Sword

Abstract:

L’argomento di questa tesi nasce dall'esperienza congiunta di rievocazione storica ed archeologia sperimentale che ho maturato con gli anni. Appassionato di rievocazione dal 2007,
ho praticato (e continuo tuttora a praticare) la scherma ed il reenactment relativi a svariati periodi della storia della Sardegna: il periodo medioevale (giudicale), quello romano-imperiale e da ultimo quello nuragico. La necessità di avere maggiori informazioni, non disponibili tramite le fonti scritte, iconografiche e archeologiche legate sopratutto a quest’ultimo periodo, mi ha portato con gli anni a pormi ulteriori quesiti sull’argomento. Quella dei nuragici era una società pacifica? In caso contrario come combattevano i suoi guerrieri? Che tipo di struttura gerarchico-militare avevano? Le risposte a queste domande diventavano sempre più impellenti man mano che mi confrontavo con il pubblico (e spesso con i pregiudizi legati a questo lontano periodo). Desideroso di avere delle risposte, coadiuvato dall’esperienza di artigiano-archeotecnico del bronzo che porto avanti nei ritagli di tempo, ispirato da studi sulla cosiddetta “archeologia del combattimento” e dalle tecniche forensi applicate nell'archeologia, sono giunto a conclusione che solo studiando i resti umani di quegli
uomini vissuti 3000 e più anni fa, avrei potuto ricavare maggiori risposte alle mie domande.
Nel presente lavoro ho esaminato i casi più noti in letteratura di reperti scheletrici con visibili segni traumatici, ponendo particolare attenzione ai periodi preistorici. Come paragone
per lo studio dei reperti nuragici è stato utilizzato lo scheletro di un presunto soldato medioevale, il quale presentava diversi traumi da combattimento. I resti ossei nuragici consistono in tre crani appartenenti a tre diverse sepolture collettive localizzate in aree della Sardegna tra loro molto distanti. Per questi tre casi si è provveduto a determinare il tipo di trauma osservato, che tipo di arma ha provocato la ferita e lo scenario ipotetico dell’aggressione che ha interessato ciascun individuo. Lo studio di questi casi ha permesso una ricostruzione delle modalità di combattimento più verosimili per tale periodo; queste hanno
permesso di dedurre quali ferite e in quali aree del corpo si potrebbero riscontrare più frequentemente i traumi. La riproduzione dei traumi mediante prove d’archeologia sperimentale (test di taglio) hanno permesso di capire quali lesioni potrebbero essere prodotte da alcune specifiche armi dell’età del Bronzo. Come ultima analisi sono stati elencati i principali casi di trapanazioni craniche per poter determinare se tali pratiche siano da mettere in relazione a traumi conseguenti ad episodi violenti o a pratiche etnoiatriche.

The subject of this thesis was born from a joint of historical reenactment and experimental archeology that I have gained over the years. Fond of living history since 2007, I practiced (and still continuing to practice) the fencing and the reenactment related to various periods of the history of Sardinia: the medieval period (Judicial), the Roman Empire and finally the nuragic one (Age of Bronze). The need to have more information, not available through the written sources, iconographic and archaeological related especially in the latter period, led me through the years to ask me more questions on the subject.
Nuragics was that of a peaceful society? Otherwise how his warriors fought? What kind of hierarchical-military had? The answers to these questions became more compelling as I compared them with the public (and often with the prejudices related to this distant period). Eager to get answers, aided by the experience of bronze artisan-archaeotecnic that I carry in my spare time, inspired by studies on the so-called "archeology of combat" and forensic techniques applied in archaeology, I have come to the conclusion that only by studying the human remains of those men lived 3000 years and more ago, I could get more answers to my questions.
In this paper I have examined the best known cases in the literature of skeletal remains with visible signs of trauma, paying particular attention to prehistoric times. As a comparison for the study of the nuragic finds, was used the skeleton of a supposed medieval soldier, who presented several combat trauma. The skeletal nuragic remains consist of three skulls belonging to three different collective burials located in areas of Sardinia each other very distant. For these three cases, it was decided to determine the type of trauma observed, what kind of weapon caused the wound and the hypothetical scenario of the attack that affected each individual. The study of these cases has allowed a reconstruction of how to combat the most plausible for that period; These have enabled us to deduce which wounds and in which areas of the body could be encountered more frequently trauma. Reproduction of trauma by tests of experimental archeology (test cutting) has allowed us to understand what injuries could be produced by a number of specific Bronze Age weapons. As the final analysis were listed the main cases of cranial drilling to determine whether such practices are to be related to trauma resulting from violent incidents or etnoiatric practices.

