- PhD in International Law, University of Edinburghedit
Cypriots will mark the 50th anniversary of Turkey's invasion of their island on July 20, 2024. What Turks at the time described as a humanitarian intervention to protect the Cypriot Muslim population was far more accurately an ethnic... more
Cypriots will mark the 50th anniversary of Turkey's invasion of their island on July 20, 2024. What Turks at the time described as a humanitarian intervention to protect the Cypriot Muslim population was far more accurately an ethnic cleansing campaign with imperial overtones. History now repeats as Turkey uses supposed threats emanating from the South and West of Kurdistan, respectively in Iraq and Syria, to justify renewed military operations and demographic engineering.
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The debate over Palestinian statehood is marked by a complex interplay between legal principles and political manoeuvring. While international law sets forth the criteria for statehood, Palestine's unique situation underscores the tension... more
The debate over Palestinian statehood is marked by a complex interplay between legal principles and political manoeuvring. While international law sets forth the criteria for statehood, Palestine's unique situation underscores the tension between legal norms and political realities. This article explores the intricacies of state recognition, the principle of self-determination, and the influence of regional dynamics. By examining how political factors often overshadow legal precedence, it provides an analysis of the challenges and prospects for Palestinian sovereignty.
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Kurdistan’s overdue parliamentary elections are set to take place on 6 June 2024. Judging by previous election cycles, however, their occurrence relies on a precarious political balancing act, with unpromising prospects. Kurds across... more
Kurdistan’s overdue parliamentary elections are set to take place on 6 June 2024. Judging by previous election cycles, however, their occurrence relies on a precarious political balancing act, with unpromising prospects. Kurds across Kurdistan have managed to safeguard stability, security, and thriving economies, standing in stark contrast to the mayhem and violence that characterises the wider region. Yet, creating a democratic island amid the turmoil of the Middle East has been profoundly challenging. Democratic elections are one of the key routes to achieving this objective.
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The “two-state solution” is often touted as a response to the Israel-Palestine conflict. Could it be the answer to the Kurdistan issue as well? For many years, the proposed solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict has been the... more
The “two-state solution” is often touted as a response to the Israel-Palestine conflict. Could it be the answer to the Kurdistan issue as well? For many years, the proposed solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict has been the establishment of two separate states, commonly referred to as the two-state solution. This approach aims to foster “regional stability” and achieve “lasting and sustainable peace.” However, if the objective is regional stability and conflict resolution, why restrict the implementation of a two-state solution solely to the Israel-Palestine conflict? Given that the Middle East grapples with numerous significant conflicts, why not also support self-determination in other cases, such as the longstanding desire for an independent Kurdistan?
Research Interests: Human Rights, Self-Determination Theory, Israel/Palestine, Secession, Independence, and 13 moreSustainable Peacebuilding, Kurdistan, United Kingdom, Middle East, Government Documents, Statehood, UK foreign affairs committee, Kurds, State sovereignty, Regional Stability, Human Rights Violations, Two State Solution, and Secretary of State
In response to Israel’s strike on Iran’s consulate in Syria and the killing of Iran’s top Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) cadres, Iran launched its first-ever direct aerial assault on Israel on 13 April 2024. Employing a swarm of... more
In response to Israel’s strike on Iran’s consulate in Syria and the killing of Iran’s top Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) cadres, Iran launched its first-ever direct aerial assault on Israel on 13 April 2024. Employing a swarm of 300 plus drones, cruise missiles, and ballistic missiles, Iran aimed to overwhelm Israeli defence systems. Many of these projectiles, however, were intercepted with assistance from non-Israeli states and entities before they could breach Israeli territory and were neutralised by Israel’s aerial and anti-missile defences. This incident underscores the imperative for a comprehensive reassessment of defence strategies in the tumultuous Middle East. The evolving landscape necessitates a nuanced approach to identifying potential allies and forging robust partnerships to address emerging security threats effectively.
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Having been supressed and denied their rights by successive Syrian governments over the years, Syrian Kurds are now asserting ade factoautonomy. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian President's forces from the ethnically Kurdish areas... more
Having been supressed and denied their rights by successive Syrian governments over the years, Syrian Kurds are now asserting ade factoautonomy. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian President's forces from the ethnically Kurdish areas in the early months of the current civil war, the inhabitants have declared a self-rule government along the lines of the Kurdistan regional government in northern Iraq. For Syrian Kurds, the creation of a small autonomous region is a dream fulfilled, albeit one unrecognized by the international community. Some 15% to 17% of the Syrian population is Kurdish. Whether they can achieve statehood will depend on a reading of international law and on how the international community reacts. There are certain aspects which differentiate Kurdish self-rule in Syria from its counterpart in Iraq.
Research Interests: International Law, Political Science, Japanese Politics (Political Science), Autonomy, Rule of Law, and 12 moreKurdistan, Statehood, Kurds, Self Determination, International Community, Cambridge University, Kurdistan Regional Government, Self Rule, De Facto States, Rojava, PEOPLEHOOD, and International law of self-determination
Nations and peoples (in its legal sense) have a fundamental right to self-determination. This principle, however, often encounters a complex web of politics that can overshadow the legal justifications, leaving unresolved cases around the... more
Nations and peoples (in its legal sense) have a fundamental right to self-determination. This principle, however, often encounters a complex web of politics that can overshadow the legal justifications, leaving unresolved cases around the world. Two notable examples of this struggle are Kurdistan and Palestine. For decades, the two-state solution has been the proposed remedy for the Israel-Palestine conflict. If regional stability and conflict resolution are the goals, why limit the application of the statehood solution to Israel-Palestine conflict alone? The Middle East is home to several significant conflicts, so why not extend support for self-determination to other cases, such as the long-standing aspiration for an independent Kurdistan?
