De Facto States

À partir du succès de la Révolution orange en Ukraine et de
l’échec de la Révolution de Jeans en Biélorussie, cet ouvrage
propose une étude rétrospective des transformations politiques et
identitaires dans ces deux États issus de la décomposition de
l’Union soviétique. En analysant les principaux événements
politiques survenus sur une période de vingt ans, l’auteur
montre comment la vie politique ukrainienne et biélorusse
évolue dans le sillage de la chute du système soviétique qui fait
apparaître l’électeur libre, le multipartisme, les manifestations
spontanées, tout en assurant la continuité des élites politiques.
Traversées par les bouleversements politiques, l’Ukraine et la
Biélorussie vivent également des révolutions identitaires qui
interrogent et modifient différemment leurs histoires nationales,
les pratiques linguistiques de leurs habitants et le rapport à
l’Autre que représente la Russie.

El presente texto, recogiendo las aportaciones de Charles Tilly a la comprensión y disección del fenómeno revolucionario y siguiendo su definición clásica de revolución, plantea un análisis tentativo del concepto para analizar las denominadas revoluciones de colores, esto es, las revueltas y protestas postelectorales que, tras una fase de contienda, consiguieron provocar una transferencia del poder en Georgia (en 2003, la Revolución Rosa), en Ucrania (en 2004, la conocida como Revolución Naranja) y en Kirguistán (en 2005, la Revolución de los Tulipanes). Para ello centra la atención, si bien realizando las matizaciones oportunas, en tres elementos principales de la definición de Tilly: la incompatibilidad de los contendientes y la apertura de una situación de soberanía múltiple, el apoyo de un sector importante de la población y, por último, la transferencia del poder por cauces no institucionales.

Since the end of the Georgian-Abkhaz war, the often-precarious status of the Georgians displaced from Abkhazia has received significant academic attention. In contrast, the consequences of displacement from the reverse perspective—how it has affected the people who stayed behind—remains underanalyzed. Drawing on narratives collected during several months of ethnographic fieldwork, this article argues that although ethnic Abkhazians see themselves as victims of ethnic violence rather than perpetrators, the re-distribution of Georgian property nevertheless caused significant distress. Many condemned the practice of appropriation, suggesting that taking what is not one’s own is not only a violation of the property of the original owner, but also of the Abkhaz moral code and therefore shameful. To them, the trophy houses were a curse, both literally—as spaces haunted by former occupants—and metaphorically, as a source and reminder of a certain “moral corruption” within Abkhazian society. However, while the stories around the trophy houses reflect substantial intra-communal divisions, I suggest that they are also an expression of a shared postwar experience. Like the horror stories of Georgian violence, and the tales of Abkhaz heroism, they have become part of an intimate national repertoire constitutive of Abkhazia’s postwar community.

Процессы трансформации на постсоветском пространстве приводят к формированию различ-
ного рода интеграционных группировок. Необходим поиск интеграционной парадигмы, которая
позволила бы выявить закономерность интеграционных и дезинтеграционных процессов. В статье
рассмотрена история создания и развития Организации за демократию и экономическое разви-
тие – ГУА М в качестве примера одной из моделей политической интеграции на постсоветском
пространстве. Социально-экономические обстоятельства и желание выйти из полосы социаль-
но-экономических кризисов способствовали тому, что Грузия, Украина, Азербайджан и Молдавия
были последовательно ориентированы на евроинтеграцию. Изучение политических трансформа-
ций в ГУА М представляет особый интерес в связи с возрастающей ролью данных государств в меж-
дународных отношениях. Авторы приходят к выводу, что постсоветские государства по-разному
проходят интеграционный путь (темп, особенности), это и предопределило многовекторный
характер интеграции.

Hybrid Wars : The Indirect Adaptive Approach To Regime Change by Andrew Korybko
A Review by dAvE@whenthenewsstops

This insightful book examines the theoretical framework behind the concept of 'Fourth Generation Warfare'. This centres around the utilisation of 'net centric' means to avoid a large scale direct deployment of troops in a 'regime change' intervention in a desired target State. 

