Unrecognized States

Recognition from other recognized states is the key to becoming
a fully fledged member state of the international system.
Although many new states are quickly and universally recognized,
the recognition of other aspiring states remains highly
contested. In these cases of contested sovereignty, some countries
but not others extend recognition. However, research on
what shapes a country’s decision to recognize a claim to sovereign
statehood remains relatively sparse. This article focuses on
how religion shapes the incentives of states to extend or withhold
recognition to aspiring states in cases of contested sovereignty.
It posits two mechanisms, one at the domestic level
through religious institutions and one at the international level
through transnational religious affinities. The article uses new
data on all state decisions regarding the international recognition
of Kosovo to test these propositions. The results provide
strong support for these two pathways through which religion
shapes state decisions regarding international recognition.

Since the end of the Georgian-Abkhaz war, the often-precarious status of the Georgians displaced from Abkhazia has received significant academic attention. In contrast, the consequences of displacement from the reverse perspective—how it has affected the people who stayed behind—remains underanalyzed. Drawing on narratives collected during several months of ethnographic fieldwork, this article argues that although ethnic Abkhazians see themselves as victims of ethnic violence rather than perpetrators, the re-distribution of Georgian property nevertheless caused significant distress. Many condemned the practice of appropriation, suggesting that taking what is not one’s own is not only a violation of the property of the original owner, but also of the Abkhaz moral code and therefore shameful. To them, the trophy houses were a curse, both literally—as spaces haunted by former occupants—and metaphorically, as a source and reminder of a certain “moral corruption” within Abkhazian society. However, while the stories around the trophy houses reflect substantial intra-communal divisions, I suggest that they are also an expression of a shared postwar experience. Like the horror stories of Georgian violence, and the tales of Abkhaz heroism, they have become part of an intimate national repertoire constitutive of Abkhazia’s postwar community.

National elections have remained, surprisingly, largely absent in most nation- building debates where focus has tended towards either the instrumentalism of political elites and/or much wider structural explanations (Gellner 1983, Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983, Anderson 1991). Whether fair and free or unfree, national elites depend upon elections for their legitimation, both domestic and international. In many parts of the post-Soviet space elections are rigged, with turnout and the distribution of votes decided in advance of election day. (Wilson 2005). Nevertheless, while elections in the post-Soviet space may not serve their typical function of translating policy preferences into political representation, it has been argued that electoral processes can play a central role in nation-state building processes as part of efforts to legitimise authoritarian regimes (Ó Beacháin and Kevlihan 2015). In an attempt to build on previous observations regarding the relationship between elections and nation-building efforts in the post-Soviet space, this chapter examines the role elections have played in nation-state formation efforts in the unrecognised state of Abkhazia.

The book discusses a variety of issues related to two important international law institutions: international legal personality and recognition. Respective studies concern the legal situation and classification of various categories of non-recognised entities, the obligation to recognise and not to recognise specific subjects, rights and obligations of those entities (including, for example, state immunity and obligations in respect of human rights), and international liability for unlawful recognition. The authors of the texts are both eminent scientists, recognised specialists in the field of international law, as well as young lawyers, just starting their adventure with research work. The authors come from various parts of the world and represent a diverse approach to research methodology.

I conflitti congelati e gli Stati de facto costituiscono un argomento rilevante
perché continuano a creare una situazione di incertezza all’interno dell’Unione
Europea relativamente alla sicurezza e allo sviluppo economico di tutta l’area. Nell’ultimo secolo, i diritti umani nelle zone dei conflitti congelati oppure nei territori che sono sotto controllo di amministrazioni de facto non sono sufficientemente noti, promossi o difesi. Le persone che vivono queste realtà sono spesso privati dei propri diritti e delle libertà fondamentali. Tutto questo succede per almeno tre cause importanti ed evidenti.