Research Interests:
The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad’s armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take... more
The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad’s armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take charge of local state institutions, declare self-rule, and to replace Syria’s flags with their own. The Democratic Union Party (Syria) announced a new constitution on 21 July 2013 that it called a “social contract”. On the basis of that constitution, Kurdish autonomous self-rule was formed comprising of three initial cantons. The principle of equality of all groups and the renunciation of the nation-state are revolutionary dimensions of the new constitution. In this paper, the new constitution’s creative dimensions are described and analyzed using a descriptive-analytic approach. The study aims to describe the articles of the constitution to analyze how minority Yazidis, Armenians, Arabs, Christians, Chechens, and Kurds might promote this model for the rest of Syria as a form of “democratic federalism”.
Research Interests:
The renowned Kurdish poet Şêrko Bêkes once wrote: Tehran does not smile at anyone but death Nothing pleases it except death. Its spouse, its son, its daughter — all bear the name of death, and what does not originate there is life. It... more
The renowned Kurdish poet Şêrko Bêkes once wrote:
Tehran does not smile at anyone but death
Nothing pleases it except death.
Its spouse, its son, its daughter — all bear the name of death, and
what does not originate there is life.
It is the autumn fashion season again, and the fashion consultants of Tehran’s official morality guardians are out doing what they do best: telling females how to wear their headscarves and murdering Kurdish young women who demonstrate independent ideas on this vital, moral issue.
Tehran does not smile at anyone but death
Nothing pleases it except death.
Its spouse, its son, its daughter — all bear the name of death, and
what does not originate there is life.
It is the autumn fashion season again, and the fashion consultants of Tehran’s official morality guardians are out doing what they do best: telling females how to wear their headscarves and murdering Kurdish young women who demonstrate independent ideas on this vital, moral issue.
Research Interests:
Since the attack of the 7th October 2023, the world has been inundated with constantly updating, extensive media coverage of the conflict between Israel and Hamas. Additionally, professors, legal scholars, and academics from every corner... more
Since the attack of the 7th October 2023, the world has been inundated with constantly updating, extensive media coverage of the conflict between Israel and Hamas. Additionally, professors, legal scholars, and academics from every corner of the globe have meticulously scrutinized every legal aspect of this longstanding and over-discussed conflict, whether through the media channels or in blog posts and on various social platforms. Their contributions have added to the already substantial body of work dedicated to exploring Israel and the Palestinian people, a subject that has been thoroughly researched and debated for several decades. This begs a number of compelling and perhaps vexing questions: What is it that distinguishes the Israel-Palestine conflict, thrusting it into the global spotlight, while the ongoing and pressing struggles, for instance, of the Kurdish nation, the Middle East’s largest stateless national group divided among four states, remain in the shadows of obscurity? Why have scholars, who have passionately engaged with issues of international justice and human rights, not extended the same fervor and scrutiny to the Kurdistan question?
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In the ever-turbulent landscape of the Middle East, two ongoing events are seemingly unrelated: Turkey’s recurrent invasions into Western Kurdistan (Rojava) and Syria, and the ongoing Hamas’ attack — supported at least tacitly by Iran,... more
In the ever-turbulent landscape of the Middle East, two ongoing events are seemingly unrelated: Turkey’s recurrent invasions into Western Kurdistan (Rojava) and Syria, and the ongoing Hamas’ attack — supported at least tacitly by Iran, Qatar, and Turkey — on Israel. While these events may appear disconnected, they are symptomatic of a broader issue — the divergent approaches of Western powers, particularly the United States, the United Kingdom, and Europe, in dealing with their allies in the region.
Research Interests: Terrorism, Security, Israel/Palestine, Palestine, Israel, and 6 moreKurdistan, Middle East, Kurds, Hamas, Kurdistana Rojava, and Allies
پەرەگرتنی هێرشی فڕۆکە بێفڕۆکەوانەکانی تورکیە بۆ سەر لایەنە کوردستانییەکان لە عێراق و سووریە، شانبەشانی بێدەنگیی واتاداری هەمان دەوڵەت و مێدیا جیهانییانە کە خێرا باسی ڕووداوەکانی شوێنی دیکە دەکەن، سەلمێنەری ترسناکی پەندی بانێک و دوو هەوان.... more
پەرەگرتنی هێرشی فڕۆکە بێفڕۆکەوانەکانی تورکیە بۆ سەر لایەنە کوردستانییەکان لە عێراق و سووریە، شانبەشانی بێدەنگیی واتاداری هەمان دەوڵەت و مێدیا جیهانییانە کە خێرا باسی ڕووداوەکانی شوێنی دیکە دەکەن، سەلمێنەری ترسناکی پەندی بانێک و دوو هەوان. کوا هاواری ناڕەزایەتی جیهانی؟
بۆ ماوەی زیاتر لە سەدەیەک، دنیا شاهیدی خەباتی ئەو نەتەوانە بووە کە بۆ سەربەخۆیی تێدەکۆشن. بەڵام، تیشکی سەرنجەکان وێدەچی بەردەوام خۆ لە هێندێک گێڕانەوە دوور دەخاتەوە، کە وامان لێ دەکات بیر لە هۆکارەکانی ئەو جیاوازییانە بکەینەوە. سەرسوڕمانەکە قووڵتر دەبێتەوە کاتێک هێڵێکی هاوتەریب لە نێوان ئەم دۆخە و دۆخێکی دیکەی هاوشێوە لە هەمان ناوچەدا بکێشرێ. لە کاتێکدا سەرنجێکی زۆر دراوە بە فەلەستین، خەباتەکانی نەتەوەی کورد لە کوردستان، واتە مەزنترین تاقمی نەتەوەیی خۆرهەڵاتی ناوەڕاست، تا ڕادەیەکی زۆر لە تاریکیدا ماونەتەوە.