Those familiar with the concept of Proxy Warfare, will recall how the use of sophisticated remote weaponry such as drone technology, the deployment of small scale special forces units, the use of Private Security Military Contractors, augmented with the training and arming of local militias specialising in guerrilla tactics against targeted governments, has been a staple of covert warfare for protecting U.S. regional interests for a number of years. This form of Indirect Warfare has been proven to be largely effective in advancing Atlanticist hegemony through the doctrine of 'Organised Chaos', by applying Unconventional Warfare to devastating effect.

"What is integral to remember is that Unconventional Warfare is indirect warfare. They are one and the same and cannot be separated from one another. Although Unconventional Warfare does at times incorporate conventional methods, it is primarily unconventional to the core.  It is non-linear, dynamic, and chaotic, presenting an ever-changing mix of tactics that is designed to throw the authorities off balance."

Hybrid Warfare represents a two stage application of this strategy, transitioning from Colour Revolution into Unconventional War, towards the goal of regime change in the targeted states. The broader goal is one of preventing the rise of larger strategic threats on the world stage, such as those presented by the Russian Federation and its allies, China and Iran. 

The inheritor to the British Empire, presented in the military power house of the United States, has long sought to maintain its global power-base, and the methods it uses in this effort have become increasingly underhanded, as the author demonstrates through this analysis of the concept of Hybrid Warfare.

"The connection between Colour Revolutions, Unconventional Warfare, US regime change objectives, and non-state actors provides yet more proof confirming the Hybrid War theory."

This clandestine technique, utilises the strategy of 'lead from behind', to initially destabilise target states through the implementation of 'colour revolutions'. These exploit pre-existing political and sectarian divides within the target nation.  In short, these divisions are agitated through the use of NGOs and Intelligence Agency networks, to establish core supporters of the cause, who are largely witting, trained to maximise their effectiveness (usually outside of the target nation), and who can spread the desired ideological opposition to the incumbent government through a largely unwitting public. The target public are unaware of the foreign agitation which is guiding their momentum.  This form of decentralised opposition largely seems to become successful at the Colour Revolution stage, as long as the unseen hand of foreign backing remains hidden.

http://www.whenthenewsstops.org/2016/04/hybrid-wars-indirect-adaptive-approach.html

The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict for control of the mountainous territory of Nagorny Karabakh is the longest-running dispute in post-Soviet Eurasia. This book looks beyond tabloid tropes of ‘frozen conflict’ or ‘Russian land-grab’, to unpack both unresolved territorial issues left over from the 1990s and the strategic rivalry that has built up around them since. Far from ‘frozen’, this book demonstrates how more than two decades of dynamic conceptions of territory, shifting power relations, international diffusion and unsuccessful mediation efforts have contributed to the resilience of this stubbornly unresolved dispute - one of the most intractable of our times.

National elections have remained, surprisingly, largely absent in most nation- building debates where focus has tended towards either the instrumentalism of political elites and/or much wider structural explanations (Gellner 1983, Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983, Anderson 1991). Whether fair and free or unfree, national elites depend upon elections for their legitimation, both domestic and international. In many parts of the post-Soviet space elections are rigged, with turnout and the distribution of votes decided in advance of election day. (Wilson 2005). Nevertheless, while elections in the post-Soviet space may not serve their typical function of translating policy preferences into political representation, it has been argued that electoral processes can play a central role in nation-state building processes as part of efforts to legitimise authoritarian regimes (Ó Beacháin and Kevlihan 2015). In an attempt to build on previous observations regarding the relationship between elections and nation-building efforts in the post-Soviet space, this chapter examines the role elections have played in nation-state formation efforts in the unrecognised state of Abkhazia.