W niniejszej pracy autor zwraca uwagę na zagadnienie Naddniestrzańskiej Republiki Mołdawskiej.
Głównym celem analizy jest dokładne przedstawienie organizmu tego nieuznawanego państwa. Autor
opisuje genezę rozpoczęcia procesu państwotwórczego, ukazuje bezpośrednie przyczyny powstania
Naddniestrza, a także obrazuje skutki jakie przyniosło utworzenie quasi-państwa. W pracy
prezentowana jest rola Naddniestrza jako przedmiotu rozgrywki geopolitycznej. Autor ukazuje historię
konfliktu między Naddniestrzem a Mołdawią, opisuje proces pokojowy umożliwiający zatrzymanie
rozlewu krwi jak również okrzepnięcie naddniestrzańskiej państwowości. Przybliża mechanizmy
jakimi posługują się politycy w rozgrywaniu nieuregulowanej w świetle prawa międzynarodowego
sytuacji Naddniestrzańskiej Republiki Mołdawskiej. Charakteryzuje także społeczeństwo
separatystycznej republiki. Jednocześnie w pracy ukazana jest rzeczywistość funkcjonowania
parapaństwa. Zwracając uwagę na obecną sytuację gospodarczą i polityczną Naddniestrza oraz próby
utworzenia naddniestrzańskiej tożsamości możliwa staje się ocena funkcjonowania
naddniestrzańskiego organizmu państwowego, podsumowania jego efektywności, a także określenia
prognozy na najbliższą przyszłość w kontekście problemów rozgrywki geopolitycznej i wyzwań z
jakimi musi mierzyć się Naddniestrzańska Republika Mołdawska.

Pod pojmom „zamrznuti konflikt“ podrazumijevamo bilo koji oružani sukob koji je u nekom momentu prekinut, ali bez usvajanja definitivnog mirovnog sporazuma koji bi pomirio sve sukobljene strane. Ergo, takav konflikt u svakom momentu može ponovo eskalirati u ozbiljniji sukob širih razmjera. Na prostoru nekadašnjeg Sovjetskog Saveza je, nakon njegovog raspada decembra 1991. godine, nastalo više zona koje se danas nazivaju oblastima zamrznutog konflikta. U ovom radu biće obrađene četiri takve oblasti, de facto nezavisne države: Abhazija, Južna Osetija, Nagorno-Karabah i Pridnjestrovlje.

Mémoire de M2 sur la politisation de la disparition et des initiatives de recherche et de réinhumation des corps de disparus à Chypre/
Master thesis on the politicization of disappearance and of the initiatives of investigation and re-inhumation of the bodies of the missing in Cyprus.

International norms of what it means to be a state dictate domestic policy within developing and unrecognized states but must co-exist with internal demands. With a mutual dependence between internal and external considerations and, indeed, legitimacy, at the fore of Somaliland’s statebuilding project and its stability, it is a useful study in achieving ‘success’ in statebuilding and in what success can mean in bringing together internal and external demands. This article examines the impact of the hybrid inclusion of traditional authority in the central democratic government as the marriage between internal and external demands. This article argues that the Somaliland state is successful because it is a flexible process rather than a project; a process that reflects the demands and expectations of society, an aspect that is often absent in statebuilding projects.

This paper proposes a theoretical framework for explaining the democratization dynamics in unrecognized states. It is argued that lack of recognition and pressure from the parent state oblige de facto states to depend on a patron state. In return for economic and military assistance, patron states expect to control the decision-making process in de facto states. It is stated that this limits these entities' democratization potential to a maximum of being a tutelary democracy.

The article revisits the issue of the political functionality and social organization in Caucasian de facto entities. Basing on theoretical approaches regarding the phenomenon of unrecognized states, the paper examines cases of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) with the focus on internal and external factors, including historical legacy, system of power, weakness of the mother state as well as support of the metropolitan state. It concludes that de facto entities demonstrate the vitality of their societies and political maturity, but their future depends mostly on international politics.

In this project have examined how the Nargono-Karabakh Republic’s ability to conduct foreign policy is affected by their unrecognised status. To understand how the foreign policy is conducted by an unrecognised state as Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, we have interviewed Hovhannes Gevorgian, diplomat on the diplomatic representation of Nagorno-Karabakh Repunlic in Paris, about which abilities and difficulties Nagorno-Karabakh Republic have in conducting foreign policy. We have also used secondary empirical material to construct our analysis.
In the project, we have shown how the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic is able to conduct foreign policy, even though they are unrecognised by the rest of the world and thereby excluded from the official international community.