بۆ ماوەی زیاتر لە سەدەیەک، دنیا شاهیدی خەباتی ئەو نەتەوانە بووە کە بۆ سەربەخۆیی تێدەکۆشن. بەڵام، تیشکی سەرنجەکان وێدەچی بەردەوام خۆ لە هێندێک گێڕانەوە دوور دەخاتەوە، کە وامان لێ دەکات بیر لە هۆکارەکانی ئەو جیاوازییانە بکەینەوە. سەرسوڕمانەکە قووڵتر دەبێتەوە کاتێک هێڵێکی هاوتەریب لە نێوان ئەم دۆخە و دۆخێکی دیکەی هاوشێوە لە هەمان ناوچەدا بکێشرێ. لە کاتێکدا سەرنجێکی زۆر دراوە بە فەلەستین، خەباتەکانی نەتەوەی کورد لە کوردستان، واتە مەزنترین تاقمی نەتەوەیی خۆرهەڵاتی ناوەڕاست، تا ڕادەیەکی زۆر لە تاریکیدا ماونەتەوە.
Research Interests:
JINA did not seek martyrdom on that day, or any day. Like any healthy, modern woman aged 22, Jina Amini sought to live life. That is, the life she and her loved ones presumed lay ahead of her with all its promise, responsibility, and... more
JINA did not seek martyrdom on that day, or any day. Like any healthy, modern woman aged 22, Jina Amini sought to live life. That is, the life she and her loved ones presumed lay ahead of her with all its promise, responsibility, and joy.
With her family she was on a visit to the capital, Tehran, from the town of Saqqez in Eastern Kurdistan. The Kurds hold some freer ideas about life, setting them apart from their theocratic Iranian overlords. Kurds maintain that they are a separate people. Because they are: a separate non-Persian people, overwhelmingly Sunni Muslims of modern outlook, speaking their own language, worshipping their own way, dressing respectably by their own standards, using their own history and calendar, and having their own homeland.
With her family she was on a visit to the capital, Tehran, from the town of Saqqez in Eastern Kurdistan. The Kurds hold some freer ideas about life, setting them apart from their theocratic Iranian overlords. Kurds maintain that they are a separate people. Because they are: a separate non-Persian people, overwhelmingly Sunni Muslims of modern outlook, speaking their own language, worshipping their own way, dressing respectably by their own standards, using their own history and calendar, and having their own homeland.
Research Interests:
Die Proteste im Iran starteten in Kurdistan, Jina Amini stammt von dort. Nun bombardiert Iran kurdische Gebiete im Irak. Was bedeuten die Proteste für die Bewegung?... more
Die Proteste im Iran starteten in Kurdistan, Jina Amini stammt von dort. Nun bombardiert Iran kurdische Gebiete im Irak. Was bedeuten die Proteste für die Bewegung?
https://www.zeit.de/zett/politik/2022-09/jina-mahsa-amini-iran-proteste-kurdistan
https://www.zeit.de/zett/politik/2022-09/jina-mahsa-amini-iran-proteste-kurdistan
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The brutal beating of Jina (Mahsa) Amini for not wearing the “proper hijab” and her subsequent murder by the Iranian regime’s “morality police” have dominated the frontpage of newspapers and news sites throughout the world. What was not... more
The brutal beating of Jina (Mahsa) Amini for not wearing the “proper hijab” and her subsequent murder by the Iranian regime’s “morality police” have dominated the frontpage of newspapers and news sites throughout the world. What was not mentioned in the initial reporting was her true ethnic identity. The victim was not Persian; she was Kurdish, from Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhelat), in Tehran on a visit. She dressed modestly, even conservatively by most standards in the modern world, including the Middle East. Jina Amini was as brave in her own way as the Kurdish female soldiers who defeated the fanatics of Da’esh on the Syrian battlefields. What happened to her is not “religion”; it is perversion. If such an action is condoned and carried out systematically, that is the word that best characterises the regime in Tehran. Her death could precipitate major changes for the Kurds in Eastern Kurdistan, as well as for Iranian citizens in general.
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'The threat to international peace and security will continue as long as the sovereignty of states is not considered equal in practice,' says Dr. Loqman Kurdistani, Research Associate at the University of Edinburgh.
Research Interests:
لە ئاگوستی ١٩٢٠، دوای جەنگی جیهانیی یەکەم و پشتڕاستکردنەوەی حەزی هاوپەیمانان لەمەڕ مافە نەتەوەییەکان بۆ دیاریکردنی چارەنووس، چارەنووسی سیاسیی نەتەوەی کورد، دەگەڵ خاکەکەی، کوردستان، لە مەترسیدا بوون. بە گوێرەی پەیماننامەی سیڤەر، کورد وەک... more
لە ئاگوستی ١٩٢٠، دوای جەنگی جیهانیی یەکەم و پشتڕاستکردنەوەی حەزی هاوپەیمانان لەمەڕ مافە نەتەوەییەکان بۆ دیاریکردنی چارەنووس، چارەنووسی سیاسیی نەتەوەی کورد، دەگەڵ خاکەکەی، کوردستان، لە مەترسیدا بوون. بە گوێرەی پەیماننامەی سیڤەر، کورد وەک یەکەیەکی ئەتنیکی-سیاسی لە ڕوانگەی ویلسۆنییەوە ددانیان پێدانرا، لەگەڵ ئەوەشدا بیرۆکەی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس، لە جێبەجێکردن وەک مافی تەواو یاسایی بۆ سەربەخۆیی نەتەوەیی شکستی هێنا. لەبەر ئەو هۆیە، بە دەوڵەت بوونی کورد هەڵوەشێنرایەوە. بە پێچەوانە، دیاریکردنی سنوورەکانی دەوڵەتان لە ئورووپا زۆربەیان بە لەبەرچاو گرتنی هێڵە نەتەوەییەکان جێبەجێ کرا.
