Religion and international relations

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Os Estudos para a Paz constituem uma área do conhecimento voltada ao estudo do fenômeno da violência e do conflito e à sua redução em distintas esferas. Como uma área consolidada desde finais dos anos 1950, os EPP têm contribuído decisivamente para os debates de políticas públicas internacionais, tanto pela promoção de mediação, reconciliação e transformação de conflitos armados quanto pela promoção do debate sobre o próprio conceito de paz, não mais focado apenas na cessação de violência armada entre beligerantes, mas entendido como um conceito que inclui elementos 'positivos', como acesso à justiça, bem-estar social e equanimidade. A presente obra tem como objetivo atender a uma crescente demanda por literatura em língua portuguesa na área de Estudos para a Paz. Visa facilitar a divulgação do conhecimento sobre a promoção da paz e seus conceitos em cursos de graduação e pós-graduação, bem como para pessoas que trabalhem diretamente com atividades que visam a redução da violência e a promoção de valores que reafirmem a paz como princípio fundamental da sociedade. Com a colaboração de acadêmicos do Brasil, Portugal, Moçambique e Estados Unidos, esta obra tem um caráter introdutório, unindo conceitos elementares que compõem o pano de fundo da área a discussões aprofundadas sobre temas centrais desta agenda.

This important volume provides a clear, concise and comprehensive guide to the history of Sikh nationalism from the late nineteenth century to the present. Drawing on A. D. Smith's ethno-symbolic approach, Gurharpal Singh and Giorgio Shani use a new integrated methodology to understanding the historical and sociological development of modern Sikh nationalism. By emphasising the importance of studying Sikh nationalism from the perspective of the nation-building projects of India and Pakistan, the recent literature on religious nationalism and the need to integrate the study of the diaspora with the Sikhs in South Asia, they provide a fresh approach to a complex subject. Singh and Shani evaluate the current condition of Sikh nationalism in a globalised world and consider the lessons the Sikh case offers for the comparative study of ethnicity, nations and nationalism.

How does Turkey's Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) act as an instrument of foreign policy (FP)? What are the factors that allow such an instrumentalization of Islam in Turkish FP? In addressing these questions, this paper uses semi-structured expert interviews from Bulgaria and the Netherlands. Although both countries host a sizeable Muslim minority, these populations differ in their characteristics and historical ties with Turkey. Comparing Diyanet's role in the Netherlands with its recent Turkish-Muslim diaspora, and in Bulgaria with its centuries-old Muslim minority allows us to reveal variation in the practical engagement strategies that Diyanet adopts in different country contexts. Thus, this paper advances two main claims; first, Diyanet serves as a primary FP tool of Turkey in countries with a significant Turkish-Muslim minority. Secondly, this instrumentalization destabilizes secularization projects both at home and abroad.

The current refugee crisis sweeping Europe, and much of the world, closely intersects with largely neglected questions of religion. Moving beyond discussions of religious differences, what can we learn about the interaction between religion and migration? Do faith-based organisations play a role within the refugee regime? How do religious traditions and perspectives challenge and inform current practices and policies towards refugees? This volume gathers together expertise from academics and practitioners, as well as migrant voices, in order to investigate these interconnections. It shows that reconsidering our understanding and approaches to both could generate creative alternative responses to the growing global migration crisis. Beginning with a discussion of the secular/religious divide - and how it shapes dominant policy practices and counter approaches to displacement and migration - the book then goes on to explore and deconstruct the dominant discourse of the Muslim refugee as a threat to the secular/Christian West. The discussion continues with an exploration of Christian and Islamic traditions of hospitality, showing how they challenge current practices of securitization of migration, and concludes with an investigation of the largely unexplored relation between gender, religion and migration. Bringing together leading and emerging voices from across academia and practice, in the fields of International Relations, migration studies, philosophy, religious studies and gender studies, this volume offers a unique take on one of the most pressing global problems of our time.

The model of secularism as the overarching framework for managing the relationship between religion and politics has come under increasing scrutiny in recent International Relations (IR) scholarship, particularly in the wake of the so-called “postsecular turn”. Where once religion was thought to be an entity that was easily identifiable, definable and largely irrelevant to politics and public life, these assumptions are being increasingly brought into question. This special issue makes a specific contribution to this recent questioning of secularism within IR by noting and interrogating the multiple ways in which the boundaries between the religious and the political blur in contemporary politics. Our contributors explore the multifarious dimensions of this critical issue by asking whether the relationship between religion and politics has taken on significant new forms and dimensions in our contemporary globalised age or if we are simply beginning to recog- nise a pattern that has always been present. In this introduction we canvass some of the par- ameters of current debates on the religious and the political. We note that there are multiple and (at times) competing understandings of such key terms as religion, secularism, secularisation and the post-secular that shape and are shaped by ongoing discussions of the relationship between religion and public life. Our goal is not to close down these important points of difference through the imposition of singular understandings. We simply wish to highlight the points of contestation that continue to be significant for how we understand (or obscure) the boundaries between the religious and the political.