For unrecognised states in the international system, recognition of sovereign statehood is the ultimate goal. Not being ‘a state’ means being excluded from global networks. However, even in the most basic definitions and criteria for unrecognised states there is a period of non-recognition. Non-recognition is a period of relative autonomy. It is a period when political actors can use isolation to establish the state’s narrative, identity and structure. It is this period that provides the foundations for external interaction. It is in this period that the state is born. Drawing on the contemporary examples of Somaliland and Kurdistan, this chapter examines another side to the politics of recognition: the politics of non-recognition in the process of statebuilding.

In many respects, de facto states play a highly specific role as actors within the international system of sovereign states. The lack of international recognition has tangible political and economic impacts on the functioning of de facto states, and so the attempt to persuade domestic actors and the international community of the legitimacy of their claims to independence ranks among the most important components of these states' policy-not only in foreign policy, but also in domestic policy. The aim of this text is to contribute to our understanding of how internal legitimization strategies for Abkhazian statehood are constructed and how they impact upon the foreign policy of this de facto state. Field research was carried out via interviews with important official state representatives of Abkhazia and important non-state actors-including journalists and representatives of non-profit organizations, universities, the Church and other key institutions which influence public opinion within and beyond this de facto state.

The modern state rests on a collective delusion. It requires that most of its residents agree that the arbitrarily drawn borders of the state are logical and permanent, and that the population living within those borders forms a single political community. Yet, one of the most persistent features of the past 200 years of history has been the resistance to this political fiction. The homogenizing idea of the nation-state continues to be challenged by multinational reality. ` This course investigates central aspects of this tension. It starts with exploring the link between nationhood and legitimacy of modern statehood, and examines the issue of ethnic and national diversity as they relate to political legitimacy. It then shifts to the explanations for successful and unsuccessful homogenization of national identities within states. The second half of the course examines the various aspects of the politics of multinational statehood, from the management of difference through federalism and consociationalism, to mobilization for secession and secessionist outcomes. We will explore both successful and unsuccessful secessions, including those pursued through violent and non-violent means (civil wars and referenda). The course also addresses domestic and international, as well as political and legal aspects of the practice of creation of new states. Course materials combine theoretical and conceptual readings with case studies from around the world.

To begin with, it has been indicated that the recognition of States would continue " in accordance with common international doctrine " 1 in 1980, the British government announced its new policy on recognition of government. Hence forth, it was not actually going to recognize governments. By the time in British practice, it could be possible to argue that the distinction between statehood and recognition was scarce of any account.2In other words, unless there were pressing reasons, usually of a legal kind, for not regarding an effective and territorial group as a State, the British government would regard it as a State and recognize it as a State.3 it would not be sufficent to say that the vast expansion of States during the period of decolonization presented generally no difficulty for that approach. Under those circumstances, according to Hersch Lauterpacht, while the political relevance of the recognition of new states is beyond all doubt, the rules of law which apply to this aspect of public international law remained uncertain. With this in mind, although the definition of statehood is not easy, it is possible to say that statehood is the legal status of a territory under customary international law and implies the existence of certain rights and duties inherent in this status.4 On the other hand, recognition of a new state is an act that confers a status; as a result of recognition, the recognized entity acquires the legal status of a state under international law.5 Importantly the Montevideo Convention,6 not only listed the requirements for statehood but also referred to the recognition of statehood and in doing so drew attention to what is arguably the most complicated, and assuredly the most politicized, an aspect of statehood: recognition.7 The main purpose of this paper is to discuss and examine that if recognition is a legal requirement for statehood or not as well as analyzing their relationship with each other. Therefore, the article proceeds as follows. The first part of this article will try to analyse the four criteria and requirements which are generally accepted to be the crystallization of the customary international law for statehood. Secondly, this article will try to analyse the recognition of states concepts in international law with their theoretical overlay. Finally, based on the legal analysis performed, it will lead to a conclusion about if recognition is a legal requirement for statehood or not. Firstly, much has been said already of the fact that international law is concerned primarily with the rights and duties of states and there is no doubt that states are the major legal persons (or 'subjects') of international law.8 In other words, the proposition that international law is largely concerned with States`what they do and how they behave in

Статья посвящена феномену государств с ограниченным международно-правовым суверенитетом (примере трех попыток государственного строительства в Северной Америке в XIX в.). Борьба за независимость Мексики, революция в Техасе и Гражданская война в США рассматриваются с точки зрения места самопровозглашенных государств в системе международных отношений и путей их дальнейшей эволюции.

Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy.

By using the concept of peripheralization as defined by Fischer-Tahir and Naumann (2013), I examine how processes of change in economy, demography, political decision-making, and socio-cultural norms and values have marginalized southern Yemen after 1990, and especially after the war of 1994. I will argue that politically produced spatial injustice has strengthened the desire for southern Yemeni independence.

Unrecognized states are “state-like” entities that are ‘conceived of territories’ which gained ‘de facto independence’ after the warfare, but they failed to get any international recognition from the outside World. The main contribution of this thesis is to build an analytical framework for understanding unrecognized states as stable and viable entities that can exist side by side with their parent states. This paradigm is very critical to some of the literature studied in this research. Some scholars argue that these are “dangerous” entities (Hughes, 2007). Other scholars use numerous terms like ‘de facto states’, ‘unrecognized states’,
‘disputed states’, ‘shadow states’, ‘parallel states’, ‘phantom states’ etc. This thesis discusses
the underlying theoretical questions surrounding the Somaliland case which are important in political terms and have significant comportment on the clarification of unrecognized entities as analytical concepts for theoretical research. An analytical case study approach is employed in this study that exemplifies how the case of Somaliland Republic – the central topic of this thesis- falls outside a number of key lengthy considerations within the unrecognized states debate. The de facto unrecognized in the former northern Somali Republic has practiced significant economic, political, and institutional development and became one of Africa’s ‘strongest democracy’ and most ‘stable polity in the horn of Africa’. The purpose of this thesis is to further explore the unique case of Somaliland as the longest-serving unrecognized entity in the horn of Africa. Drawing upon extensive interviews, field research notes, oral data as well as published and unpublished work, this thesis interrogates the underlying theoretical questions surrounding Somaliland such as international recognition, democracy, self-determination, and the political economy. This thesis concludes that the Somaliland Republic has proven stable, functional, and relative democratic institutions. Although international Law justifies the right to self-determination, Somaliland Republic has never achieved any international recognition from the outside world.

Author believes that the public diplomacy of the Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics should be analyzed from the offensive realism’s point of view as a necessary addition to the power politics. Being a channel of foreign policy communication, it is able to strengthen the symbolic ties between Donbass and Russia, increasing the chances of the republics to receive security guarantees in case of military aggression, and also increasing their latent power.

In the political realm, our world is currently experiencing both a massive decline in democracies as well as the quality of democratic regimes in all geographical regions, and a rise in pro-democracy social change movements. Meanwhile, extant scholarly research emphasizes that social movements can contribute to changes in political regimes, such as the undermining of authoritarian ones or simply causing a circulation of the elite. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the scholarly knowledge regarding when political activism becomes effective or can even take place without total annihilation in the context of unrecognized states. To address this gap, studying cases of pro-democracy movements in unrecognized states through a comparative schema is the most effective methodology. In these cases, some variables that affect movement outcomes, such as international diplomatic relations, NGO activity, multinational company pressures, etc. are more restricted due to these states lacking official diplomatic capacity. Therefore, in unrecognized states, domestic political-economic factors are primal and their effects can be observed much more easily, which then lends some tentatively generalizable insights as well. For the purposes of this paper, I will consider the emergence and ultimate outcomes of pro-democracy movements in three unrecognized states: North Cyprus, Abkhazia, and Taiwan. All three cases in comparative perspective can shed light on the dynamics of how nonviolent, pro-democracy movements unfold under the authoritarian-leaning settings of unrecognized states with minimal international interaction or oversight.

While various debates have arisen on the relationship between non-recognition and democratisation, empirical case studies on elections in de facto states are extremely rare. This article examines recent presidential and parliamentary elections in two unrecognised or partially recognised de facto states in the South Caucasus, namely Abkhazia and Nagorny Karabakh. Accordingly, the emphasis is on the Abkhazian presidential elections of August 2011 and August 2014 and parliamentary elections of 2007 and 2012, along with the most recent executive and legislative elections in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) in July 2012 and May 2015 respectively. On the basis of extensive interviews and participant observation, this article demonstrates how although both parliamentary and presidential elections in Abkhazia are competitive, they favour the titular nation, while in homogeneous Nagorny Karabakh fear of a renewed conflagration has until recently produced relatively uncompetitive presidential contests. The dynamics of majoritarian versus party list, party, ethnic and gender representation are examined in each case. The case studies reveal weak political parties, but the NKR has made incremental changes to the electoral law that might encourage a less personality-based parliamentary system. Available at http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23761199.2015.1086571