Rusya’da 7 Kasım 1917’de Bolşevik Devrimi başladığında muhtemelen Devrimin lider kadrosu da dâhil hiç kimse bu devrimin dünyanın en geniş coğrafyasına ve farklı özellikler taşıyan en kalabalık nüfusuna sahip bir devletin kurulmasıyla sonuçlanacağını tahmin etmiyordu.
Devrimin ve akabinde yaşanan iç savaşın sona ermesinden sonra, dünyanın bu ilk Sosyalist devletinin lider kadrosunun önünde duran en önemli sorun birbirlerinden çok farklı etnik, dini, sosyal ve  kültürel özelliklere sahip bu geniş insan kitlesinin her türlü etnik ve dinî geleneksel aidiyet bağlarını çözerek SSCB vatandaşlığı ve Komünist ideoloji temelinde yeni aidiyet bağları oluşturmaktı. SSCB yöneticileri bu amaçlarına arka planda baskı, ihbar, çalışma kampları, kitlesel cezalandırma, kitlesel sürgün, zorunlu göç ve iskân gibi araçlarıyla bir korku imparatorluğunun eşlik ettiği nüfus eğitim, kültür, dil, alfabe ve tarih alanlarındaki bir dizi planlama ve politikalarla ulaşmaya çalışmışlardır. 
Bu dönemde “Tarih” devletin ve ideolojinin pratik yararına hizmet edecek şekilde Materyalist bakış açısıyla yeniden yazılırken tarih eğitimi de Marksist-Leninist ideolojiyi genç kuşaklara aktarma ve onların siyasi-ideolojik eğitimlerini sağlamanın bir aracı olarak görülmüştür.
Bu kitapta Türk ve Müslüman kimliğe sahip Azerbaycan’da SSCB’nin Tarihçilik ve Tarih eğitimi alanında uyguladığı politikaların yansımaları ile Azerbaycan’ın bağımsızlığını kazanmasından sonra bu alanlarda gerçekleştirilen değişim ve dönüşüm çabalarını bulacaksınız.

"Central Asia is one of the regions of the highest priority in Russian foreign policy. It is also relatively important in other countries’ approach. Factors contributing to its position today include vital resources deposits, like oil and natural gas, unstable situation in the nearby Afghanistan, strategic transit routes, as well as historical and cultural ties of Central Asian countries with Russia, Iran, and Turkey. European Union, United States, and India are also among the actors involved in the region. The new rivalry (after the cold war raised uncertainties in Russia about its ability to sustain the influence in the region and initiated activities focused on reducing the third parties engagement in Central Asia. To this end Russia activates all its means and methods. Since 2004 Russia has intensified the use of soft power instruments. Besides it concentrates on integration projects with limited membership.
The aim of this article is to analyze the determinants of Russian foreign policy towards Central Asia and the extend to which it achieves its objectives in political and military, economic along with social, and finally cultural spheres. It may help answer the question about the most effective sphere of Russian activity in Central Asia."

Após 25 anos do Relatório MacBride e dos debates sobre a Nova Ordem Mundial da Informação e Comunicação (NOMIC), as assimetrias dos fluxos mundiais de informação permanecem praticamente inalteradas. Embora a comunicação em redes e novas tecnologias de mídia tenham aberto um potencial imenso de mudanças na pauta, na edição e na apuração a distância, o noticiário internacional dos jornais diários brasileiros continua, em larga escala, dependente do material fornecido e filtrado por agências de notícias e veículos estrangeiros. Esta pesquisa identifica o impacto desta configuração no discurso midiático, focando na práxis do jornalismo impresso e na dinâmica das agências de notícias, e propõe alternativas à formação de pauta e à apuração no Jornalismo Internacional.

This book consists of
papers from the published IPJ issue, some of them updated, as well
as new contributions that jointly address a number of important
questions. How do post-Soviet de facto states survive and continue
to grow? Is there anything specific about the political ecology of
Eastern Europe that provides secessionism with the possibility to
launch state-making processes in spite of international sanctions
and counteractions of their parental states? How are these
secessionist movements embedded in a wider network of
separatism in Eastern and Western Europe? And what is the impact
of secessionism and war on the parental states?

The Kurds in Iraq have always been suppressed by the governments ruling the country and have been through many hard stages over the past century. They have struggled for a state of their own but never fulfilled that dream. Kurds have experienced autonomous and independent states, but these did not survive. In the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), they had the right to self-determination, with independent statehood, but the treaty was never ratified. It was eventually replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), which made no mention of Kurdish statehood. Upon the invasion of U.S.-led forces into Iraq in 2003, the world turned its attention to the Middle East, and especially to the north of Iraq, Kurdistan. This region has been controlled by Kurds since the withdrawal of Saddam Hussein’s forces in 1991. With the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, there is a great opportunity to achieve their goal. Kurdish Parties have established the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), and the world has recognized it as a de facto state. To be a new nation-state in the international community and recognized as a de jure state under international law, it must meet various qualifications, some of which have already been satisfied by the KRG.