Papers devoted to the typology of certain categories of the material culture need the close cooperation with the local schemes. A change of researching “optics” is likely to have a positive effect on the process of studiing the general trends in the material, if this process of research is closely linked with the base of any typological constructions — with the spatial and chronological relations analysis. Besides the publication of new stray finds and partial republication of already known finds from the burial complexes, the main goal of this work is the checking of certain typological tendentions of such category of Scythian culture as akinakai (Scythian swords and daggers) of the Carpathian-Dniester region. A geographical division of Carpathian-Dniester region is proposed: Middle Dniester (Bukovinian) group, Eastern Carpathian (Neamţ) group, Siret-Dniester (Moldavian) group, Lower Dniester and Lower Danube groups. Chronologically, the massive of akinakai of Carpathian-Dniester region could be divided into three groups: Early Scythian (650—550 BC), Middle Scythian (550—450 BC) and Classic Scythian (450—300 BC). The following trends connected with Scythian swords and daggers were noticed: Early Scythian burials with akinakai concentrate in Bukovina and strayfinds in Moldova, Middle Scythian burials — are grouping in Moldavian and the strayfinds — in Neamţ group, and the Classical Scythian burials with akinakai are presented only in Lower Dnister and Lower Danube groups.

The Kukri knife, also written as Khukuri, Khukri, Khookree, Kookeri, Kukoori, Koorkerie, Kookery, Kukery, Koukoori, Khokreis, Cookri, Gurkha Knife and other variations, takes its name from the Nepali word "खुकुरी" . This dagger-knife is today world famous and known as the Symbol of the Gurkhas, National weapon of Nepal and a most excellent knife with a long and ancient history. Ive used the term "Kukri" over the more proper "Khukuri" as it is
probably a wider used word and thus more familiar to the reader. We here explore what has been written regarding the Kukri knife over the past 200 years, from the dawn of modern Nepal, Anglo-Nepal War, The Great Wars and until modern day.

The monograph systematizes data on Scythian blade weapons from the territory of Central and South-Eastern Europe (Moldova, western Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland). The paper examines in detail the finds of swords and daggers of the Scythian period (more than 200 artifacts), analyzes the chronological positions of these objects based on burials, and reveals a correlation with other types of weapons. The typological features of the weapons of the early nomads are studied against a broad cultural and historical background, covering all simultaneous cultures of the Eurasian steppe cultural continuum of the Scythian period from northwest China to Silesia, including Siberia, the Volga-Urals, the Balkans and the Caucasus. Thus, fundamental changes in the morphology of the Scythian akinakes were traced, “cultural types” were identified, the sources of generation of types of the Scythian akinakes were determined, and the dynamics of the displacement of these sources in time was shown. The book is in Russian and contains 648 pages of text, 212 figures, 40 catalogue tables and 16 color plates.