ئاکامەکەی بۆتە فرەچەشنییەکی لەرزۆک لە سەرانسەری ئەو ناوچانەی کە جەنگ کاریگەریی لەسەریان هەبوو، بە چەند شێوازی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس، کە دەیسەلمێنێ بە دەوڵەتبوونی هێندێک نەتەوە لە ئەوانی دیکە کەمتر ڕەوایی پێدراوە. کشانەوەی هێزە ئیمپراتورییەکان و بە دوایدا یەکێتیی نەتەوەکان لە دیاریکردنی چارەنووس بۆ گەیشتن بە سەربەخۆیی هەرێمی ئاکامی سیاسەتی ئیمپریالیستی بوو بۆ داڕشتنەوەی دەسەڵاتی سیاسی. بە پەسەند کردنی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس وەک یەکێک لە ئامانجەکانی نەتەوە یەکگرتووەکان لە ١٩٤۵ و، بە چەسپاندنی دیاریکردنی مافی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس وەک مافێکی یاسایی لە ١٩٦٦ و بەدوای ئەودا هەڵمەتی هەڵوەشاندنی کۆلۆنیالیزم، دەبێ بڵیین دۆخی کوردستان ئاڵوگۆڕی بەسەردا نەهات و بە جۆرێک لە لایەن یاسای مافی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس، بەو شێوەیە کە جێبەجێ کرا، لەبەرچاو نەگیرا.
ئاکامەکەی بۆتە فرەچەشنییەکی لەرزۆک لە سەرانسەری ئەو ناوچانەی کە جەنگ کاریگەریی لەسەریان هەبوو، بە چەند شێوازی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس، کە دەیسەلمێنێ بە دەوڵەتبوونی هێندێک نەتەوە لە ئەوانی دیکە کەمتر ڕەوایی پێدراوە. کشانەوەی هێزە ئیمپراتورییەکان و بە دوایدا یەکێتیی نەتەوەکان لە دیاریکردنی چارەنووس بۆ گەیشتن بە سەربەخۆیی هەرێمی ئاکامی سیاسەتی ئیمپریالیستی بوو بۆ داڕشتنەوەی دەسەڵاتی سیاسی. بە پەسەند کردنی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس وەک یەکێک لە ئامانجەکانی نەتەوە یەکگرتووەکان لە ١٩٤۵ و، بە چەسپاندنی دیاریکردنی مافی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس وەک مافێکی یاسایی لە ١٩٦٦ و بەدوای ئەودا هەڵمەتی هەڵوەشاندنی کۆلۆنیالیزم، دەبێ بڵیین دۆخی کوردستان ئاڵوگۆڕی بەسەردا نەهات و بە جۆرێک لە لایەن یاسای مافی دیاریکردنی چارەنووس، بەو شێوەیە کە جێبەجێ کرا، لەبەرچاو نەگیرا.
Research Interests:
Violations of international law are by no means rare in today’s world but the reactions to breaches from the international community vary greatly. At times the reaction is simple: Silence. In general, assaults on state sovereignty have... more
Violations of international law are by no means rare in today’s world but the reactions to breaches from the international community vary greatly. At times the reaction is simple: Silence. In general, assaults on state sovereignty have been taken more seriously than other breaches of international norms and principles. However, the varied responses from states and international organizations towards the violation of this most fundamental principle have, in turn, led to more instability, unfriendly relations, and friction between states.
Research Interests:
On 20th January 2018, the Turkish military started to attack the Kurdish-populated region of Afrin in Syria (“Operation Olive Branch“). With its letter to the Security Council of 22nd January 2018, Turkey justified this action as... more
On 20th January 2018, the Turkish military started to attack the Kurdish-populated region of Afrin in Syria (“Operation Olive Branch“). With its letter to the Security Council of 22nd January 2018, Turkey justified this action as self-defence in terms of Art. 51 UN Charter. The relevant passage of the letter is: “[T]he threat of terrorism from Syria targeting our borders has not ended. The recent increase in rocket attacks and harassment fire directed at Hatay and Kilis provinces of Turkey from the Afrin region of Syria, which is under the control of the PKK/KCK/PYD/YPG terrorist organization, has resulted in the deaths of many civilians and soldiers and has left many more wounded.” (UN Doc. S/2018/53; emphasis added). Two elements are troublesome in this official Turkish justification.
Research Interests:
After living under the colonialism of the Ottoman Empire, France, and Syria, the Kurds of Syria are developing landmark policy atypical of the Middle East. Recent developments triggered by the 2011 Syrian insurgency, the rise of the ISIS,... more
After living under the colonialism of the Ottoman Empire, France, and Syria, the Kurds of Syria are developing landmark policy atypical of the Middle East. Recent developments triggered by the 2011 Syrian insurgency, the rise of the ISIS, the onslaught on Kurdish cities, and the resistance of People’s Protection Units (YPG) and Women’s Protection Unit (YPJ) under the command of Syrian Democratic Forces, have resulted in Syrian Kurds asserting de facto confederalism in the autonomous region known as Rojava in 2016. This allows the polyethnic population living in the area to retain independent control over their internal and external affairs within the Syrian state along the border with the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq. Turkey invaded and occupied the Kurdish regions of Rojava under the pretext of eliminating Kurdish forces and Daesh to prevent an allegedly ‘terrorist threat’. Turkey justified its invasion by claiming the right of self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. However, Turkey’s use of force against the non-state entity of Rojava, which is exercising its right to self-determination, and annexing its territory have legal boundaries. Far from raising any connection between war and terrorism in the Syrian civil war context, the article tries to prove the illegality of the use of force in the context of self-determination. In this situation, other states can take more serious measures to stop Turkey and may request the accused state to comply with erga omnes rules related to self-determination. Also, third states are not prohibited to aid self-determination movements politically—short of dispatching troops.
