Uprisings

Mémoire de recherche de master 1, dirigé par Dork Zabunyan et Frédéric Abécassis (2016).

A travers six exemples (documentaires et fictions) de la première vague de films autour de la révolution (Démocratie, année zéro de Christophe Cotteret, Plus jamais peur de Mourad Ben Cheikh, Millefeuille de Nouri Bouzid, Printemps tunisien de Raja Amari, C’était mieux demain de Hinde Boujemaa et The Uprising de Peter Snowdon), j’analysai comment y surgissaient des figurations du concept de peuple. Ce mémoire se voulait pluridisciplinaire, cherchant à la fois à contribuer à la recherche en histoire très contemporaine de la Tunisie, mais également en puisant dans la philosophie politique, et bien sûr, les études visuelles. Trois parties proposaient trois modalités de figurations du peuple. « Apparitions », «Créations, constructions », et « Représentations ».

La première partie dégageait des films ce qui permet de figurer le peuple comme entité existante, en puissance, mais ayant besoin d’une médiation pour se rendre perceptible. J’analysai alors ce qui, dans les films, dévoile ce qui n’appartient pas à l’ordre symbolique, politique et esthétique du pouvoir, et que l’on peut alors désigner du nom de peuple.

La seconde partie proposait de concevoir un peuple en acte, inventé par sa nomination et sa figuration. J’y développais l’idée d’une performativité du terme de peuple et de ses répondants formels, figuratifs. J’examinai les processus constructifs du peuple que les films donnent à voir, dans leur versant positif (quelles images et quels sons forment l’idée de peuple) comme dans leur versant négatif (contre quoi l’idée de peuple se dessine-t-elle, et comment les films figurent-ils ce contrepoint).

Enfin, le dernier chapitre s’appuyait sur une lecture plus critique des films. A travers la redéfinition de la notion de « représentations », j’analysai les figures qui représentent ou incarnent le peuple, comme celles de l’avant-garde, du porte-parole, du héros ou du martyr. J’expliquai en quoi la notion de représentation renvoie aussi bien à un régime esthétique qu’à un régime politique. Ceci renvoie à ce qui fut nommé « transition démocratique » en Tunisie et dont certains des films se font l’écho. J’interrogeai alors la perte occasionnée par cet écart entre le peuple représenté et ce qui le représente.

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F*ck May 68, Fight Now: Exploring the Uses of the Radical Past from 1968 to Today

Session 1: History is a Weapon

June 8, 2018

Department of History, University of Liverpool

https://archive.discoversociety.org/2018/09/04/circumnavigating-the-past-foreclosing-the-future-commemoration-of-the-radical-past-in-the-amnesiac-present/

This paper, within the context of uprisings and dissensions of heterodox populace in the Ottoman realm, aims to understand the dynamics of transformation of Suleyman I’s earlier mystical image of sahib-kiran to a justice-endower, kanun-binding universal persona. In a similar vein, this paper argues that such a transition to sovereign persona seems to be correlated with the restructring of the Ottoman state herself. Concurrent wider intercultural religio-political ideologies in the East and the West, like messianic movements and related apocalyptic prophecies played a special role within the context of connected histories.

This article deals with the two major actors in North Africa’s 2011 uprisings—namely, youth and the city—through a critical exploration of the cinematic realism that has defined Moroccan filmmakers’ response to the country’s socioeconomic transformation under neoliberal globalization since the 1980s. Taking Noureddine Lakhmari’s Casanegra (2008) as a case study, I argue that this aesthetic frame discloses the critical potential of everyday life and the ordinary affects of anger and the will to revolt among Casablanca’s youth today. This acclaimed film further allows us to approach Moroccan cinema’s affective realism within an urban landscape in a country that has witnessed the rise of a new historical consciousness of postcolonial youth on and off the screen. The first part of this article looks at the neoliberal Casablanca that emerged in the aftermath of Morocco’s market reforms in the 1980s and how that transformation engendered a new wave of urban cinema a decade later. The second part looks at Casanegra’s affective economy of anger and revolt and the articulation of Moroccan youth’s postcolonial subjectivity.