The unusual ‘antenna’ design of the pommels of the akinakai (in the form of antennae or volutes) drew the attention of researchers of the Scythian blade weaponry quite early. In addition, the shape of the pommel lies on the basis of all known classification schemes of Scythian swords and daggers. Researchers have long paid attention to the amazing similarity of this type of decoration with those that were made in the Late Bronze and Hallstattian time in Central Europe. However, for the Central European daggers, the antenna pommel is a rather late phenomenon and is fixed not earlier than in HaB period. Moreover, Early Nomadic (e.g. Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk) swords and daggers with the antennae pommels are still unknown. Due to chronological observations, the time of the appearance of the antenna pommel is the 2nd half of the 7th century BC. During this period, the simple antennae pommels are independently connected with the three main regions: the North Caucasus, the Dnieper Forest-steppe and the Carpathian-Danube. In the Early Scythian period, the antenna pommel is more of an experimental exception than a formal tradition. Ambivalence in the design of the pommel is demonstrated by the history of the Scythian blade weapon during all periods, beginning with the Early Scythian. So, there are known the Kelermes and Gudermes akinakai with antennae or volutes. In the Middle Scythian period, the antennae are known for such types of akinakai like Shumeyko, Vettersfelde and single-edged swords of the Nógrád type. The time of the wide distribution of antennae pommels is the end of the Middle Scythian period (550-425 BC). From the mid 6th century akinakai with ornitomorphic pommels appear on the territory of European Scythia, but these items are not associated with the Early Scythian production centers. Apparently, the appearance of ornithomorphic and zoomorphic pommels fit within the framework of the common Eurasian tradition, e.g. griffin daggers spread in the Volga-Ural, Semirechye, Sayano-Altai and Northern China at this time. A realistic ornithomorphic pommel of the Găiceana type appears on a wide series of swords and daggers with a hilt in a form of the Thracian shield. Since the 5th century BC, the simplification of the ornithomorphic pommels begins, taking the evolution away from the realism. Already at the end of the 5th century BC ornithomorphic design is finally schematized, turning into an ornamental approach. Over time, a typological series of antenna pommels in the form of heads of birds of prey, starting with the big realistic forms, gradually evolves towards minimization and schematism, possibly connected with the loss of the original image.

Ce qui rejoint à nouveau Kenneth Burke et son approche de Shakespeare. Le sens vient du public :
« My theory of form as the arousing and fulfilling of expectations. » (Scott, L. Newscott, op cit, p. 189)
Cela m’amène à dire en conclusion que chaque époque produit une forme de spectacle complet, plus complet que ce qui existe normalement. Shakespeare a souvent ajouté de la musique, sans produire des opéras, mais en produisant parfois des intermèdes dignes de scènes musicales et chorégraphiques. Mais Shakespeare veut nous faire pénétrer si profondément dans les drames qu’il raconte qu’il s’adresse à nous par tous les pores sensuels que nous pouvons mobiliser dans l’appréciation d’un spectacle. Loin de produire une parodie de tragédie que serait une comédie de violence, il produit une tragédie multisensorielle et multimédiatique. Il invente le cinéma quatre siècles trop tôt, ou bien il révèle le besoin de dépasser la scène de son temps vers un spectacle plus complet, besoin qui ne commencera à être satisfait complètement que quatre siècles plus tard. Avec les moyens de son temps il fait ce qu’il peut et utilise alors tout ce que la scène permet ainsi que tout ce que le langage permet, chacun tant au niveau des sens physiques que de l’esprit, de ce que l’on ne peut comprendre que comme « mind », mot anglais qui n’a pas d’équivalent en français sans connexion avec une vision religieuse chrétienne d’âme ou d’esprit, saint bien sûr, mais qui correspond exactement au concept bouddhiste en Pali de « citta », ce sixième sens et méta-sens mental.

One of the features of Scythian archaic blade weaponry is the use of bronze, often in the combination with iron. This technologe of Early Scythian bimetallic akinakai goes back to “Cimmerian scheme”. Within the framework of that scheme Prescythian daggers of Kabardino-Pjatigorsk type were manufactured.  The most later daggers of this type are likely were used until the middle 7th c. BC, so they could be treated as prototypes for Scythian akinakes. Bimetallic technology of Scythian smiths was inspired by previous tradition and the first exemplars of Gudermes akinakai appeared at the turn of 8th–7th c. BC in the Caucasus. In the Carpathian basin archaic Scythian akinakai made wholly or partly from bronze are also well-known. These akinakai of Posmuş type are closely related to the next tradition — of Kelermes type — which also penetrated to Northern Pontic region from the territory of Caucasus region. Posmuş type was probably an intermediate combining old technology of bronze casting and new morphology. A number of features shows a genetic link between Gudermes and Kelermes types. Among them are: three-part handle and the bight under the pommel. So, the bimetallic akinakes is the product of the further evolution of bladed weaponry producted by “Caucasian laboratory” and it could be assumed that for a while it was coexisting with Kabardino-Pjatigorsk type daggers, perhaps in the 1st half of 7th c. BC. Further development of the Scythian akinakai and their distribution in Black Sea region probably provoked the renouncement of the use of bronze due to the excessive complexity of or limited access to raw materials. However, the morphology of this new product was more stable, as a result new types of swords and daggers appeared. In the Danube-Carpathian region a creative rethinking of Gudermes and Kelermes traditions is registered for Early Scythian period. These processes led to the emergence of such types as Posmuş in Transilvania and Ferigile in Wallachia — local phenomena of the Carpathian-Danube. The singularity of distribution of the first akinakai allow us to conclude that Scythian akinakes entered this region two main routes: initially, along the northern border of forest-steppe to Transilvania and later — along the southern border, to Bărăgan Plain.

