This article examines the evolving narratives of the German political party Alternative for Germany (AfD) and its potential as a hybrid threat. Through narrative manipulation, the AfD has demonstrated its ability to influence public... more
This article examines the evolving narratives of the German political party Alternative for Germany (AfD) and its potential as a hybrid threat. Through narrative manipulation, the AfD has demonstrated its ability to influence public discourse and distort reality via disinformation dissemination. The AfD established in 2013 in response to the financial crisis and dissatisfaction with the European Union, has transitioned into a populist party, and along with this change, it has also changed its narrative. This shift was notably evident during the migrant crisis in 2015, showcasing the party's adeptness at evoking fear and animosity among German voters. The AfD's narratives have been for years similar to those of the Russian Federation, which has used almost identical narratives on some topics. The German party is consequently working with Russian politicians to reshape democratic politics within Europe, and the AfD is accordingly acting as a hybrid threat to the entire European Union. The study is based on a discourse analysis of interviews conducted with German experts on the topic as well as a content analysis of selected German media to explore these narrative dynamics and their broader implications.
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The article focuses on Javakheti, Georgia's historical region with a predominantly ethnic Armenian population, in which informal political institutions play a crucial role. The article is largely based on field research which was... more
The article focuses on Javakheti, Georgia's historical region with a predominantly ethnic Armenian population, in which informal political institutions play a crucial role. The article is largely based on field research which was conducted in three stages in 2011, 2015, and 2017. At first, I introduce the concept of informal politics. Contrary to the popular perception of informality as something negative and undesirable, I argue that informality is neither negative, nor positive, and that it is rather some of the byproducts of informal institutions, such as corruption, clientelism, blackmailing etc., which can be perceived as negative. Then, on the examples of five exogenous shocks, I demonstrate how the formal and informal in Javakheti coexists in a form of dynamic equilibrium. Finally I argue that the prevalence of informal politics in Javakheti should be seen as the second best strategy of Javakheti's political elite as well as of the Tbilisi-based government, whose demands on the formal institutional arrangement in Javakheti were incompatible.
The article focusses on the political institutions in two post-Soviet de facto states – Abkhazia and Nagorno-Karabakh – which are treated as competitive authoritarian regimes. In this type of political regime, formal political... more
The article focusses on the political institutions in two post-Soviet de facto states – Abkhazia and Nagorno-Karabakh – which are treated as competitive authoritarian regimes. In this type of political regime, formal political institutions face deliberate interventions from the ruling elite, whereas informal political institutions rise in importance. The article thus focusses not only on political parties, elections, self-government and general constitutional settings, but deals also with informal politics – clientelist networks, informal practices in electoral behaviour and the influence of the patron states, i.e. Armenia and Russia.
De facto states are considered to be highly specific entities, thus meriting a detailed analysis of how conflict transformation functions within such states and what role is played in them by civil society organizations (CSOs), which are... more
De facto states are considered to be highly specific entities, thus meriting a detailed analysis of how conflict transformation functions within such states and what role is played in them by civil society organizations (CSOs), which are traditionally considered one of the key actors in conflict transformation. The authors discuss the factors that limit the activities of these CSOs as a result of the restricted sovereignty of de facto states. The study is based on three field research projects focusing on CSOs in Abkhazia, carried out in 2009, 2014, and 2015.
Research Interests: Post-Soviet Politics, Post-Soviet Studies, Conflict Resolution, Conflict Transformation, Abkhazia, and 11 moreGeorgia, Civil Society, Peacebuilding, South Caucasus, Unrecognized States, Colour Revolutions, Elections in Authoritarian states, IR In Post soviet Space, De Facto States, Caucasus and Central Asia, and Caucasus and Central Asia
The article analyses political transformations in Ukraine and Georgia after Orange and Rose Revolutions. Both countries are treated as hybrid regimes and the concept of competitive authoritarianism is used as the main framework for the... more
The article analyses political transformations in Ukraine and Georgia after Orange and Rose Revolutions. Both countries are treated as hybrid regimes and the concept of competitive authoritarianism is used as the main framework for the comparison. Afterwards, diverging political paths of Ukraine and Georgia are interpreted by means of the theory of patronal politics. In the conclusion we argue that whereas Ukraine’s political liberalisation lead to political chaos, economic stagnation and, finally, to the autocratic backsliding, Georgia’s focus on reforms under relatively autocratic Saakashvili’s administration resulted in relatively stable and efficient institutional framework, which enabled political liberalisation of the country after 2012.