INTRODUCTION

With the rapid expansion and development of the internet, SMNs have started to emerge and serve as virtual public spheres, where people could discuss about any topic or issue they think is necessary and decisive at any time and place than ever before without the limits of geographical location. Starting from the February 1978’s first SMNs like [BBS], primarily hosted on personal computers’ modem. Only one person at a time could gain access to the BBS (Chapman, 2009).
Online forums also played a large part in the evolution of modern SMNs. These were the really descendents of the BBS popular in the 1970s and 80s, but came with a more user-friendly interface, making them easier for non-technical visitors to use (Ibid).
The early 2000s brought some huge development in social networking and social media (Ibid). This age produced social networks sites (SNS) like Friendster, Hi5, LinkedIn, MySpace, Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. From those listed above Facebook, YouTube and Twitter were the main platforms for the ‘Arab Uprisings’ that started on January 25, 2011 in Tunisia, after the Tunisian youth, Mohammed Boazizi’s act of self-immolation and the opening  of the first revolutionary hashtag ‘#Sidibouzid’ on Twitter, implying his hometown- as a way of showing discontent with those so-called ‘repressive regimes’ of the Arab World - particularly his country Tunisia. This has had dramatic spread to other countries of the region like Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Yemen, Morocco, Syria, United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and Algeria and so on, which was the main role played by SMNs to spread revolutionary ideas about the ‘introduction of democracy’ by the will of the people.
Indeed, from Morocco to Bahrain, the world has witnessed the rise of an independent social media and steadily increasing citizen engagement on the Internet that is expected to attract 100 million Arab users by 2015. These social networks inform, mobilize, entertain, create communities, increase transparency, and seek to hold governments accountable. To peruse the Arab social media sites, blogs, online videos, and other digital platforms is to witness what is arguably the most dramatic and unprecedented improvement in freedom of expression, association, and access to information in contemporary Arab history (Ghannam, February 3, 2011, p. 4).
"

On February 26, 2011, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1970 in response to the violence and ongoing human rights violations being committed against the people of Libya by Colonel Muammar al-Gaddafi and his regime. The charges against the Gaddafi regime are numerous, the majority of which predate the February 2011 popular uprisings in Libya. On March 17, 2011, the Security Council passed Resolution 1973, further condemning the use of force against the rebel forces and imposing a number of sanctions and demands on Gaddafi and his regime including a no-fly zone and an arms embargo. Citing Chapter VII authority, the Security Council demanded an immediate cease-fire, an end to the violence and all attacks against civilians, and called for member states to “take all necessary measures” to prevent further civilian casualties and enforce compliance with the resolution. This article will illustrate the ways in which NATO’s armed intervention in Libya violated customary norms, standards, and practices of international law. This article will also demonstrate the ways in which, from a broader historical perspective, the bombing campaign in Libya constitutes yet another episode in the ongoing saga of Western hypocrisy and global hegemony. In this context, it becomes clear that, while NATO’s recent actions are wrought with international legal violations and contradictions at the local and individual levels, the underlying premise and motivation render the operation itself illegal on a much broader scale.

У раду је приказан друштвени и политички положај најзападније провинције Турског царства у атмосфери почетка Првог српског устанка. Утицај Карађорђевог устаничког покрета на национално-политички развој Босне и Херцеговине био је вишеструк. Код најбројнијег православног становништва је пробудио српску националну свијест, босанског муслиманског становништва ојачао везу са Портом, а код босанских католика оснажио оријентацију према Аустријском царству.