The paper continues the study of the issue related to the initial date and early complexes of the Pyanobor culture. Dating is frequently conducted on the basis of discovered swords, but the authors use outdated estimates and dating results having lost their significance in Sarmatian archaeology. The types of swords in question do not allow to date the initial period of the Pyanobor earlier than the 2nd century B.C. The second aspect discussed in the paper is the possible correspondence of the funeral rite to the final period of the Ananyino culture. There have been no dedicated studies of authentic Late Ananyino sites. The review carried out by the authors demonstrates a limited similarity of the burial rite, whereas individual burials can be dated no earlier than the turn of the periods - the first half of the 1st century A.D. The annexes feature previously unpublished materials of excavations conducted by A.D. Vechtomov on Lake Pozdeevskoe and B.B. Ageev at Trikolsky burial mound.

This article features the first publication of 2017 study materials on Akberdino II settlement of Kara-Abyz culture located on the right bank of the Belaya river. The remains of a sanctuary with armament items were discovered in a small excavation within the cultural layer of the settlement area. The sanctuary complex consists of two pillar pits, a ruined stone structure, two swords of the “savromat” and “han” types; an iron chisel of the “argan” type and a bronze bird figurine. The nature of the cultural layer in which the remains of the sanctuary are located and the most recent item (the “han” sword) discovered in the sanctuary suggest that the period of its operation corresponds to the turn of the historical periods. The sanctuary is interpreted as a military site used for a short period of time and deliberately destroyed for ritual purposes. This ritual closely resembles a Scythian rite of worshipping an ancient sword, described by Herodotus.

Abstract:

L’argomento di questa tesi nasce dall'esperienza congiunta di rievocazione storica ed archeologia sperimentale che ho maturato con gli anni. Appassionato di rievocazione dal 2007,
ho praticato (e continuo tuttora a praticare) la scherma ed il reenactment relativi a svariati periodi della storia della Sardegna: il periodo medioevale (giudicale), quello romano-imperiale e da ultimo quello nuragico. La necessità di avere maggiori informazioni, non disponibili tramite le fonti scritte, iconografiche e archeologiche legate sopratutto a quest’ultimo periodo, mi ha portato con gli anni a pormi ulteriori quesiti sull’argomento. Quella dei nuragici era una società pacifica? In caso contrario come combattevano i suoi guerrieri? Che tipo di struttura gerarchico-militare avevano? Le risposte a queste domande diventavano sempre più impellenti man mano che mi confrontavo con il pubblico (e spesso con i pregiudizi legati a questo lontano periodo). Desideroso di avere delle risposte, coadiuvato dall’esperienza di artigiano-archeotecnico del bronzo che porto avanti nei ritagli di tempo, ispirato da studi sulla cosiddetta “archeologia del combattimento” e dalle tecniche forensi applicate nell'archeologia, sono giunto a conclusione che solo studiando i resti umani di quegli
uomini vissuti 3000 e più anni fa, avrei potuto ricavare maggiori risposte alle mie domande.
Nel presente lavoro ho esaminato i casi più noti in letteratura di reperti scheletrici con visibili segni traumatici, ponendo particolare attenzione ai periodi preistorici. Come paragone
per lo studio dei reperti nuragici è stato utilizzato lo scheletro di un presunto soldato medioevale, il quale presentava diversi traumi da combattimento. I resti ossei nuragici consistono in tre crani appartenenti a tre diverse sepolture collettive localizzate in aree della Sardegna tra loro molto distanti. Per questi tre casi si è provveduto a determinare il tipo di trauma osservato, che tipo di arma ha provocato la ferita e lo scenario ipotetico dell’aggressione che ha interessato ciascun individuo. Lo studio di questi casi ha permesso una ricostruzione delle modalità di combattimento più verosimili per tale periodo; queste hanno
permesso di dedurre quali ferite e in quali aree del corpo si potrebbero riscontrare più frequentemente i traumi. La riproduzione dei traumi mediante prove d’archeologia sperimentale (test di taglio) hanno permesso di capire quali lesioni potrebbero essere prodotte da alcune specifiche armi dell’età del Bronzo. Come ultima analisi sono stati elencati i principali casi di trapanazioni craniche per poter determinare se tali pratiche siano da mettere in relazione a traumi conseguenti ad episodi violenti o a pratiche etnoiatriche.