This chapter explores the recognition of unilateral secession in world politics. Unilateral secession is considered a state birth in breach of the territorial integrity and political unity of the base state. Drawing on relevant case studies, this chapter shows that states emerging from unilateral secession may result in securing limited bilateral recognition by other states, but not the host states; non-recognition by any UN member state; reintegration into the host state by armed force; or achieving universal recognition with the consent of the base state. The chapter also shows that the transformation of a unilateral secession into a consensual one appears to be the most certain path to the widespread recognition and admission to the UN. However, a unilateral secession, on its own, has little prospect of gaining widespread international recognition unless it is sponsored by a major power (such as India or the US) capable of lobbying other states to secure its recognition.
editors: Gesim Visoka, John Doyle and Edward Newman

An attempt is made to analyze the development of the hydropower industry in Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh Republic) in a comprehensive way, identifying the basic problems of the industry. It is shown that the development of the hydropower complex forms the prerequisites for implementation of the concept of an “energy independent” state, and in the future - state with an excess of electricity capacities ready to increase exports. Thus, the possibilities of exporting the electricity produced in Republic of Artsakh are analyzed. The main factors preventing the republic from making full use of its export potential are identified. In particular, the level of influence of the international status of Republic of Artsakh as an unrecognized state on the development of energy communications are studied. Export issues are considered in the context of Armenia's connection to the “North-South” energy corridor. It is shown that taking into account the construction of the high-voltage air line Arajazor-Qarvachar-Zod, the output of Artsakh electricity through Armenia's energy system to foreign markets looks quite realistic. Particular attention is paid to historical preconditions for the formation of the hydropower complex of Republic of Artsakh. It is revealed that during the Soviet period the foundations for the sustainable development of the Artsakh energy system was created, which wss expressed in the presence of necessary infrastructures on the basis of which the entire energy security system of the republic was built during the years of independence. The peculiarities of the policy of assessing the energy potential and development of water resources conducted in Republic of Artsakh are studied. The target program of the government "Development of the NKR water resources", as well as the basic values and criteria of the industry development laid down in the main legislative acts regulating the industry - "Law on Energy" and "Law on Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy" are analyzed. It is revealed that hydropower is a kind of system-forming factor that stimulates the institutional development in Artsakh. As the most successful example, the IPO (Initial Public Offering) of JSC "Artsakh HPP" which gave a new quality to the state financial and economic institutions is considered. It is stated that the energy system of Republic of Artsakh acts as the locomotive of its economy, which demonstrates high rates of development. According to the results of 2015, economic growth in the republic amounted to 9.1%, following the results of 2016 - 9.2%, which was largely promoted by activity in the construction of hydroelectric power infrastructures and the growth of electricity production. Keywords: Republic of Artsakh, hydropower, water resources, energy independence, energy surplus, export, IPO.

The small, unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, a territory contested by Armenia and
Azerbaijan, has existed as a de facto state for more than twenty years. During this time it has managed to navigate
the precarious situation that might otherwise escalate into an open conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan,
drawing in their respective allies in the politically complex South Caucasus.

Published by the Centre for Small State Studies, University of Iceland as part of Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence Research Consortium's Small State Briefs

For the first time in political science, the foreign policy of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic (DPR) has been analyzed. It is noted that the confrontation between the EU, the US and Russia for the control over the political space of Ukraine is the main geopolitical factor influencing the articulation of DPR‟s foreign policy interests. It is proved that Minsk agreements, which DPR is forced to participate in, harm their realization. At the same time, the interests of the republic have not been institutionalized yet. There is an active forming of foreign policy ideology in DPR. It is based on such principles as the priority of the Russian vector of further development, inadmissibility of the reintegration of Donbass to Ukraine, readiness to use the full range of measures to protect and realize own foreign policy interests. In case of further ignoring the DPR peaceful initiatives by Ukrainian authorities, the subsequent consolidation of the main foreign policy interests and ideology in a single state concept, as well the creation of the own foreign policy program and its implementation should be expected.