Research Interests:
The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad’s armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take... more
The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad’s armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take charge of local state institutions, declare self-rule, and to replace Syria’s flags with their own. The Democratic Union Party (Syria) announced a new constitution on 21 July 2013 that it called a “social contract”. On the basis of that constitution, Kurdish autonomous self-rule was formed comprising of three initial cantons. The principle of equality of all groups and the renunciation of the nation-state are revolutionary dimensions of the new constitution. In this paper, the new constitution’s creative dimensions are described and analyzed using a descriptive-analytic approach. The study aims to describe the articles of the constitution to analyze how minority Yazidis, Armenians, Arabs, Christians, Chechens, and Kurds might promote this model for the ...
Research Interests:
Having been supressed and denied their rights by successive Syrian governments over the years, Syrian Kurds are now asserting a de facto autonomy. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian President's forces from the ethnically Kurdish areas... more
Having been supressed and denied their rights by successive Syrian governments over the years, Syrian Kurds are now asserting a de facto autonomy. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian President's forces from the ethnically Kurdish areas in the early months of the current civil war, the inhabitants have declared a self-rule government along the lines of the Kurdistan regional government in northern Iraq. For Syrian Kurds, the creation of a small autonomous region is a dream fulfilled, albeit one unrecognized by the international community. Some 15% to 17% of the Syrian population is Kurdish. Whether they can achieve statehood will depend on a reading of international law and on how the international community reacts. There are certain aspects which differentiate Kurdish self-rule in Syria from its counterpart in Iraq.
Research Interests:
لە ڕۆژی 10 ی ئاگۆستی ساڵی 19 20 دا ڕێک لە سەدەیەک لەمەوبەر چارەنووسی سیاسی نەتەوەی کورد و وڵاتەکەی واتە کوردستان، کەوتە ناوەندی سەرنجەکانەوە بەتایبەتی پاش ئەوەی هێزەکانی هاوپەیمان، دوای شەڕی یەکەمی جیهانی پشتیوانییان لە مافی نەتەوەکان بۆ... more
لە ڕۆژی 10 ی ئاگۆستی ساڵی 19 20 دا ڕێک لە سەدەیەک لەمەوبەر چارەنووسی سیاسی نەتەوەی کورد و وڵاتەکەی واتە کوردستان، کەوتە ناوەندی سەرنجەکانەوە بەتایبەتی پاش ئەوەی هێزەکانی هاوپەیمان، دوای شەڕی یەکەمی جیهانی پشتیوانییان لە مافی نەتەوەکان بۆ دیاریکردنی چارەنووس کرد. سەرۆک کۆمار ویڵسۆن 14 خاڵی لە ژانڤییەی 1918 سەبارەت بە ئاشتیی جیهانی نووسی: ئەو بەشە تورکانەی ئیمپراتووریی عوسمانیی « ئێستا دەبێت مافی دەسەڵاتدارێتییان بۆ دابین بکرێت و بەڵام بۆ نەتەوەکانی تری ژێر دەسەڵاتی ئێستای تورکەکان گەرەنتیی ئەمنییەتی گیانی و دەرفەتی جیا لە دەستێوەردان بۆ گەشەسەندی سەربەخۆ بدرێت. لە ڕۆژی 9ی نۆڤەمبری ساڵی 1918دا، فەڕەنسا و بریتانیا لە ڕاگەیێنراوێکی هاوبەشدا بەڵێنی ڕزگاریی تەواو و کۆتایییان بەو خەڵکە دا کە بۆ ماوەیەکی زۆر لەلایەن تورکەکانەوە سەرکوت دەکران و ئەوەش لە ڕێگەی حکوومەت و ئیدارەی تایبەت بە خۆیانەوە دەستەبەر دەکرا. ئەم ڕێوشوێنگەلە کاتێک دامەزرا کە بڕیار بوو نەتەوەکان بە ویست و خواستی ئازادانەی خۆیان. سەبارەت بە پرەنسیپەکانی دیاریکردنی مافی چارەنووس، کردەوەیان هەبێت.
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On 21 July 2013, the Democratic Union Party (PYD, Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat) announced a new Kurdish Constitution of ninety-six articles based on a “social contract” proclaiming Kurdish Autonomous Regions composed of three cantons in a... more
On 21 July 2013, the Democratic Union Party (PYD, Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat) announced a new Kurdish Constitution of ninety-six articles based on a “social contract” proclaiming Kurdish Autonomous Regions composed of three cantons in a “decentralized federal” Syrian State. Its fundamental basis is the equality of groups and communities.
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In August 1920, the political fate of the Kurdish nation, along with its territory, Kurdistan, were on the line, after the Allies asserted their interest in national rights to self-determination following World War I. Under the Treaty of... more
In August 1920, the political fate of the Kurdish nation, along with its territory, Kurdistan, were on the line, after the Allies asserted their interest in national rights to self-determination following World War I. Under the Treaty of Sèvres, Kurds were acknowledged as an ethno-political entity in the Wilsonian perspective, yet the ideal of self-determination failed to crystallize as a full legal right to independent nationhood. Thus, Kurdish statehood was annulled. In contrast, the drawing of states’ boundaries in Europe took place mostly along national lines. The result has been an untenable diversity across regions affected by the War in the varieties of self-determination, arguing that some peoples’ nationhood was credited with less legitimacy than others. The departure of imperial powers and subsequently the League of Nations from self-determination for achieving territorial independence came as a result of imperialist world policies to reorder political influence. With the adoption of self-determination as one of the purposes of the UN in 1945, and with the crystallization of self-determination as a legal right in 1966 and the subsequent campaign of decolonization, it could be argued the Kurds’ status was not repositioned and in some way is invisible to the law of self-determination, as applied.