The subject of this thesis was born from a joint of historical reenactment and experimental archeology that I have gained over the years. Fond of living history since 2007, I practiced (and still continuing to practice) the fencing and the reenactment related to various periods of the history of Sardinia: the medieval period (Judicial), the Roman Empire and finally the nuragic one (Age of Bronze). The need to have more information, not available through the written sources, iconographic and archaeological related especially in the latter period, led me through the years to ask me more questions on the subject.
Nuragics was that of a peaceful society? Otherwise how his warriors fought? What kind of hierarchical-military had? The answers to these questions became more compelling as I compared them with the public (and often with the prejudices related to this distant period). Eager to get answers, aided by the experience of bronze artisan-archaeotecnic that I carry in my spare time, inspired by studies on the so-called "archeology of combat" and forensic techniques applied in archaeology, I have come to the conclusion that only by studying the human remains of those men lived 3000 years and more ago, I could get more answers to my questions.
In this paper I have examined the best known cases in the literature of skeletal remains with visible signs of trauma, paying particular attention to prehistoric times. As a comparison for the study of the nuragic finds, was used the skeleton of a supposed medieval soldier, who presented several combat trauma. The skeletal nuragic remains consist of three skulls belonging to three different collective burials located in areas of Sardinia each other very distant. For these three cases, it was decided to determine the type of trauma observed, what kind of weapon caused the wound and the hypothetical scenario of the attack that affected each individual. The study of these cases has allowed a reconstruction of how to combat the most plausible for that period; These have enabled us to deduce which wounds and in which areas of the body could be encountered more frequently trauma. Reproduction of trauma by tests of experimental archeology (test cutting) has allowed us to understand what injuries could be produced by a number of specific Bronze Age weapons. As the final analysis were listed the main cases of cranial drilling to determine whether such practices are to be related to trauma resulting from violent incidents or etnoiatric practices.

Some thirty or more years ago, a gold fitting decorated with cloisonné-work was found in Mali Mošunj in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Subsequently, it was identified as part of the scabbard of a sword. The materials used in its making are expensive and available to few, and its construction suggests it was manufactured in a specialised goldsmith’s workshop equipped and trained to work with gold, almandines and ivory(?). Rare comparative archaeological evidence classifies it among precious scabbard mouthpiece fittings which
could only have been worn by a high-ranking member of the late Roman military elite serving in Dalmatia during the “Dalmatian dynasty” of Marcellinus and Julius Nepos, or later, during the reign of Odoacer. i.e. in the last third or quarter of the fifth century. The appendix to this paper analyses data related to cloisonné on scabbard mouthpiece fittings from nineteen early Merovingian sites covered by the Beauvais-Planig type (type 2), for which a classification into subtypes 2a to 2d is proposed here.
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U Malom Mošunju u Bosni i Hercegovini nađen je prije tridesetak i više godina zlatni okov ukrašen kloazoniranjem za koji se kasnije utvrdilo da pripada koricama mača. Materijali upotrijebljeni u njegovoj izradbi skupocjeni su i dostupni malobrojnima, a tehnika izradbe upućuje na rad specijalizirane zlatarske radionice opremljene i obučene za rad sa zlatom, almandinima i bjelokosti(?). Rijetka komparativna arheološka građa svrstava ga među skupocjene okove usta korica mača kakav je o pojasu mogao nositi jedino neki visoko pozicionirani pripadnik kasnorimskodobne vojne elite službujuće u Dalmaciji u vrijeme “dalmatinske dinastije” Marcelina i Julija Nepota ili kasnije, za vladavine Odoakara, tj. u posljednjoj trećini ili posljednjoj četvrtini 5. stoljeća. U dodatku ovog rada analizirani su i podaci koji se odnose na kloazoniranje na okovima usta korica s devetnaest ranomerovinških nalazišta obuhvaćenima tipom Beauvais- Planig (tip 2), za koje je ovdje predložena klasifikacija na podtipove 2a do 2d.