Χωρική Ανάλυση της Εξέγερσης του Δεκέμβρη 2008
Το κείμενο επιχειρεί μια περιπλάνηση στην αθηναϊκή μητρόπολη πριν και κατά τη διάρκεια της εξέγερσης του 2008, επιδιώκοντας να φωτίσει εκείνες τις πλευρές που πυροδότησαν τις δεκεμβριανές συγκρούσεις. Αντιμετωπίζει τον χώρο ως παράγωγο ανθρώπινων σχέσεων και τις πόλεις ως χώρους συνύπαρξης που μπορούν να λειτουργήσουν ως πεδία αντίστασης και διεκδίκησης της καθημερινής ζωής. Μέσα από μια περιήγηση στα ιδιαίτερα πολεοδομικά χαρακτηριστικά της Αθήνας παρουσιάζει τη χωρική εξάπλωση των συγκρούσεων ερευνώντας τη σχέση του αστικού χώρου με τα συμβάντα των ημερών και τις μετέπειτα παρακαταθήκες τους στον ιστό της πόλης. Στην πραγματικότητα, αυτό που ανέδειξε ο Δεκέμβρης του 2008 είναι πως όπου υπάρχει καταπίεση θα υπάρχει και αντίσταση, όπου υπάρχει βία θα υπάρχει και αντιβία, όπου υπάρχουν άνθρωποι θα υπάρχει αγώνας για ζωή και τότε ο θάνατος δεν θα έχει πια εξουσία.

Previous to Chile’s uprising in 2019, Colectivo de Mujeres Sobrevivientes Siempre Resistentes (CMSSR), an all-women collective formed in 2014, had already taken on the task of publicly denouncing and demanding state recognition for the sexual violations political prisoners had endured during Chile’s dictatorial regime. The principal aims of CMSSR are: 1.) To convict and charge former military officers responsible for perpetrating acts of sexual torture against political prisoners during the Pinochet regime (1973- 1990); 2.) Convert one of the former detention centers “Venda Sexy” 4 into the first memory site dedicated to women victims and survivors; 3.) Educate the public on the pervasiveness of sexual violence in Chile. This article looks at the ways in which CMSSR’s engagement with younger women and former women militants and current activists have enacted newfound networks of solidarities that have resulted in a more public surfacing of memories pertaining to sexual political torture in present-day Chile. This study traces the emergence of the collective in interviews carried out with two of CMSSRs activists, Beatriz Bataszew and Ximena Goecke, one year prior to Chile’s uprising during the summer of 2018. The difficulty the collective has encountered memorializing “Venda Sexy” has elicited a multitude of political tensions that have oscillated between the bounds of history and memory which in turn have both centered and marginalized attention away from women’s political contributions during and after the dictatorship. The surfacing of women’s stories in detention has simultaneously aided in unearthing memories around women perpetrators, a historical aspect of political detentions that has been further marginalized from discussion; some of the most heinous crimes committed during the dictatorship were carried out in “Venda Sexy” by the lead female officer, Ingrid Olderock. In the transcribed interviews presented here, both Bataszew and Goecke shed light on the origins of CMSSR, their previous militancy’s in Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) and Partido Socialista (PS), their work as feminist-activists along with their collective actions and collaborations to unearth the more hidden herstories that have given meaning to their plight.

Both the Kyrgyzstan’s Tulip Revolution and French Revolution were the outcomes of similar series of the events which lead to the bloodshed in both contexts. From political science point of view, regime change is considered as the actual product of an uprising, no matter even if the new regime is similar as of the previous one. It happened in the case of Kyrgyzstan. With such an ideological basis, it becomes clear when one sets out to compare the French Revolution and Kyrgyzstan Revolution that people feel the need to be free from oppressive or tyrannical rule of absolute rulers (no matter if they are monarchs, appointed or elected presidents) and have the ability to live independent from such forces. The leadership in both countries at the time of their revolutions was certainly repressive, especially in terms of corruption and nepotism. Both areas suffered social and economic hardships that led to the realization that something must be done to topple the hierarchy and put power back into the hands of the people. This is the extended abstract of the ongoing research project at the Eastern University named after Mahmud Kashgari Barskani Kyrgyzstan, where we are trying to reverse engineer the incidents happened before the French revolution and to study those patterns in the context of the Kyrgyzstan.