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After living under the colonialism of the Ottoman Empire, France, and Syria, the Kurds of Syria are developing landmark policy atypical of the Middle East. Recent developments triggered by the 2011 Syrian insurgency, the rise of the ISIS,... more
After living under the colonialism of the Ottoman Empire, France, and Syria, the Kurds of Syria are developing landmark policy atypical of the Middle East. Recent developments triggered by the 2011 Syrian insurgency, the rise of the ISIS, the onslaught on Kurdish cities, and the resistance of People’s Protection Units (YPG) and Women’s Protection Unit (YPJ) under the command of Syrian Democratic Forces, have resulted in Syrian Kurds asserting de facto confederalism in the autonomous region known as Rojava in 2016. This allows the population living in the area to retain independent control over their internal and external affairs within the Syrian state along the border with the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq. Turkey invaded and occupied the Kurdish regions of Rojava under the pretext of eliminating Kurdish forces and Daesh to prevent an allegedly ‘terrorist threat’. Turkey justified its invasion by claiming the right of self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. However, Turkey’s use of force against the non-state entity of Rojava, which is exercising its right to self-determination, and annexing its territory have legal boundaries. Far from raising any connection between war and terrorism in the Syrian civil war context, the article tries to prove the illegality of the use of force in the context of self-determination. In this situation, other states can take more serious measures to stop Turkey and may request the accused state to comply with erga omnes rules related to self-determination. Also, third states are not prohibited to aid self-determination movements politically—short of dispatching troops.
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Are the Kurds seeking self-governance in northern Syria protected? Rojava has not been recognized by the Syrian state and faces internal and external challenges. The greatest threat the system has faced is the Turkish invasion, which... more
Are the Kurds seeking self-governance in northern Syria protected?
Rojava has not been recognized by the Syrian state and faces internal and external challenges. The greatest threat the system has faced is the Turkish invasion, which began in 2018. A close reading of international law demonstrates that Turkey’s use of force in the context of Kurdish self-determination is illegal. In this situation, other states can take more serious measures to stop Turkey and may request the accused state to comply with erga omnes rules related to self-determination. These third-party states are also allowed to aid the Kurdish self-determination movement politically—short of dispatching troops.
Rojava has not been recognized by the Syrian state and faces internal and external challenges. The greatest threat the system has faced is the Turkish invasion, which began in 2018. A close reading of international law demonstrates that Turkey’s use of force in the context of Kurdish self-determination is illegal. In this situation, other states can take more serious measures to stop Turkey and may request the accused state to comply with erga omnes rules related to self-determination. These third-party states are also allowed to aid the Kurdish self-determination movement politically—short of dispatching troops.
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10 August 2020 is the centennial of the signing of the Treaty of Sèvres. Under the Treaty, Kurds were granted autonomy and, within a year, independence. To mark this day, ASIL Insights has published my article on why Kurdistan was divided... more
10 August 2020 is the centennial of the signing of the Treaty of Sèvres. Under the Treaty, Kurds were granted autonomy and, within a year, independence. To mark this day, ASIL Insights has published my article on why Kurdistan was divided and how the Kurds became the world's largest stateless nation.
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The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad’s armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take... more
The uprising in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for creative approaches to Kurdish self-rule. The decision of Bashar al-Assad’s armed forces to withdraw from Kurdish cities in Northern Syria enabled Kurdish parties to take charge of local state institutions, declare self-rule, and to replace Syria’s flags with their own. The Democratic Union Party (Syria) announced a new constitution on 21 July 2013 that it called a “social contract”. On the basis of that constitution, Kurdish autonomous self-rule was formed comprising of three initial cantons. The principle of equality of all groups and the renunciation of the nation state are revolutionary dimensions of the new constitution. In this paper, the new constitution’s creative dimensions are described and analyzed using a descriptive-analytic approach. The study aims to describe the articles of the constitution to analyze how minority Yazidis, Armenians, Arabs, Christians, Chechens, and Kurds might promote this model for the rest of Syria as a form of “democratic federalism”.
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Having been suppressed and denied their rights by successive Syrian governments over the years, Syrian Kurds are now asserting a de facto autonomy. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian President's forces from the ethnically Kurdish areas in... more
Having been suppressed and denied their rights by successive Syrian governments over the years, Syrian Kurds are now asserting a de facto autonomy. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian President's forces from the ethnically Kurdish areas in the early months of the current civil war, the inhabitants have declared a self-rule government along the lines of the Kurdistan regional government in northern Iraq. For Syrian Kurds, the creation of a small autonomous region is a dream fulfilled, albeit one unrecognized by the international community. Some 15% to 17% of the Syrian population is Kurdish. Whether they can achieve statehood will depend on a reading of international law and on how the international community reacts. There are certain aspects which differentiate Kurdish self-rule in Syria from its counterpart in Iraq.
Research Interests:
On 21 July 2013, the Democratic Union Party (PYD, Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat) announced a new Kurdish Constitution of ninety-six articles based on a “social contract” proclaiming Kurdish Autonomous Regions composed of three cantons in a... more
On 21 July 2013, the Democratic Union Party (PYD, Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat) announced a new Kurdish Constitution of ninety-six articles based on a “social contract” proclaiming Kurdish Autonomous Regions composed of three cantons in a “decentralized federal” Syrian State. Its fundamental basis is the equality of groups and communities.
Research Interests:
The surge in Turkish drone assaults on Kurdistani segments in Iraq and Syria, accompanied by a resounding silence from the very states and global media that are swift to address actions elsewhere, underscores a perplexing and concerning... more
The surge in Turkish drone assaults on Kurdistani segments in Iraq and Syria, accompanied by a resounding silence from the very states and global media that are swift to address actions elsewhere, underscores a perplexing and concerning dynamic. Where is the global outcry?