Проанализированы внешнеторговые проблемы Нагорно-Карабахской Республики (НКР) в условиях непризнанности и транспортной блокады. Даны исторические предпосылки развития транспортной инфраструктуры Нагорного Карабаха и выявлены основные трудности, препятствовавшие экономическому развитию НКАО в советский период. Показана политико-экономическая важность Лачинского коридора, способствующего внешнеторговой активности НКР. Выявлено, что на сегодняшний день экономические проблемы НКР связаны со статусом
непризнанного государства, ввиду чего внешняя торговля осуществляется через Армению. Отмечены высокие темпы экономического роста НКР и проанализированы экономические возможности, открывшиеся для НКР с вхождением Армении в ЕАЭС.

The article focuses on cross-border cooperation of post-Soviet de facto states (Abkhazia, Donetsk, and Lugansk people’s republics, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, and South Ossetia) from the early 1990s until 2021. The author argues that in the most of examined cases cross-border cooperation of post-Soviet de facto states is not particularly effective. It can be largely explained by de facto states’ complicated political relations with some adjacent recognized states, the illegitimacy of de facto borders for many potential partners, limited economic potentials of de facto states, perceiving them as a potential source of threats and instability even by friendly adjacent legitimate states, and over-centralized management of cross-border interactions by governments.
Despite numerous problems, cross-border cooperation between postSoviet de facto states and adjacent provinces of the relevant patron state (that is Russia) largely contributes to solving a de facto state’s survival problems in the domains of health care, communication, and economic development. It should be noted that Russia’s cooperation with those de facto states whose independence it has recognized is much more dynamic than cooperation with a non-recognized state. Cross-border cooperation between parent states and their “breakaway territories” is in its infancy in most cases. Relatively successful cooperation between Moldova and Transnistria can be considered as a partial exception but even in this case cooperation is periodically complicated with political contradictions. Finally, cross-border cooperation of a de facto state with a third country (Ukraine-Transnistria) is complicated with non-recognition and unfavorable political situation, while cooperation between two de facto states (between Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics) by hypercentralized governance in both republics.

Обеспечение продовольственной безопасности является важной составляющей
национальной безопасности. В этом контексте особый интерес представляет собой проблема
обеспечения продовольственной безопасности непризнанных и частично признанных государств, что
обусловлено, прежде всего, ограниченными возможностями последних в выстраивании самостоятельной
внешнеэкономической и внешнеторговой политики. В особенности данная проблема проявляется в
условиях широкомасштабных военных действий с участием непризнанных или частично признанных
государств. Республика Арцах, будучи непризнанным государством, в результате войны с Азербайджаном
в сентябре-ноябре 2020 года потеряла значительную часть своего сельскохозяйственного потенциала,
что формирует более чем ощутимые риски продовольственной безопасности.

The scholarship on post-Soviet de facto states has structurally focused on issues related to their contested status, and has long assumed that these entities are transient phenomena. In this article I propose a path towards a new research agenda on post-Soviet de facto states based on two main arguments. Firstly, scholars researching post-Soviet de facto states should start from the working assumption that these entities will continue to exist in the current configuration for the foreseeable future, and proceed in their integration with the patron. Secondly, they should seek new terms of comparison beyond contested territories and conflict regions, and they should apply the same terminology to these entities and ask at least some of the same research questions as they would do when studying uncontested territories.

Автором раскрыты особенности украинского и российского подходов к возможному введению на Донбасс миротворческих сил. Установлено, что стороны конфликта – Украина и Донецкая и Луганская народные республики –  существуя в разных политических реальностях, имеют несовместимые представления о целях и формате возможной миротворческой операции. В этих условиях, единственным вариантом является изменение формата миссии ОБСЕ в регионе.

Author reveals the specifics of the Ukrainian and Russian approaches to the possible introduction of peacekeeping forces to Donbass. It’s noticed that sides of the conflict – Ukraine and Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics – existing in different political realities have incompatible pictures of possible peacekeeping operation. In these conditions, the only real option is to change the format of the OSCE monitoring mission in the region.

Basing on the analysis of the main political, international legal and military processes in the Azov region, it is proved that Ukraine's activity there systematically threats to Russia. In these conditions, Russian interests coincide with the desire for security of the unrecognized Donetsk People's Republic, which has access to the Sea of Azov.