У овом раду анализирани су савремени облици зависних правних лица (сличних државама) у међународном праву, на првом мјесту неопротекторати, који, за разлику од претходних облика, представљају међународно признате државе у међународној заједници. Посебна пажња је усмјерена на карактер зависности Босне и Херцеговинепрема специфичностима унутрашњег правног поретка и организације, а у контексту институције Високог представника која је, према " Бонским овлаштењима " , заправо постала намјесничка власт држава окупљених у Савјету за имплементацију мира и која од конференције у Бону посједује посебан мандат управљачког, уставотворног, законодавног и судског капацитета ad hoc карактера. Закључак је такав да Босна и Херцеговина, уз присуство Високог представника као институције (вањског) намјесничког карактера, према надлежностима, представља зависно правно лице слично државама. Она је, уистину, заједница државотворних ентитета у покушају, јер је присуство међународне заједнице свакако чини неопротекторатом. Ово су нека од питања која су разматрана у овом раду. Кључне ријечи: држава, правно лице, субјективитет,зависна правна лица слична државама, неопротекторат, Босна и Херцеговина, Високи представник. 1. ОДРЕЂЕЊЕ ЗАВИСНИХ ПРАВНИХ ЛИЦА СЛИЧНИХ ДРЖАВАМА У теорији међународног права, зависне и не потпуно самосталне територије које посједују елементе државности, а нису државе, највећи број аутора одређује као субјекте сличне државама. Иако ово није погрешна терминологија, за савремене токове међународног права представља исувише уопштену дефиницију. У начелу, појам субјекти слични државама употребљава се за одређење државоликог организма који се налази у статусу зависности. Статус зависности подразумијева даје власт оваквог организма подређена некој другој – вањској власти, што значи да она не посједује својство суверености, чиме је условљен и квалитет њеног правног субјективитета. Такви организми су, сходно историјским околностима имали наметнуту врховну власт, господара, протектора, старатеља, или пак, колективно старатељство, при чему су задржавали или добијали одређене искључиве надлежности, а њихова државност и обим међународноправног субјективитета је варирао од случаја до случаја. Природа несамосталности и статус зависности је еволуирао, односи између држава измијенили су се у прошлом вијеку, а међународно право је доживјело изузетан прогресивни развој. Све наведено је условило да данас појам субјект сличан државипромијени значење и постане анахрон и непрецизан термин.

Abstract: This essay provides a selected bibliography on the history and cultures of the Caucasus region. A great part of this study consists of books, articles, symposiums papers, undergraduate and postgraduate thesis and Ph.D dissertations written in Turkey. This study reveals that, although there are numerous studies on the region, the Caucasian history and cultures still calls for scholarly attention due to its geo-strategic importance.

Keywords: Caucasus, Bibliography, Culture, Historiography, Turkey

Öz: Bu makale çalışması dünyanın en önemli coğrafyalarından biri olan Kafkasya’nın tarihi ve kültürü üzerine hazırlanmış bir bibliyografya denemesidir. Bibliyografya denemesinin büyük bir bölümünü Türkiye’de, Kafkasya tarihi üzerine hazırlanmış kitap, makale, sempozyum, bildiri, lisans, yüksek lisans ve doktora tezleri
oluşturmaktadır. Tarihin ilk dönemlerinden günümüze çok önemli olaylara sahne olan bu zorlu topraklar günümüzde de tarihçilerin ve sosyal bilimcilerin ilgisini çeken bir alandır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Kafkasya, Bibliyografya, Kültür, Tarihçilik, Türkiye