The article applies the model of the clan-state / captured state on the case of Azerbaijan. It discusses the types and forms of informal political institutions in Azerbaijan and explains restructuring of the informal networks that has... more
The article applies the model of the clan-state / captured state on the case of Azerbaijan. It discusses the types and forms of informal political institutions in Azerbaijan and explains restructuring of the informal networks that has occurred after Ilham Aliev’s arrival to the presidential office. The core of the article are several mini case studies based mostly on an analysis of local media resources and a primary data collected during field researches conducted in 2006–2014. The article shows that Azerbaijan’s informal political structures based on clientelism and endemic corruption have de facto taken over the country’s formal political scene and using manipulated public tenders transfer a large proportion of oil rents to bank accounts of the ruling elite.
If Armenian and Azerbaijani negotiators ever agree on the future status of Nagorno-Karabakh, it will not necessarily resolve the long-running conflict, because any peace treaty would require the consent of the Karabakh Armenians, whose... more
If Armenian and Azerbaijani negotiators ever agree on the future status of Nagorno-Karabakh, it will not necessarily resolve the long-running conflict, because any peace treaty would require the consent of the Karabakh Armenians, whose political representatives are currently excluded from peace negotiations. It is difficult to imagine the Karabakh Armenians consenting to such a treaty without a change in their perception of the Azerbaijanis. According to the theory of conflict transformation/peacebuilding, Nagorno-Karabakh’s civil society should be able to make a contribution to this change. Using the example of four Nagorno-Karabakh civil society organisations, this study shows how they positively or negatively influence conflict transformation.
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De-facto states constitute an interesting and important anomaly in the international system of sovereign states. No matter how successful and efficient in the administration of their territories they are, they fail to achieve... more
De-facto states constitute an interesting and important anomaly in the international system of sovereign states. No matter how successful and efficient in the administration of their territories they are, they fail to achieve international recognition. In the past, their claims for independence were based primarily on the right to national self-determination, historical continuity and claim for a remedial right to secession, based on alleged human-rights violations. Since 2005, official representatives of several de facto states have repeatedly emphasised the importance of democracy promotion in their political entities. A possible explanation of this phenomenon dwells in the belief that those states which have demonstrated their economic viability and promote the organization of a democratic state should gain their sovereignty. This article demonstrates the so called " democracy-for-recognition strategy " in the case study of Abkhazia. On the basis of the field research in Abkhazia we identify factors that promote, as well as those that obstruct the democratisation process in the country.
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Cílem tohoto textu je přispět do diskuse o formování a následném vývoji gruzínské identity, kterou považujeme za důležitý faktor současné prozápadní orientace gruzínské zahraniční politiky a zasadit prozápadní směřování Gruzie do kontextu... more
Cílem tohoto textu je přispět do diskuse o formování a následném vývoji gruzínské identity, kterou považujeme za důležitý faktor současné prozápadní orientace gruzínské zahraniční politiky a zasadit prozápadní směřování Gruzie do kontextu střetu mezi zahraniční politikou Ruska a zahraničně-politickými koncepcemi a politikami EU. Výzkum byl proveden pomocí analýzy odborných textů a novinových zdrojů.