For well over a century, the world has witnessed the struggles of nations striving for self-determination. However, the spotlight seems to consistently evade certain narratives, leaving us to ponder the reasons behind such disparities. The perplexity deepens when a parallel is drawn between this situation and another analogous plight in the same region. While much attention has been directed towards Palestine, the struggles faced by the Kurdish nation in Kurdistan, the Middle East’s largest stateless national group, have largely languished in obscurity.
For well over a century, the world has witnessed the struggles of nations striving for self-determination. However, the spotlight seems to consistently evade certain narratives, leaving us to ponder the reasons behind such disparities. The perplexity deepens when a parallel is drawn between this situation and another analogous plight in the same region. While much attention has been directed towards Palestine, the struggles faced by the Kurdish nation in Kurdistan, the Middle East’s largest stateless national group, have largely languished in obscurity.
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Diplomats seem to prefer spoiling things from tidy, unspoiled locales. So Lausanne, that quaint French Swiss town overlooking Lake Geneva, was where envoys met in 1923 to redraw Mideast borders in the wake of the First World War. Events... more
Diplomats seem to prefer spoiling things from tidy, unspoiled locales. So Lausanne, that quaint French Swiss town overlooking Lake Geneva, was where envoys met in 1923 to redraw Mideast borders in the wake of the First World War. Events have since annulled all other treaties from that time. Only the Lausanne Treaty still stands at its centennial — an unhappy anniversary.
Amid the significance of this anniversary, the February 1924 “Confidential Prints” — the Synopsis of and Memorandum on the Main Events in Turkey since June 1921, obtained recently from the UK National Archives* — expose Turkey’s historical utilisation of the “Russian card” to extract additional concessions from the Allies. And now, as then, Turkey again plays the Russia card. Plus ça change …
Amid the significance of this anniversary, the February 1924 “Confidential Prints” — the Synopsis of and Memorandum on the Main Events in Turkey since June 1921, obtained recently from the UK National Archives* — expose Turkey’s historical utilisation of the “Russian card” to extract additional concessions from the Allies. And now, as then, Turkey again plays the Russia card. Plus ça change …
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A century has elapsed since one of history's most hypocritical, enduring, and consequential betrayals of principle. Following World War I (WWI) and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, an independent Kurdistan was about to emerge. In... more
A century has elapsed since one of history's most hypocritical, enduring, and consequential betrayals of principle. Following World War I (WWI) and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, an independent Kurdistan was about to emerge. In Europe the Treaty of Versailles had implemented the principle of self-determination for ethnically-defined peoples, giving birth to new nation-states. Likewise in the Middle East, the Kurds were promised local autonomy and then independence from the Ottoman Empire within one year by the Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920). But the Allies shortly reneged and the Sèvres Treaty was eventually reversed by the Treaty of Lausanne (23 July 1923), forestalling the emergence of Kurdistan as a sovereign state.
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The outrage sparked by the brutal murder of Jina Amini at the hands of the “morality police” in Tehran, Iran’s capital — under the pretext of a skewed ‘hijab’ — has entered a fifth month. Protests started in Jina’s hometown, Seqqiz, in... more
The outrage sparked by the brutal murder of Jina Amini at the hands of the “morality police” in Tehran, Iran’s capital — under the pretext of a skewed ‘hijab’ — has entered a fifth month. Protests started in Jina’s hometown, Seqqiz, in Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilat) and shortly spread all across Iran after her funeral procession. Anguish has been transformed into a sustained uprising.
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In June 2022 at the request of Scotland’s first minister, a question on whether the Scottish Parliament has the right to announce a new referendum on independence without the approval of the UK Government was brought before the UK Supreme... more
In June 2022 at the request of Scotland’s first minister, a question on whether the Scottish Parliament has the right to announce a new referendum on independence without the approval of the UK Government was brought before the UK Supreme Court. The ruling Scottish National Party (SNP) is pushing for a second independence referendum as a result of the UK’s “Brexit” withdrawal from the EU two years after the Scottish refusal in the 2014 referendum. The Scottish government had published but did not formally introduce a draft Independence Referendum Bill at the same time.
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Russia invades Ukraine, prompting Finland and Sweden to seek NATO membership, but Turkey sets the conditions, demanding actions against the Kurds: Or else Turkey will veto entry into NATO. And so the Finns and Swedes give in to blatant... more
Russia invades Ukraine, prompting Finland and Sweden to seek NATO membership, but Turkey sets the conditions, demanding actions against the Kurds: Or else Turkey will veto entry into NATO. And so the Finns and Swedes give in to blatant political blackmail.
Kurds know what aggression and oppression are. They have been on the receiving end for over a century. Kurdish sympathies are with the just fight of the Ukrainian people to govern themselves. What the Kurds ask, in the name of peace, is to be allowed to do the same. And not to go on forever, frozen out of the family of sovereign nations as collateral victims of someone else’s war, someone else’s peace.
Kurds know what aggression and oppression are. They have been on the receiving end for over a century. Kurdish sympathies are with the just fight of the Ukrainian people to govern themselves. What the Kurds ask, in the name of peace, is to be allowed to do the same. And not to go on forever, frozen out of the family of sovereign nations as collateral victims of someone else’s war, someone else’s peace.
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Das iranische Regime greift gezielt kurdische Gebiete an. Denn der kurdische Freiheitskampf ist ein Motor für die Proteste im ganzen Land. The Iranian regime is targeting Kurdish areas. Because the Kurdish struggle for freedom is a... more
Das iranische Regime greift gezielt kurdische Gebiete an. Denn der kurdische Freiheitskampf ist ein Motor für die Proteste im ganzen Land.
The Iranian regime is targeting Kurdish areas. Because the Kurdish struggle for freedom is a motor for the protests throughout the country.