This paper analyzes changes in regional electoral behavior and attitudes towards separatism and foreign policy orientation in Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan,” which turned into a violent internal conflict and one of the biggest international conflicts involving Western countries and Russia. The research question is whether the regional divisions concerning domestic politics, separatism and foreign orientation have changed significantly in Ukraine since the “Orange Revolution” in 2004 and the “Euromaidan” in 2014. This paper employs comparative and statistical analyses of voting results of the 2012, 2007, 2006, and 2002 parliamentary elections, and the 2014, 2010, and 2004 presidential elections, to examine effects of historical legacies, ethnicity, language, age, and economic factors on regional support for pro-nationalist/pro-Western and pro-Russian/pro-communist political parties and presidential candidates. The study also analyses support for separatism in Crimea and Donbas after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan.” It uses a brief survey, conducted for this study by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in April and May 2014, to examine determinants of pro-separatist attitudes. The paper also employs Razumkov Center and KIIS surveys to analyze changes in 2002-2014 in regional preferences for joining the European Union (EU), NATO, and a union with Russia. The analysis shows that Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” remained divided along regional lines in terms of support for political parties and presidential candidates and attitudes towards joining the EU, NATO, and a Russia-led union. After the “Euromaidan,” such divisions in foreign policy orientation and, to a lesser extent, support for presidential candidates and political parties remained. A significant rise in separatist sentiments helped to fuel separatist takeovers of power in Crimea and Donbas and Russian military intervention in these regions.

Народ Абхазии обладает длительной историй государственности: Царство в VIII – X вв., Княжество в XIII – XIX вв., Советская Республика в 1921 - 1931 гг. на одном уровне с Грузией, независимая Республика с 1993 г., признанная в 2008 г. Россией и Никарагуа. Данная работа посвящена обоснованию международно-правовой легитимности Абхазского государства. Для большей доступности изложения текст дается в виде вопросов и ответов.

One should not expect the 23 September election to comply with democratic standards. The current legislation in Belarus does not guarantee a free and fair process. The institutional setting prevents a transparent vote count and the election of opposition candidates.
Yet, in sending a full-fledged observation mission to Belarus, the OSCE again appears to be giving official Minsk the benefit of the doubt. Breaking the vicious circle of external regime legitimation would require consistency and restraint in giving this periodic electoral farce any credence whatsoever.
Imitating procedural democracy brings regime consolidation for Lukashenka: enticing the opposition forces – and their Western supporters for that matter – into the electoral trap is a pre-emptive scheme to disqualify them. Decapitated, divided, distrusted, the opposition is incapable of carrying out regime change.
The regime's repressive build-up also dissuades Belarusians from mobilising to contest the predictable fraud – for now. They are nonetheless expressing increasing demands for independent election monitoring.
In view of the 2015 presidential elections, the EU should invest more in the capacity-building and training of civil society actors, notably domestic election observers. Turning voters into reliable rule of law watchdogs could raise awareness in, and demand for democracy in Belarus.

""During the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine, the second largest country in Europe came close to a violent break-up similar to that in neighboring Moldova, which witnessed a violent secession of the Transdniestria region. Numerous elections, including the hotly contested 2004 presidential elections in Ukraine, and surveys of public opinion showed significant regional divisions in these post-Soviet countries. Western parts of Ukraine and Moldova, as well as the Muslim Crimean Tatars, were vocal supporters of independence, nationalist, and pro-Western parties and politicians. In contrast, Eastern regions, as well as the Orthodox Turkic-speaking Gagauz, consistently expressed pro-Russian and pro-Communist political orientations. Which factors ? historical legacies, religion, economy, ethnicity, or political leadership ? could explain these divisions? Why was Ukraine able to avoid a violent break-up, in contrast to Moldova?
This is the first book to offer a systematic and comparative analysis of the regional political divisions in post-Soviet Ukraine and Moldova. The study examines voting behavior and political attitudes in two groups of regions: those which were under Russian, Ottoman, and Soviet rule; and those which were under Austro-Hungarian, Polish, Romanian, and Czechoslovak rule until World War I or World War II. This book attributes the regional political divisions to the differences in historical experience. This study helps us to better understand regional cleavages and conflicts, not only in Ukraine and Moldova, but also in other cleft countries.""