It’s no secret that since Man had the ability to shape stone and metal starting thousands of years ago, they’ve also been slashing, stabbing, hitting and basically wreaking havoc on each other ever since. When did the first knife fight break out? When the second blade was created. Over the centuries, the longer version, swords have become the best option for the battlefield and many have a fearsome reputation.

Où est l’invention germanique et nordique du « Thing », de cette démocratie directe ou représentative par l’assemblée des citoyens libres ou l’assemblée représentative et élue de ces mêmes citoyens libres ? L’épée dans cette culture représentait la défense par les hommes conscients de toute menace à leur société, y compris à leur système politique, mais cette épée s’est aisément mise au service de la nouvelle idéologie chrétienne qui se fondait sur le féodalisme, le pouvoir séculier par décision religieuse et qui excluait purement et simplement l’immense majorité des hommes et des femmes de la communauté de décision, qui ne donnait aux enfants aucun statut, qui faisaient des femmes des êtres inférieurs, qui rejetait aisément les handicappés physiques ou mentaux réduits au mieux à la mendicité ou au parasitisme. Et pourtant c’était le monde de l’épée. Le christianisme en a-t-il été la perversion ? Peut-on considérer que les ordres guerriers ou les Chevaliers Teutoniques respectaient en quoi que ce soit l’honneur de l’épée et de la guerre quand ils combattaient contre les Polonais, qu’ils évangélisèrent, et raison de plus contre les Lithuaniens, qui n’avaient pas dans l’approche de ces Teutoniques un statut humain pouvant justifier une évangélisation ?

The article outlines results of weapon complex analysis of the PyanyBor culture population from Novo-Sasykul burial ground, dated back to the 1st – 2nd cc. BC. The main weapon of this population was ranged weapon e.g. bone and iron arrowheads. Features of archer’s burials are compared with all funeral complexes of the PyanyBor culture. As a result, some patterns of finding iron arrowheads and its certain types were revealed. Bony sleeve arrowheads were common during at the whole cultural stage from the 2nd c. BC. to the 2ndc. AD, petiolate arrowheads appeared later – in the 1st c. AD. Melee weapons (daggers, spears, swords) are insignificant in the Novo-Sasykul burial ground. All discovered swords and daggers are borrowed from the nomads. The exception is combat knives, which are found in large numbers. They are a kind of ethnocultural marker in the PyanyBor community. Bronze knife cases are considered by the authors as the same marker.

The Recovery, Restoration and Conservation of a "Spatha" found in Capidava Village, Constanţa County, Romania The archaeological research from 2019, carried out in the extramural sector X of the Capidava site, led to the discovery of an extremely interesting piece of weaponry. The piece is a "spatha" (sword), which by its features and dimensions, but also by stratigraphic placement, seems to belong to the Byzantine World of the VI-th-VII-th centuries. The physical and chemical investigations, as well as the conservation and restoration of this piece, were done in the laboratory of the Oltenia Museum in Craiova. First, the part was mechanically treated for coarse corrosion removal, followed by the chemical treatment of conversion of iron corrosion compounds. The reinforcement of the sword was made by firmly joining the fragments, using two-component epoxy resin and for the final consolidation and preservation, two layers of acrylic resin were applied by paint brushing. Introducere Situl arheologic Capidava reprezintă pentru mai multe generaţii de studenţi şi universitari sibieni locul în care istoria se mut ă din sala de curs sau seminar direct în teren, unde se ajunge pentru prima dată în contact direct cu şantierul şi materialul arheologic şi unde se dobândesc primele cunoştinţe elementare de arheologie. Capidava este însă pentru mulţi şi un loc de suflet, un loc în care studenţii revin an de an ca voluntari sau vizitatori 1 şi este unul dintre "şantierele şcoală" vechi şi de mare prestigiu din România, 2 în cadrul căruia studenţii de la specializările "istorie"