The Iranian regime is trying to brutally suppress the Kurdish protests. Especially in the Kurdish city of Mahabad, the violence can be observed. According to the human rights organization Hengaw, eyewitnesses report how soldiers marched with tanks on Saturday evening and shot at protesters, and at night the electricity was switched off. There are also thousands of shared videos on social media showing military convoys on the streets of Mahabad. According to Hengaw, at least four dead have been identified so far.
The Iranian regime is targeting Kurdish areas. Because the Kurdish struggle for freedom is a motor for the protests throughout the country.
The Iranian regime is trying to brutally suppress the Kurdish protests. Especially in the Kurdish city of Mahabad, the violence can be observed. According to the human rights organization Hengaw, eyewitnesses report how soldiers marched with tanks on Saturday evening and shot at protesters, and at night the electricity was switched off. There are also thousands of shared videos on social media showing military convoys on the streets of Mahabad. According to Hengaw, at least four dead have been identified so far.
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The evolution of samoopredelenie or self-determination dates back to the early 20th century when these terms were used by the Russian Bolsheviks and the West respectively to advance ideological and political objectives. Now once again the... more
The evolution of samoopredelenie or self-determination dates back to the early 20th century when these terms were used by the Russian Bolsheviks and the West respectively to advance ideological and political objectives. Now once again the concept of self-determination and its subject, i.e., people, have been variously invoked to justify support for the people of Ukraine writ large, and more narrowly for the “Donetsk and Luhansk Peoples’ Republics” of the Donbas region.
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The Kurds in Iraq have always been suppressed by the governments ruling the country and have been through many hard stages over the past century. They have struggled for a state of their own but never fulfilled that dream. Kurds have... more
The Kurds in Iraq have always been suppressed by the governments ruling the country and have been through many hard stages over the past century. They have struggled for a state of their own but never fulfilled that dream. Kurds have experienced autonomous and independent states, but these did not survive. In the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), they had the right to self-determination, with independent statehood, but the treaty was never ratified. It was eventually replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), which made no mention of Kurdish statehood. Upon the invasion of U.S.-led forces into Iraq in 2003, the world turned its attention to the Middle East, and especially to the north of Iraq, Kurdistan. This region has been controlled by Kurds since the withdrawal of Saddam Hussein’s forces in 1991. With the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, there is a great opportunity to achieve their goal. Kurdish Parties have established the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), and the world has recognized it as a de facto state. To be a new nation-state in the international community and recognized as a de jure state under international law, it must meet various qualifications, some of which have already been satisfied by the KRG.
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In Iran protestieren die Menschen seit bald drei Monaten gegen die Regierung. Besonders engagiert sind die Minderheiten, allen voran Kurdinnen und Kurden. Deshalb geht das iranische Regime in kurdischen Gebieten mit besonderer Härte gegen... more
In Iran protestieren die Menschen seit bald drei Monaten gegen die Regierung. Besonders engagiert sind die Minderheiten, allen voran Kurdinnen und Kurden. Deshalb geht das iranische Regime in kurdischen Gebieten mit besonderer Härte gegen die Protestierenden vor.
In Iran, people have been protesting against the government for almost three months. The minorities, especially Kurds, are particularly committed. That is why the Iranian regime is taking particularly harsh action against the protesters in Kurdish regions.
In Iran, people have been protesting against the government for almost three months. The minorities, especially Kurds, are particularly committed. That is why the Iranian regime is taking particularly harsh action against the protesters in Kurdish regions.
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Kurdistan is among the world’s most notorious cases of self-determination denied, and why this outcome remains unachieved reveals as much about the biases of international law as it does about the merits of the case for Kurdistan. On the... more
Kurdistan is among the world’s most notorious cases of self-determination denied, and why this outcome remains unachieved reveals as much about the biases of international law as it does about the merits of the case for Kurdistan. On the centenary of the Treaty of Lausanne, 24 July 1923, the last of the international instruments establishing the new international order after WWI, this book explores the potential blind spots of international law regarding its differential application in the Middle East. Tracing self-determination over the past century, the work explores how the law applies to Kurdish aspirations and to what extent the Kurds can rely upon the current law of self-determination to achieve internationally recognised statehood.
https://www.routledge.com/Towards-an-Independent-Kurdistan-Self-Determination-in-International-Law/Radpey/p/book/9781032543222
https://www.routledge.com/Towards-an-Independent-Kurdistan-Self-Determination-in-International-Law/Radpey/p/book/9781032543222
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The Kurds are the largest ethnic group to lack their own nationstate. Many scholars and diplomats make the moral or historical cases for Kurdish independence. None, however, has taken as deep a dive into what evolving international law... more
The Kurds are the largest ethnic group to lack their own nationstate.
Many scholars and diplomats make the moral or historical cases for Kurdish independence. None, however, has taken as deep a dive into what evolving international law with regard to self-determination might mean for Kurds as Loqman Radpey, who recently completed his Ph.D. in international law on the subject at the University of Edinburgh.
Towards an Independent Kurdistan is timely. Whatever the considerations that keep states from embracing the Kurdish nationalist cause, the reality on the ground sets precedents and forces reconsideration. Not only have Iraqi Kurds enjoyed de facto autonomy for more than 30 years, but Syrian Kurds have also run their own de facto statelet for a decade.
Many scholars and diplomats make the moral or historical cases for Kurdish independence. None, however, has taken as deep a dive into what evolving international law with regard to self-determination might mean for Kurds as Loqman Radpey, who recently completed his Ph.D. in international law on the subject at the University of Edinburgh.
Towards an Independent Kurdistan is timely. Whatever the considerations that keep states from embracing the Kurdish nationalist cause, the reality on the ground sets precedents and forces reconsideration. Not only have Iraqi Kurds enjoyed de facto autonomy for more than 30 years, but Syrian Kurds have also run their own de facto statelet for a decade.