The book discusses a variety of issues related to two important international law institutions: international legal personality and recognition. Respective studies concern the legal situation and classification of various categories of non-recognised entities, the obligation to recognise and not to recognise specific subjects, rights and obligations of those entities (including, for example, state immunity and obligations in respect of human rights), and international liability for unlawful recognition. The authors of the texts are both eminent scientists, recognised specialists in the field of international law, as well as young lawyers, just starting their adventure with research work. The authors come from various parts of the world and represent a diverse approach to research methodology.

Avec l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique et l'accession à l'indépendance des cinq républiques situées dans la région, l'Asie centrale a réintégré la scène internationale en tant que catégorie spatiale autonome. Le retour de ce que Mackinder avait naguère baptisé « le pivot géographique de l'histoire » constitue sans doute un des événements majeurs de la vie internationale de la dernière décennie du vingtième siècle.
Ce fait a entraîné une transformation géopolitique dont l'importance dépasse largement les limites territoriales des ex-républiques soviétiques. Que ce soit par rapport au Moyen-Orient, au continent asiatique, à l'Eurasie et bien entendu à la Russie elle-même, de nouvelles dynamiques sont apparues dont les conséquences deviendront de plus en plus perceptibles à mesure qu'on avancera dans le nouveau siècle. La première édition de Géopolitique de la nouvelle Asie centrale est parue en mars 2001. Quelques mois plus tard, alors qu'une deuxième édition était sous presse, les attentats du 11 septembre ont eu lieu à New York et Washington.
L'intervention américaine en Afghanistan et la chute du régime des talibans ont profondément modifié la donne géopolitique en Asie centrale. En quelques semaines, cette région, qui jusqu'alors suscitait surtout la convoitise pour ses ressources en hydrocarbures, est devenue le premier front de la lutte antiterroriste lancée par les États-Unis. Les auteurs de cet ouvrage ne pouvaient évidemment faire l'impasse sur ces bouleversements.

"In the past decade, we have witnessed an increasing capacity of political oppositions in post-socialist spaces to get people mobilised, interact with civil society movements and challenge a regime. Those events, labelled “colour revolutions” have affected the geopolitical order of the world by destabilising
regimes in un-free countries of Eastern Europe, the former USSR and beyond.
Starting from a framework elaborated in past years, according to which the output of a social and political movement in the former USSR depends on the combination of five factors (elites, opposition, external forces, civil society and people) this article analyses the importance of external influences to the
success of what has been called a “colour revolution.” Drawing from the Rose Revolution in Georgia and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, it discusses the appropriateness of the term “colour revolution,” its social and political significance and spells out the possible ways external influences can impact on socio-political events in a country where a colour revolution is attempted.
"

Bu makale Kürt siyasi hareketinin toplumsal hareketler bağlamında geçirmiş olduğu evreler ile alakalıdır. Kürt siyasi
hareketinin kökenini oluşturan Kürt milliyetçiliğinin –her ne kadar Ahmed-i Xani’nin adı anılsa da- Şeyh Ubeydullah ile başladığı,
özellikle sonraki süreçte bu temsiliyetin Şeyh Said ile birlikte devam ettiği ve nihai olarak Şeyh Ubeydullah ve Şeyh Said’in dini
misyonundan farklı olarak PKK ile ilerlediği bu makalenin temel konusudur. Şüphesiz ki toplumsal hareketler içeriği açısında muhalif
olmayı ve sisteme meydan okumayı içermektedir. Kürt siyasi hareketlerinin de en önemli misyonu bu olmuştur. Şeyh Ubeydullah ile
başlayan ve Kürtlerin milli bilincinin uyanmasına sebep olan bu meydan okuma PKK ile nihayetine ulaşmış görünmektedir. Lakin
PKK’nın geçirmiş olduğu evirilmeler ve sonrasında yeniden yapılanışı, Kürt milliyetçiliğinin de yeniden yorumlanmasına sebep
olacaktır. İşte bu makale, yukarıda ifade edilenlerle birlikte son dönemde Kürt milliyetçiliğinin toplumsal hareketler bağlamında PKK
ile birlikte yaşadığı dönüşümleri de sosyolojik açıdan analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır.