Article based on paper presented as part of Panel 24: ‘Looting, Refusing, Negating, Embodying’ ‘Critical Refusals’ Fourth Biennal Conference of the International Herbert Marcuse Society, University of Pennsylvania, 27-29th October 2011

http://www.pdcnet.org/radphilrev/content/radphilrev_2013_0016_0001_0375_0385

http://web.asc.upenn.edu/news/Critical_Refusals_Conference.pdf

Revolts did not knock on the door, they just sneaked in the Arab region, toppling some regimes while shaking the thrones of others. Analyses began to heap in an attempt to examine this state of affairs; some choose to factor in this context a new foreign conspiracy, aiming at dividing of what is left from the region. Others suggest that the revolts are a long awaited revolution of pride and dignity and were ignited by plain domestic forces. As a prelude to this analysis, in today's article we wish to address the common views, widespread not only among academics and politicians, but also amongst the Arab masses which started to question, doubt and lose confidence in the current spate of Arab revolts. in order to keep readers abreast of the latest developments, this article espouses a nuanced approach in addressing a third view which considers the events mere scientific material that can serve as a platform to examine existing theories of International politics in a region, described for long time as idle and sluggish towards transformations.

Since Piers Plowman occupies a central place in the study of medieval English literature, much attention has been paid to the vexed question of the poem's authorship. This justified interest in revealing the human agent behind the family of interrelated versions of the poem, usually named A, B, and C, continues to feed a vibrant industry of speculative scholarship on the person behind the poem. This article reassesses the relevance of the 'Langland' myth for the contemporary reception of the poem, and argues that medieval audiences of the B Version associated the work with a 'Long Will' author-persona. In this context, the case of a previously unnoticed Norfolk poacher in the weeks leading up to the 1381 rising, a William Longewille, and his encroachment on the estate of the former sheriff and tax collector Richard Holdych echo the Ploughing of the Half-Acre in Piers Plowman, in particular as it is presented in the B Version of the poem. As a result, this article proposes that both the A and B Versions of the poem may have been available to (some of) the rebels of 1381, and that the B Version may have circulated in Norfolk along Cluniac and Benedictine networks before and after the unrest.

Edited version of published paper presented at 'Is Black and Red Dead?' Conference, Centre for the Study of Social and Global and Justice (CSSGJ) University of Nottingham, 7-8 September, 2009

https://socialhistoryportal.org/news/articles/110943

While the Arab Spring led to regime change in a number of North African countries, Morocco remained an exception. HRH Mohammad VI successfully co-opted early demonstrations in March 2011, put forward a new constitution overwhelmingly approved by the populace, and emerged in 2012 with more popular support than ever before. This anthropological analysis, based on nearly two years of ethnographic experience in Morocco since January 2011, demonstrates that the monarchy’s exceptional stability in a time of regional unrest stems from the king’s continuous physical presence within popular society. This “power of presence” differs from conventional cult-of-personality propaganda, and has required the king to spend much of the past year “on tour” opening health clinics, writing personal checks to religious groups, and kneeling at the hospital beds of terrorism victims. Morocco’s traditional practice of a traveling monarchical entourage allowed the Moroccan monarchy to maintain the allegiance of fierce tribesmen for centuries. The king’s increased use of monarchical entourage in 2011 shows a concern for the instability of the time, but also a keen understanding of the disdain Arabs elsewhere felt for their “out-of-touch” leaders. 