From the late eighteenth century the British military produced official ‘fight books’ outlining the methods with which the cavalry were to use their swords. As these ‘fight books’ were military manuals for instructors, designed to turn trainees into effective soldiers they are, for the most part, clear and precise compared to the sometimes esoteric nature of earlier ‘fight books’. In addition, as they coincided with the introduction of standard patterns of cavalry swords the exact types of swords employed can be established. Hence, unusually in fight book studies, a full picture of why these works were produced, who they were aimed at, how widely they were disseminated and what exact forms of weapons these precise techniques were to be employed with can be known. The existence of contemporary accounts and other supplementary evidence can also help us understand how such ‘fight books’ were received and how effectively the theory contained within was borne out in practice on the battl...

In Anglo-Saxon and Viking literature swords form part of a hero's identity. In addition to being weapons, they represent a material agent for the individual's actions, a physical expression of identity. In this article we bring together the evidence from literature and archaeology concerning Anglo-Saxon and Viking-age swords and argue that these strands of evidence converge on the construction of mortuary identities and particular personhoods. The placement of the sword in funerary contexts is important. Swords were not just objects; they were worn close to the body, intermingling with the physical person. This is reflected in the mortuary context where they were displayed within an emotive aesthetic. Typically, swords were embraced, placed next to the head and shoulders, more like a companion than an object. However, there are exceptions: graves like Birka 581 and Prittlewell show sword locations that contrast with the normal placement, locations which would have jarred wit...

The paper continues a series of publications discussing the foundations of dating the beginning of the Piany Bor culture in the Kama region in following two aspects: first, the grounds for the statements about the beginning of the culture in the 3rd century BC, and secondly, to what extent the finds in question correspond to the contemporary chronology. One of the categories is represented by bronze arrowheads. According to the results of unraveling the chains of references, almost all of them come down to the work by M.G. Moshkova in 1962 and K.F. Smirnov in 1961. In the 1980s, there were cardinal changes in the general chronology of the Sarmatian cultures - while maintaining the main features of the rite and inventory of the cultures themselves, the dating of the transition of the Early Sarmatian to the Middle Sarmatian culture has changed from the 2nd century BC to the turn of the epochs. The complexes enabling the dating of the attributes have “rejuvenated”. Bronze arrowheads are still most characteristic of the Early Sarmatian culture, but the culture itself, according to new information, existed before the beginning of the 1st century AD. But, surprisingly, this did not affect the chronology of the local cultures. A review of the cases used by M.G. Moshkova, supplemented by new information, demonstrated that bronze arrowheads have been repeatedly found in the Middle and Late Sarmatian complexes. In certain cases, these are “amulets” made of very archaic types of arrows, and in others, these are items actually used in everyday life. Considering that the placement of arrows in burials of these periods is generally uncommon, it cannot be argued that the existence of arrows is strictly limited to the 3rd century BC. And the dating references of 60 years ago are unacceptable.

The majority of the pommels listed herein were reported to either the Identification and Recording Section of the Norfolk Historic Environment Service or the Portable Antiquities Scheme. They include an example of particular interest, an exceptional pommel that carries an enamelled depiction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Although the majority of the pommels are not heraldic, some do show shields which may be presumed to display the arms of the original owners, and they are all of considerable interest for the light they throw on decorative and iconographic styles at a time and in a context closely associated with the birth and growth of heraldry.

The collections of Buchlov State Castle include, among other things, a richly decorated late medieval long-sword that can be, based on its overall character, including maker’s marks on its blade, reliably interpreted as a so-called magistrate’s sword made around the turn of the 16th century in Passau, Bavaria. This article discusses the nature of its decoration in comparison with other similar preserved Central European magistrates’ swords of Passau provenance, as well as both the practical and symbolic function of these weapons.

The article presents an analysis of an inscription on the sword hilt described in Beowulf 1687-98a. This inscription represents the only reference to writing in the entire poem and has consequently received much scholarly attention. In this paper, Seiler claims that the sword hilt inscription should be examined as a piece of writing used in a situation of “vocality”, a term that characterizes a society which makes use of writing as a whole, but where access to literacy is mediated only by a small minority of experts. In this view, Hrothgar can be identified as the reader of the inscription. A comparison with two other runic texts serves to highlight the function of the sword hilt inscription: unlike the rune-stick occurring in a parallel part of Grettis saga, the Beowulf inscription is not a fully functioning means of communication. Rather it serves as a support for Beowulf’s oral account of his adventure and, like the South Germanic inscription on the Pforzen buckle, it establishes...