This paper aims to analyze the historical trajectory of Kurdish political movement in the context of social movements. It
argues that although Kurdish nationalism constituting the ideological ground of Kurdish political movement has generally been
attributed to Ahmed-i Xani; it was rather Şeyh Ubeydullah who started the ideological motivation and afterwards the movement was
represented by Sheikh Said. Yet in the course of time, there has been a shift in terms of disengagement from the religious discourse and
continuation with PKK. It is certain that social movements are by definition in opposition to political status quo. This has also been the
most peculiar characteristic of Kurdish political movements. The challenge which contributed to awakening of the national
consciousness of the Kurds was led by Sheikh Ubeydullah and culminated by PKK. Nevertheless, the character of Kurdish nationalism
itself has been subjected to change parallel to the transformations took place in PKK and its restructuration. Together with the said
objectives, this paper tries to contribute to sociologically understand how Kurdish nationalism has been transformed in relation to the
influence of PKK.

Il volume Azerbaigian, una lunga storia rappresenta il risultato dell’interesse specifico di un gruppo di giovani studiosi impegnati negli ultimi anni ad approfondire la storia e le dinamiche politiche contemporanee dei Paesi caucasici, già al centro di numerosi incontri organizzati presso “Sapienza” Università di Roma. L’obiettivo dei due curatori, coadiuvati da altri ricercatori formati scientificamente dal Dottorato di ricerca in “Storia dell'Europa” dell’Ateneo romano e coinvolti nel Progetto di ricerca di rilevante interesse nazionale “Imperi e nazioni in Europa dal XVIII al XX secolo”, è stato quello di realizzare il primo lavoro di sintesi, in italiano, sulle evoluzioni politiche, economiche e sociali dei territori attualmente ricompresi nella Repubblica dell’Azerbaigian. Dall’antica Albània caucasica alle invasioni delle popolazioni turche, passando per il dominio zarista, l’esaltante periodo della prima indipendenza dopo il 1918 e il settantennio sovietico, fino a giungere alla seconda indipendenza del 1991 e alla guerra del Nagorno Karabakh: la storia dell’Azerbaigian è un appassionante e, talvolta, drammatico racconto dell’incontro tra popoli e culture differenti. Nel ventennale della ritrovata indipendenza l’Azerbaigian, grazie anche al possesso di importanti risorse naturali e alla sua collocazione spaziale strategica, ha visto incrementare il proprio peso specifico nella regione del Grande Medio Oriente tanto da ritagliarsi un ruolo politico di primo piano nei rapporti con l’Occidente e, in particolare, con l’Italia. Per tali ragioni conoscere la storia di una nazione tanto differente dalla nostra ma, allo stesso tempo, sempre più cruciale per gli equilibri internazionali, diventa fondamentale nella comprensione del tempo presente.

The Caucasus has always been and still remains one of the main geopolitical crossroads between the Eurasian continent, the Middle East, the Black Sea and Central Asia. Since when Russia engaged in an attempt to renew the global basis of its power, the region became a crucial testing ground. In order to reaffirm its influence, Russian action should have an impact on an intricate balance of ethnic, energetic, religious and diplomatic relations. For Moscow, the stake is not only to affirm its authority over the South Caucasian states but also to assure the stability inside the Federation itself, considering the thick web of cross-border ties linking the peoples of the region on both sides of the main Caucasian ridge. In addition, in the latest years, the also Caucasus returned to be an important pillar for the projection of Russian power toward the Middle East. The study is an ambitious attempt to illustrate the main factors of the Russian geopolitical posture in both the North and South Caucasus. It is published in a new journal, "Quaderni di Domus Europa", six-monthly volumes treating European policy issues with a multidisciplinary approach, www.ilcerchio.it

The focus of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, it outlines the geopolitical rationale behind contemporary Russian expansionism, as well as presents the asymmetric mechanisms utilized by Russia to solidify its authority in the post-communist space. The four commonly used theoretical frameworks explaining Russian expansionism were described and critically assessed. Apart from this, the Russian and foreign political philosophic thought of the 19-21 centuries was referred to, to trace the evolution of the Russian Byzantium-type governing tradition and national identity. On the other hand, the paper assesses the features of post-colonial Ukrainian political culture and unveils premises for the emergence of its statehood in the 1990s. The major differences between Russian and Ukrainian political cultures and identities are emphasized. Finally, the hypothesis tested is that a democratic Ukraine – strengthened by cooperation with its Western allies – will become an obstacle of Russian expansionism in the future.