Παρόλο που μεσολάβησαν εξήντα χρόνια από την έναρξη του Αγώνα της ΕΟΚΑ (1955-1959), το μεγαλύτερο τμήμα της ιστοριογραφίας δε λαμβάνει υπόψη τη στενή αλληλεπίδραση μεταξύ του επιχειρησιακού προγράμματος και του οργανωτικού πρότυπου του ένοπλου ενωτικού κινήματος της Κύπρου. Η δραστηριοποίηση των ένοπλων ομάδων της ΕΟΚΑ θα ήταν πολύ δύσκολο να διασφαλίσει την επιβίωσή τους μέσα σε ένα περιορισμένο επιχειρησιακό πεδίο όπως αυτό της Κύπρου (νησί απομακρυσμένο από τα ελληνικά παράλια το οποίο εύκολα μπορούσε να αποκλεισθεί από τη θάλασσα).  Επιπρόσθετα, η χρήση ένοπλων μεθόδων από μόνη της δε θα επαρκούσε να καταστήσει τη νήσο εστία ευρείας αναταραχής και συνεπώς να υποσκάψει αποτελεσματικά τη δυνατότητα των Βρετανών να ελέγχουν την αποικία (αυξάνοντας ταυτόχρονα το πολιτικό κόστος για διατήρησή της δια της βίας). Οι πιο πάνω στόχοι έγιναν κατορθωτοί μόνο όταν η μαχητική δράση συνδυάστηκε με την κινητοποίηση των λαϊκών μαζών για την ανάληψη επαναστατικών δράσεων, γεγονός που οφειλόταν στην πλατιά αποδοχή και υποστήριξη που απολάμβανε η ένοπλη οργάνωση στους κόλπους της ελληνικής κοινότητας της Κύπρου. Όπως ο Ευάνθης Χατζηβασιλείου χαρακτηριστικά σχολιάζει: «Ήταν ο συνδυασμός αυτών των δύο -του ένοπλου αγώνα και της λαϊκής εξέγερσης- που ενοχλούσε τους Βρετανούς: μόνη η ένοπλη δράση ή μόνη η λαϊκή αναταραχή δεν θα μπορούσαν να τους απειλήσουν στον βαθμό που τους απείλησε η ΕΟΚΑ».  Το μεγαλύτερο τμήμα των ενεργειών αυτών έφερε εις πέρας ένα δραστήριο δίκτυο το οποίο συνεχώς διευρύνονταν στους κόλπους των νέων στης Κύπρου. Συνεπακόλουθα, είναι προφανές ότι η μελέτη του κινήματος νεολαίας ως σημαντικό τμήμα του οργανογράμματος της επαναστατικής οργάνωσης καθίσταται αναγκαία.

Για σκοπούς καλύτερης κατανόησης, η ανάλυσή μας επικεντρώνεται στο ρόλο της νεολαίας στη στρατηγική σκέψη του αρχηγού της ΕΟΚΑ, του Γεώργιου Γρίβα (Διγενή), την ίδρυση, επέκταση, την οργανωτική δομή και τη δράση της νεολαίας υπό την καθοδήγηση της ΕΟΚΑ. Στο τελευταίο μέρος, θα επιχειρήσουμε μία αποτίμηση της υποστήριξης της νεολαίας προς το επαναστατικό κίνημα. Η έρευνά μας βασίστηκε στα έργα του Γ. Γρίβα (Διγενή) και τις πληροφορίες που παρείχαν με τη μέθοδο των προσωπικών συνεντεύξεων άτομα που υπηρέτησαν την ΕΟΚΑ από τη θέση του τομεάρχη. Το υλικό αυτό διασταυρώθηκε με βρετανικές στρατιωτικές αναφορές προς το βρετανικό υπουργείο Πολέμου (War Office-WO) ή υλικό από την εσωτερική αλληλογραφία του υπουργείου Αποικιών (Colonial Office-CO), τα οποία εντοπίστηκαν στις συλλογές του Κρατικού Αρχείου του Ηνωμένου Βασιλείου (The National Archives).

Abstract:
Nomads are an important but neglected and misunderstood element of the Ottoman
Society. Subject to great resettlement attempts in the XVIIth and XIXth centuries, they
would lose their place in the Ottoman classical era as a result of some of their
responsible behaviors and new demands. Their assets, which are not preferred one by
one with the Ottoman people due to their economic returns, are in danger in the last
two centuries of the empire. When the Ottoman Empire could not prevent the nomadic
movements and especially the damages they caused, it was decided that the best
choice for them was the settlement. However, the behavior and banditry of the nomads
that reacted and were punished with resettlement can be considered as a struggle to
live as a nomad and to protect their existence, not an empty act.
To reveal the spiritual background of nomadic popular uprisings and banditry activities
that appeared around the nomadic groups before and after the settlements; making
use of their works to make the story more meaningful and as a result, it is based on
seeing the transformation in the social lives and minds of the nomadic groups living in
this period.
The aim of this research is to focus on the changes and turmoil caused by the people
of the region and the mind world in everyday life, to look at the events from the eyes of
the nomads as much as possible: to present a different story of the events with a
perspective to be brought to the historical narrative; rather than the cause and effect
relation of the resettlement movements as an internal policy tool.