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In addition to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which behave like de facto states today, the Georgian territory is home to yet another autonomous entity, Ajara. Also this region was the scene of strong tensions with the central authorities in... more
In addition to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which behave like de facto states today, the Georgian territory is home to yet another autonomous entity, Ajara. Also this region was the scene of strong tensions with the central authorities in Tbilisi in the early 1990s and there were indications that Ajara would emulate the example of Abkhazia and South Osetia. In contrast with them, however, Ajara managed to avoid separatism, armed conflict as well as economic instability. In their text the authors map the development of ethnic identity in Ajaria from the nineteenth century till 2004, when the conflict ended and the Heidelberg Conflict Barometer stopped filing Ajara under conflict regions. Transformation of ethnic identity is understood here as one of the reasons why religious diversity in Ajara did not become politicized into the form of ethnic conflict and an attempt to form an independent state.
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The purpose of this study is to analyse the role of civil society in the de facto states of the South Caucasus in the process of conflict transformation. It is based on a field research of the civil society organizations in Abkhazia and... more
The purpose of this study is to analyse the role of civil society in the de facto states of the South Caucasus in the process of conflict transformation. It is based on a field research of the civil society organizations in Abkhazia and Nagorno Karabakh. The data were collected by the methods of expert interviews, semi-structured interviews and participant observation. The role of Abkhazian and Karabakh civil society organizations in the conflict transformation is identified as not only positive, but also as having some negative aspects. The study also makes some general remarks concerning the theory of conflict transformation.
De-facto states constitute an interesting anomaly in the international system of sovereign states. No matter how long their control of claimed territory has lasted or how effective their capacities to provide governmental services to its... more
De-facto states constitute an interesting anomaly in the international system of sovereign states. No matter how long
their control of claimed territory has lasted or how effective their capacities to provide governmental services to its population are, they fail to achieve international recognition. A change in the legitimising strategy adopted by the leaders of de-facto states came with the recognition of Kosovo’s independence by most western powers. In the past, their claims to independence were based primarily on the right to national self-determination, historical continuity and claim to a remedial right to secession, based on alleged human-rights violations. Increasingly, though, these arguments have been supplemented by an emphasis on “democratisation-for-recognition-strategy”. According to this strategy, those states that proved their viability as democratic states should earn their sovereignty. The aim of this article is to demonstrate this strategy on an instrumental case study of Abkhazia. As a result of the study of secondary literature on the topic of de-facto states democratization, supported with field research in Abkhazia, we try to identify those factors which are promoting and on the other hand obstructing a democratization process in such a de-facto state.
their control of claimed territory has lasted or how effective their capacities to provide governmental services to its population are, they fail to achieve international recognition. A change in the legitimising strategy adopted by the leaders of de-facto states came with the recognition of Kosovo’s independence by most western powers. In the past, their claims to independence were based primarily on the right to national self-determination, historical continuity and claim to a remedial right to secession, based on alleged human-rights violations. Increasingly, though, these arguments have been supplemented by an emphasis on “democratisation-for-recognition-strategy”. According to this strategy, those states that proved their viability as democratic states should earn their sovereignty. The aim of this article is to demonstrate this strategy on an instrumental case study of Abkhazia. As a result of the study of secondary literature on the topic of de-facto states democratization, supported with field research in Abkhazia, we try to identify those factors which are promoting and on the other hand obstructing a democratization process in such a de-facto state.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
In addition to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which behave like de facto states today, the Georgian territory is home to yet another autonomous entity, Ajara. Also this region was the scene of strong tensions with the central authorities in... more
In addition to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which behave like de facto states today, the Georgian territory is home to yet another autonomous entity, Ajara. Also this region was the scene of strong tensions with the central authorities in Tbilisi in the early 1990s and there were indications that Ajara would emulate the example of Abkhazia and South Osetia. In contrast with them, however, Ajara managed to avoid separatism, armed conflict as well as economic instability. In their text the authors map the development of ethnic identity in Ajaria from the nineteenth century till 2004, when the conflict ended and the Heidelberg Conflict Barometer stopped filing Ajara under conflict regions. Transformation of ethnic identity is understood here as one of the reasons why religious diversity in Ajara did not become politicized into the form of ethnic conflict and an attempt to form an independent state.