This article examines the ways in which Azerbaijan’s energy abundance and the energy diplomacy the latter made possible—combined with inherent weaknesses attending the state’s young post-colonial polity—conditioned the limits of the desirable by which the country’s post-independence elite was guided and, as such, limited the range of directions—cognitive and spatial—in which Azerbaijan’s foreign policy evolved during the first decade following independence.  The study then examines how energy-induced growth in state capacity on the one hand, and the perceived failure of the state’s previous practices to help resolve outstanding security problems on the other, coupled with the effects of a number of endogenous and exogenous shocks (particularly, the colour revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine; Kosovo’s recognition by the West; the Russia-Georgia 2008 war; global economic crisis; and Turkey’s short-lived attempt at rapprochement with Armenia) and the perceptual shifts those shockwaves worked to engender, served to broaden the spatial and conceptual boundaries within which Azerbaijan’s foreign policy practices were conceived and effected, including by virtue of the energy resources the country has got in possession.  The paper concludes by tracing the particular ways in which the broadening and deepening of the country’s foreign policy practices have occurred.

""The Book is a Migration Story of Turkestani Refugee Azam Hashmi Turkistani (1915, Andijan-1973, Karachi ) after Socialist Occupation and Revolution in 1931. He migrated from Turkestan to Afghanistan. later on, he moved to the Indian Sub-continent and lived in Delhi, Bombay and Punjab many years. After creation of Pakistan, He migrated to  Karachi, the capital of Pakistan and lived till his death.

He was well known leader of Turk refugees in Indian Sub-continent. He founded "Turk refugees Association" in 1934 in Delhi. He was also Editor of  monthly journal "Tarjuman" from 1938 to 1940 which was published in Urdu, Persian and Turkic language from Delhi. The Journal was a representative  of Turk refugees. He wrote many articles in many Turkic journals e.g "Yash Turkistan" of Mustafa Shokay and "Milli Turkistan", Germany.

He came to Pakistan after partition of sub-continent. He struggled hardly for Turk refugees and Turkestan issue. He represented (West) Turkistan in World Muslim Congress held in Karachi in 1951. He again started his Urdu-turkic magazine "Tarjuman ". Later on, he published "Tarjuman e Afkar " in Turkic languagel from 1952 to 1959. He wrote his migration story in Urdu. He died on 30th July, 1973 in Karachi, Pakistan.

This book is about his memoirs of migration. it is a historical  document about the Turkestan History of that era. The book is in Urdu language and it has not translated in English yet."
download the book  fom archive.org :
http://archive.org/details/Samarqand-O-Bukhara--Ki-Khuni-Sargazisht

During the first decade of the 21st century, a remarkable phenomenon swept through the former Soviet Union changing the political, social and cultural landscape. Popularly known as the ‘Colour Revolutions’, these non-violent protests overthrew autocratic regimes in three post-soviet republics: the Georgian Rose Revolution (2003), the Ukrainian Orange Revolution (2004) and the Kyrgyzstani Tulip Revolution (2005). This book examines the significance of these regime-change processes for the post-soviet world in particular and for global politics in the 21st century.

Engaging comprehensively with the former Soviet republics, the contributors to this book ask why there wasn’t a revolution in a post-Soviet republic such as Russia, despite apparently favourable conditions. They also explore the circumstances that ensured some post-soviet countries underwent a successful colour revolution whilst others did not. Identifying the conditions for successful colour revolutions, this book asks whether there is a revolutionary blueprint that may be exported to other areas around the world that are under autocratic rule. Carefully considering the ideologies of the post-Soviet ruling regimes, this book demonstrates the manner by which political elites integrated nationalism, authoritarianism and populism into public debates. It analyzes the diverse anti-regime movements, discussing the factors that led to the rise of such factions and outlining how these opposition groups were constituted and operated. In addition, it assesses the impact of external forces including the influence of the USA, the EU and Russia. By examining the colour revolution phenomenon in its entirety, this book marks a significant contribution to both our micro and macro understanding of this tide of transformation.