Özet:
Göçerler, Osmanlı Toplumunun önemli ancak ihmal edilmiş ve yanlış anlaşılmış bir
nüvesidir. XVII. ve XIX. Yüzyıllarda büyük iskân teşebbüslerine tabî tutularak, Osmanlı
klasik döneminde sağlam olan yerlerini, sorumlu tutuldukları bazı davranışlar ve
kendilerinden beklenen yeni talepler sonucu kaybedeceklerdir. Ekonomik getirileri
vesilesiyle yerleşik reâyâ ile biri diğerine tercih edilmeyen varlıkları imparatorluğun son
iki yüz yılında tehlikeye girecektir. Osmanlı Devleti, göçer hareketlerinin ve özellikle
etrafa verdikleri zararların önünü alamayınca onlar için en iyi şeçeneğin iskân olduğunu
kararlaştırmıştır. Ancak göçerlerin tepki çeken ve iskânla cezalandırılan davranışları ve
eşkıyalıkları; kuru bir eylem değil, göçer olarak yaşayabilme ve varlıklarını koruyabilme
mücadelesi olarak değerlendirilebilir.
Bu çalışmada, iskânların öncesinde ve sonrasında göçer gruplar arasında beliren halk
hareketleri ve eşkıyalık faaliyetlerinin zihinsel arkaplanını ortaya koymak; özellikle de
onların eserlerinden de yararlanarak hikayeyi daha anlamlı kılmak, sonucunda bu
dönemde yaşayan göçer grupların sosyal hayatları ve zihinlerinde olan dönüşümü
görmek amaçlanmıştır. Osmanlı döneminde göçerleri iskân girişimlerinin Osmanlı
merkezî yönetimince uygulanmasının ardındaki siyasal ve sosyo-ekonomik saikler ve
harekâtın bölgedeki sonuçları üzerine birçok çalışma mevcut iken, bölge sakinlerinin bu
uygulamaya muhtelif şekillerde tepki vermesinin ardındaki düşünsel zemin yeterince
araştırılmamıştır. Bu durumun sebebi iskânların geniş ve önemli bir araştırma sahası
olan Osmanlı sosyal tarihi içinde sayılması olduğu kadar, göçerler açısından tarih
yazımının zor ve az tercih edilir olmasından da kaynaklanmaktadır. Bu araştırmanın
amacı, iskân hareketlerinin bir iç siyaset aracı olarak sebep–sonuçlarından ziyade;
gündelik hayatta ve bölge insanının zihin dünyasında neden olduğu değişim ve alt üst
oluşlara odaklanmak, olaylara, mümkün olduğunca göçerlerin gözlerinden bakmak,
tarihsel anlatıya kazandırılacak yeni perspektifle olayların farklı bir hikayesini sunmaktır.