The study of religion and international religions has witnessed an exponential growth in recent decades. Courses and programs exploring the complex entanglements between faith and global politics have likewise mushroomed around the world. Despite this ferment, reflections on teaching religion and international relations have so far lagged behind. This forum seeks to remedy this general silence. It brings together a diverse range of scholars from a multiplicity of national, religious, method-ological, and theoretical backgrounds who teach across a variety of different geographical settings including North America, Europe, and East Asia. Contributors reflect on three broad themes. First, how do we engage with the contested character of religion as a category of analysis and practice , and with the multidisciplinary nature of its study? Second, how does the context within which we operate-be it geographical, cultural, institutional , or historical-influence and shape who, what, and how we teach? Third, how do we address the important and, at times, contentious personal and ethical challenges that our research and teaching on religion and politics inevitably raises in the classroom? Resumen: El estudio de la religión y de las religiones internacionales ha sido testigo de un crecimiento exponencial en las últimas décadas. De igual manera, los cursos y programas en los que se exploran los entre-lazamientos entre la fe y la política mundial han proliferado en todo el mundo. Pese a esta agitación, las reflexiones sobre la enseñanza de la re-ligión y las relaciones internacionales han quedado, hasta el momento, rezagadas. En este foro se apunta a poner fin a este silencio general-izado. En él, se reúne a diferentes académicos de una gran variedad de Bettiza, Gregorio et al. (2019) Teaching Religion and International Relations: Disciplinary, Pedagogical, and Personal Reflections. International Studies Perspectives, contextos nacionales, religiosos, metodológicos y teóricos que enseñan en distintos entornos geográficos, incluidos América del Norte, Europa y Asia del este. Los colaboradores reflexionan sobre tres grandes ejes temáticos. En primer lugar, ¿cómo interactuamos con el controvertido carácter de la religión como categoría de análisis y práctica, y con la naturaleza multidis-ciplinaria de su estudio? En segundo lugar, ¿de qué manera el contexto-ya sea geográfico, cultural, institucional o histórico-en el cual oper-amos influye y moldea a quiénes, qué y cómo enseñamos? En tercer lugar, ¿cómo abordamos los importantes y, en ocasiones, contenciosos desafíos personales y éticos que nuestra investigación y enseñanza sobre religión y política inevitablemente plantean en el aula? Extrait: L'étude de la religion et des relations internationales a connu une croissance exponentielle au cours des dernières décennies. Des cours et programmes décortiquant les relations complexes entre la foi et la poli-tique internationale ont également proliféré dans le monde entier. Malgré cette effervescence, les réflexions sur l'enseignement de la religion et des relations internationales se font toujours attendre. Cette tribune cherche à répondre à ce silence général. Elle réunit plusieurs spécialistes de na-tionalité, religion, méthode et théorie différentes qui enseignent dans une grande variété de pays en Amérique du nord, Europe et Asie de l'est. Les contributeurs réfléchissent sur trois grands thèmes. Premièrement, comment abordons-nous le caractère contesté de la religion en tant que caté-gorie d'analyse et de pratique ainsi que la nature pluridisciplinaire de son étude? Deuxièmement, comment le contexte dans lequel nous agis-sons-qu'il soit géographique, culturel, institutionnel ou historique-influence et façonne les personnes à qui nous enseignons, la matière que nous enseignons et notre méthode pédagogique? Troisièmement, comment abordons-nous les problématiques importantes et parfois contestées, personnelles et éthiques que nos recherches et notre enseignement sur la religion et la politique ne manquent pas de soulever chez nos étudiants?

This paper analyses two issues which emerged from diplomatic practice during the 16th and 17th centuries and have made a decisive contribution to the development of the immunity of diplomatic premises: the right of chapel and the right of asylum. In both cases the «temple», as a sacred space subject to a specific normativity, played a crucial role. With regard to the right of chapel, an actual “temple” was, in fact, incorporated into the embassy and somehow identified with it. In the second case, the limits of the ambassador’s right to grant asylum in his residence were discussed by scholars with analogies to principles already elaborated with regard to religious asylum. This analysis highlights some political implications and effects of the peculiar spatiality of the «temple» in the early-modern era and aims to reconsider the historical origins of the so-called "extraterritoriality" of diplomatic premises.

This study explores the relationship between ethnic, sectarian, and religious identities and soft power in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in the immediate aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. Utilizing original public opinion surveys conducted in Egypt and Iraq in 2012, we find that identity-based allegiances play a major role in groups’ choices regarding which countries’ increasing involvement in the region are seen favorably and which countries are seen as an ideal model for the region. Sunnis are likely to view Turkey and Saudi Arabia positively in both regards, whereas Shiites are more supportive of Iran. But our results also suggest that crosscutting cleavages should not be overlooked: Sunni Kurds are less likely to hold positive attitudes toward Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Our findings also show that Copts, a religious minority in Egypt, hold positive attitudes toward the United States and negative ones toward Saudi Arabia and Iran. These findings contribute to both the theoretical literature on soft power and the debates on international competition for influence in the MENA region by emphasizing the role of ethnic and religious identities in shaping attitudes toward international actors.