a more open policy in their dealings with Ciji, the central government has not adopted the liberal approach of the Taiwanese government in the regulation of religion.
The goal of this chapter is to introduce us to the expectations and limitations the state imposes to Chinese political scientists when they look at religion and politics. Its main point is that the framework imposed by the state and which... more
The goal of this chapter is to introduce us to the expectations and limitations the state imposes to Chinese political scientists when they look at religion and politics. Its main point is that the framework imposed by the state and which is transmitted by the main institutions training political scientists powerfully influence the production of research in general, and acts as a deterrent.
Review(s) of: The religious question in modern China, by Vincent Goossaert and David A. Palmer, Chicago/London, University of Chicago Press, 2011, 464 pp.
... The art of doing good : charity in late Ming China /Joanna Haudlin Smith, p. cm ... to use mate-rial from: "Benevolent Societies: The Reshaping of Charitvduring the Late Ming and Early Ch'ing,"... more
... The art of doing good : charity in late Ming China /Joanna Haudlin Smith, p. cm ... to use mate-rial from: "Benevolent Societies: The Reshaping of Charitvduring the Late Ming and Early Ch'ing," Journal of Asian Studies 46.2 (1987): 3o9-37; "Gar-dens inCh'i Piao-chia's Social World ...
Chapter I: The Issue of Challenges to the Legitimacy of CCP Rule Andre Laliberte and Marc Lanteigne Chapter II: New Modes of Urban Governance: Building Community / Shequ in Post-Danwei China Xu Feng Chapter III: Chinese Labour Law in... more
Chapter I: The Issue of Challenges to the Legitimacy of CCP Rule Andre Laliberte and Marc Lanteigne Chapter II: New Modes of Urban Governance: Building Community / Shequ in Post-Danwei China Xu Feng Chapter III: Chinese Labour Law in Retrospect: Efficiency and Flexibility Legitimized Helene Piquet Chapter IV: Shifting Power Relations: State-ENGO Relations in China Jonathan Schwartz Chapter V: "Harmonious Society", "Peaceful Unification" and the Dilemmas Raised by Taiwanese Philanthropy Andre Laliberte Chapter VI: The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: Implications for World Order Susan Henders Chapter VII: The Uses of the Past: History and Legitimacy Diana Lary Chapter VIII: The 'Beijing Consensus' and China's Quest for Legitimacy on the International Stage Charles Burton Chapter IX: The Developmentalism / Globalisation Conundrum in Chinese Governance Marc Lanteigne
This chapter looks into exchanges between Chinese and Taiwanese scholars who specialize in religious studies and assesses the extent to which such interactions have had an effect on how Chinese officials approach religious affairs. It... more
This chapter looks into exchanges between Chinese and Taiwanese scholars who specialize in religious studies and assesses the extent to which such interactions have had an effect on how Chinese officials approach religious affairs. It argues that the Chinese leadership sees the advantages of Taiwanese authorities’ prudent management of religious affairs for stable governance, but some fundamental differences in both polities make it difficult to achieve a wholesale adoption of Taiwan’s approach. Starting with an overview of the changes in relations between the political and the religious field in Taiwan, it then looks at the increased cross-Strait exchanges on religions, and underlines what Chinese officials have found useful in these interactions. Despite claims that a shared culture can overcome political disagreements and institutional differences, the focus on regime maintenance makes China resistant to adopt Taiwan’s approach to religion. As a result, China retrieves selectively from Taiwan what reinforces the existing political structure.
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Review(s) of: De Facto Federalism in China: Reforms and Dynamics of Central - Local Relations, by Zheng Yongnian, Singapore: World Scientific, 2007. xxvi + 429 pp. US$87.00/ 47.00 (hardcover).
This essays looks at the diversity of approaches used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in its politicization of religions. It first provides an overview of continuity with past practices by the Chinese state in the imperial and... more
This essays looks at the diversity of approaches used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in its politicization of religions. It first provides an overview of continuity with past practices by the Chinese state in the imperial and republican eras to stress the undetermined nature of ideological change in China. Then, it looks at the mechanisms by which the CCP makes religion a political issue and a matter of public concern within broader agendas. It stresses that this politicization of religions has unfolded in two different ways since 1949: besides the negative and coercive approach of the authorities, positive and cooperative strategy are also implemented. The regime hopes religions will be active politically to promote its objectives, such as projecting abroad an image of China’s soft power, raising funds for philanthropic activities within China, or supporting the state ‘patriotic’ agenda. The actions by the CCP suggest that it does not look at all religions as equally valuable to serve its political objectives, as it still maintains a distinction between official and banned religions. The article documents that the state’s encouragement to the revival of some religious activities is selective but on the other hand that CCP views are more nuanced than outsiders assume.

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