The purpose of this study is to analyse the role of civil society in the de facto states of the South Caucasus in the process of conflict transformation. It is based on a field research of the civil society organizations in Abkhazia and... more
The purpose of this study is to analyse the role of civil society in the de facto states of the South Caucasus in the process of conflict transformation. It is based on a field research of the civil society organizations in Abkhazia and Nagorno Karabakh. The data were collected by the methods of expert interviews, semi-structured interviews and participant observation. The role of Abkhazian and Karabakh civil society organizations in the conflict transformation is identified as not only positive, but also as having some negative aspects. The study also makes some general remarks concerning the theory of conflict transformation.
Dichotomy between endo-ethnonyms (the way certain people call themselves) and exo-ethnonyms (what the nation is called by the neighbours) is well known from Europe. Also the etymology of both the types of ethnonyms (and also toponyms) in... more
Dichotomy between endo-ethnonyms (the way certain people call themselves) and exo-ethnonyms (what the nation is called by the neighbours) is well known from Europe. Also the etymology of both the types of ethnonyms (and also toponyms) in Europe is usually widely known. However, it is not only Europe the phenomenon of endo- and exo-ethnonyms (and toponyms) is obviously typical of. In our paper we deal with the region of the South Caucasus and the endo- and exo-ethnonyms and toponyms of the three most numerous South Caucasian nations – Armenians, Azerbaijanis and Georgians.
RNDr. Vincenc Kopeček, katedra sociální geografie a regionálního rozvoje, Ostravská univerzita Résumé The paper deals with the process of democratisation in the Republic of Armenia, which is perceived from the view of the EU and its... more
RNDr. Vincenc Kopeček, katedra sociální geografie a regionálního rozvoje, Ostravská univerzita Résumé The paper deals with the process of democratisation in the Republic of Armenia, which is perceived from the view of the EU and its neighbourhood policies. We claim that Armenia is hybrid regime with the tendency towards genuine authoritarianism and we also identify the opportunities and threats for European involvement in the country. Úvod Arménie je jednou z významných zemí pro zahraniční politiku Evropské unie. Od roku 1999 je v platnosti dohoda o partnerství a spolupráci mezi Arménií a EU, Arménie je součástí Evropské politiky sousedství a od pražského summitu EU také zemí tzv. Východního partnerství. EU a Arménie v roce 2006 v rámci sousedské politiky zpracovaly akční plán pomoci EU Arménii, který se týká mnoha sektorů arménské společnosti a pro jehož realizaci bylo v rámci fondu ENPI (European Neighbourhood Policy Instrument) vyčleněno na roky 2007-2013 98,4 milionu €. 1 Jednou...
In this article we deal with the problem of national and state identity in the case of Azerbaijani republic and Azeri or Azerbaijani nation. By historical-geographical analysis we show, how the toponym Azerbaijan and ethnonym Azeri or... more
In this article we deal with the problem of national and state identity in the case of Azerbaijani republic and Azeri or Azerbaijani nation. By historical-geographical analysis we show, how the toponym Azerbaijan and ethnonym Azeri or Azerbaijani changed their meanings and even geographical location. We argue that, by the words of Ernest Gellner, modern Azeris are searching their national navels (origins), and are constructing their national history in order to prove that they are the autochthons in the Caucasus.