Several companies in the science and technology-based industries used the SWORD structure to finance some of their R&D programs. Yet, there is no clear rationale or evidence that this structure is improves welfare. This study explores and/or develops 5 testable hypotheses pertaining to the reason(s) some firms use the SWORD structure. The five hypotheses are (1) Earnings management hypothesis; (2) Debt overhang/insurance hypothesis; (3) Separation of assets of different risk classes hypothesis; (4) Information asymmetries hypothesis; and (5) Sequential investment problem hypothesis. The final sample consists of 41 companies making 66 SWORD announcements. Companies that form SWORD structures are young, high growth and small capitalization companies that operate mainly in science and technology based industries. They have the same leverage ratios as the average company in their industry. They are financially healthy, and they form SWORD structures after periods of strong stock performance. The strong impact SWORD structures have on the parent company's financial statements support the earnings management hypothesis. The average leverage ratios of the sample companies fail to support the debt overhang/debt insurance problems. Consistent with the implicit assumption of increased survivability in the separation of different risk classes hypothesis we find that the formation of the first SWORD structure increases the probability of survival for the parent company, in the 5 years following the SWORD formation, by 23 percent. SWORD structures do not reduce information asymmetries for the parent company. The form of payment for the acquisition and the moneyness of the warrants at the acquisition and expiration times provide support for the sequential investment problem hypothesis. Overall the results indicate that although SWORD structures can be used to make financial statements look better, they can also provide solutions to the unique problems of R&D investment. Based on the findings further regulation but not [...]

An Early Bronze Age sword from southern Sweden with inlaid decoration is investigated with regard to its original appearance, and the initial identification of an encrusted organic material within the ornamental decoration is shown scientifically to be wrong. e inlay technology now revealed is known from several Bronze Age objects from Mycenae and Egypt. A few examples from Central Europe link this sword from Sweden technologically with the eastern Mediterranean.

The article presents an analysis of an inscription on the sword hilt described in Beowulf 1687-98a. This inscription represents the only reference to writing in the entire poem and has consequently received much scholarly attention. In this paper, Seiler claims that the sword hilt inscription should be examined as a piece of writing used in a situation of “vocality”, a term that characterizes a society which makes use of writing as a whole, but where access to literacy is mediated only by a small minority of experts. In this view, Hrothgar can be identified as the reader of the inscription. A comparison with two other runic texts serves to highlight the function of the sword hilt inscription: unlike the rune-stick occurring in a parallel part of Grettis saga, the Beowulf inscription is not a fully functioning means of communication. Rather it serves as a support for Beowulf’s oral account of his adventure and, like the South Germanic inscription on the Pforzen buckle, it establishes...

Purchasing a sword, especially your first can come with some pit falls if you’re not careful and there are considerations you need to take into account to make sure your money is well spent and you get what you really want. A sword can be an investment and even art form. A sword can be an amazing and interesting item to highlight in a room that creates intrigue and conversation. Keep this in mind-

Every time a mass shooting occurs in the United States, there is a call for tighter regulation of civilian firearm possession. Debates often ensue as to whether tighter regulation would lead to a reduction in the number of deaths and injuries caused by firearms. In such debates, present-day Japan is often used as an example of a correlation between tight regulation and a low level of firearmsrelated deaths and injuries. Stringent firearm regulation in Japan is said to date back centuries. It has been claimed that successful precedents which formed the historical and social basis of current Japanese gun control include regulations enacted by Hideyoshi Toyotomi in the late sixteenth century, by the Edo shogunate between the early seventeenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, and by the Meiji government between the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. But what if the ‘successful historical precedents’ are not based on historical facts? This article addresses this widely...

Ajax and Heracles are two tragedies focused on a heroe who has committed a crime against their own ones. Their weapon (the sword and the bow respectively) is used in both cases by the playwright to rehabilitate the heroe after his horrible action.