During the Second Chechen war, groups of Chechen fighters crossed the Caucasus Mountains and found a refuge in Pankisi Gorge, inhabited by the Kists, a Vainakh (Chechen) people, who have arrived in the gorge some 200 years ago. At the... more
During the Second Chechen war, groups of Chechen fighters crossed the Caucasus Mountains and found a refuge in Pankisi Gorge, inhabited by the Kists, a Vainakh (Chechen) people, who have arrived in the gorge some 200 years ago. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Georgian government practically lost control over the gorge and the Chechen fighters even became the target of Russian bombing. However, after the Rose revolution, the fighters as well as most of common Chechen refugees left the gorge and Saakashvilis's government has re-established control over Pankisi. As the employment possibilities in the gorge are very limited, the Kists started to discover new ways for their development. Besides traditional agriculture and handicraft, tourism became the way the Kists make living. In 2009, Polish Aid financed a project of the association of Pankisi women aimed at the development of agro-tourism in the gorge. By now, the number of tourists arriving in the gorge is still only d...
The paper examines the last three hundred years of the history of the South Caucasus in the frame of Russian geopolitical conceptions. We deal with the first Russian military expeditions in 1720s, 19 th century Great Game, Baku oil boom... more
The paper examines the last three hundred years of the history of the South Caucasus in the frame of Russian geopolitical conceptions. We deal with the first Russian military expeditions in 1720s, 19 th century Great Game, Baku oil boom or the collapse of the Soviet Union. Then we analyze the development of the new Russian geopolitical conceptions and their implementation in practice. Introduction Geopolitics belongs among the most controversial terms in political geography or in political science in general. Tomeš (in Daněk, Jehlička and Tomeš 2000) shows the history and the different conceptions of geopolitics: geopolitics as a science, as an applied science, theory, method, analysis, conception, strategy, doctrine or code and finally characterises geopolitics as a post-modern " flexible phenomenon " . This corresponds with the terms " new geopolitics " (Agnew and Corbridge 1995) or " critical geopolitics " . O'Tuathail and Dalby (1998) then speak...
Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, three independent states in the region of the South Caucasus, went through the complex process of political and economic transformation after the split-up of the Soviet Union. The book The South Caucasus... more
Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, three independent states in the region of the South Caucasus, went through the complex process of political and economic transformation after the split-up of the Soviet Union. The book The South Caucasus between Democracy and Authoritarianism is searching for and answer to the question of what type of political regime their transformations reached – whether it is democracy, authoritarianism, or so-called hybrid regime, combining democratic and authoritarian features. The theoretical chapters of the book are largely based on Juan José Linz’s typology of non-democratic regimes supplemented with “double-root strategy” of hybrid regime study by Matthijs Bogaards. The following chapters lead the reader through dramatic political development of the South Caucasus from the late 1980s until 2012, noticing inner structure of particular political regimes, sources of political power and ways of its maintenance and transfer. In addition to the discussion of typ...
Formal and Informal Political Structures in the Countries of the South Caucasus The purpose of the study is to explain the relations between formal and informal political structures in Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Systemic corruption... more
Formal and Informal Political Structures in the Countries of the South Caucasus The purpose of the study is to explain the relations between formal and informal political structures in Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Systemic corruption and various kinds of clientelism, such as patronage, autocratic cliques or clans, are iden-tified as ideal types of informal political institutions, whereas a regional grouping is identified as a typical South Caucasian informal political structure, combining prin-ciples of patronage, clannishness, corruption and nepotism. Using theoretical frame developed by Helmke and Levitsky, five distinct models of relations between formal and informal political institutions were found out: (1) state of substitution, where informal institutions replaced defunct formal institutions; (2) state of competition between formal and informal institutions where informal political structures are decentralized in a (neo-)patrimonial fashion; (3) state of competition betwe...
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This paper is a part of a discussion among doctoral and post-doctoral students regarding the state and future of Czech human geography and some of the challenges it faces. The paper is primarily a reaction to a discussion that was held... more
This paper is a part of a discussion among doctoral and post-doctoral students regarding the state and future of Czech human geography and some of the challenges it faces. The paper is primarily a reaction to a discussion that was held during the 22nd Congress of the Czech Geographic Society in Ostrava. It briefly compares Czech and Anglo-American approaches to human geography and then discusses possible research directions for Czech human geography.