In the midst of the interwar years, the 1930s were particularly marked by social discontent within society. The 1929–1933 global economic crises had worsened the
conditions of agriculture, the quality of life dropped, the restrictions on civil rights and liberties by the authoritarian regime led people to protest in various ways. In 1935 the
farmers of Suvalkija started their movement. Prices of agricultural products decreased, but prices of industrial products remained unchanged forcing farmers to demand economic concessions by executing the boycott for the cities by not supplying them with agricultural products. Massive pickets, demonstrations and rallies came with propaganda, chaotic vandalism, and the destruction of public and private property. The government had to take actions. The police started to arrest the strikers; courts began to punish the most active participants of the farmers’ movement. For extremely serious crimes strikers were judged in the court – martialed and sentenced to death. In the interwar period of Lithuania the death penalty was in force until 15 June 1940 with short breaks. The imposition of the death penalty was legally defined in the Criminal Statutes, Penal Statute of War and extraordinary national laws. The practice of the death penalty in Lithuania is divided into two periods: 1919–1937 when
punishment was carried out by firing squad and 1937– 1940 when gas chamber was used for execution. Jurgis Čėsna was the first participant of the farmers’ movement sentenced to death. On 23 April 1936 he was convicted for the demolition of telephone and telegraph lines and actions against the state. Fortunately, the president granted him clemency and sentenced J. Čėsna to imprisonment in a penitentiary. The second and the most famous criminal case of Suvalkija farmers’ strike took place on 18–21 May 1936. Seven individuals were court-martialed and convicted to death because of the organised actions against the state. After appealing for pardon, three persons were
granted clemency, but K. Narkevičius, A. Petrauskas, B. Pratasevičius and P. Šarkauskas were sentenced to death. They were executed by firing squad on 23 May
1936 at 3:00 a.m. The information about execution was widely covered in the press. It can be assumed that the official propaganda sought to suppress the strike, by
threatening its participants with death penalty. The third case of the death sentences of the 1935–1936 farmers’ movement in Suvalkija was announced on 3 July 1936. The court-martial sentenced ten participants of the strike to death, because they belonged to the secret organization which provoked farmers not to pay taxes and not to sell agricultural products. This organization also sought to overthrow the government. After big scandals of the last May executions, the president decided to be
gracious and changed the punishment to a lighter sentence. On 21 October 1937 the capital punishment was executed in the recently built gas chamber. The poisoned
person was A. Maurušaitis, who was convicted for organizing terrorist acts and attempting to overthrow the state order. Even though the cassation appeal was given
after the first court verdict, the Supreme Court confirmed the court-martial judgement. The execution in the gas chamber did not receive attention of the press, thus leading
to the presumption that the government had decided to stop using the death penalty propaganda as a preventive measure for further crimes. In the period from 23 April 1936 to 21 October 1937 19 participants of the Suvalkija farmers’ strike were sentenced to death; 5 of them were executed.

The purpose of this paper is to review of various approaches to this movement in the social science and the humanities. The author is going to seek answer to the following interpretative question: whether a given conceptualization grasp „Solidarity” movement in dynamic or in static way. In the second part of the paper interpretations of „Solidarity” in analytical categories of insurrection, civil, ethical revival, postmodern, religious, republican, revolutionary and social movements are presented. Finally, the author tries to identify reasons of dynamic or static approach to „Solidarność.”

This commentary contrasts the gender and racial politics of celebrity input on the current uprising in comparison with the gender and racial politics in celebrity media production. On June 11, 2020, a video of an all-white cast of celebrities vowing to “take responsibility” for racism was released. It garnered millions of views within hours. Such exhibitions of white celebrity solidarity and empathy in response to the current uprising contrast deeply with exhibitions of white victimhood within the context of the Hollywood-Industrial Complex, even by the very celebrities featured in the video. For example, Kristen Bell, who is featured in the video, has been a leader in anti-paparazzi initiatives in California, thus targeting and criminalizing the work of paparazzi photographers, who my work has shown are predominantly Latinx. Bell was an outspoken advocate for a California law that made photographing a person’s child “because of that person’s employment” punishable by up to one year in prison. In her comments in support of the law she repeatedly used the term “pedorazzi” to describe paparazzi photographers, thus insinuating that non-consensual pictures of her children are akin to their sexual molestation. Jennifer Garner similarly testified before the California State Assembly in support of the anti-paparazzi laws, using highly racialized language to describe the photographers. She stated in tears, “Large, aggressive men swarm us…I don’t want a gang of shouting, arguing, law-breaking photographers to camp out everywhere we are.” This commentary will juxtapose the self-righteous performance of white celebrity "wokeness" with their own practice of racial aggression toward the laborers who work at the bottom of the Hollywood hierarchy. Ultimately this commentary will be a critical look at celebrity involvement in social justice that underscores their will to ignore their own involvement in systematic oppression, racism, and racialized violence.

The Slovak National Uprising in 1944 was an important act of military resistance against the collaboration of the Tiso regime with Nazi Germany. It was initiated by members of the Civic movement and to a lesser extent by the Communists, and was eventually brutally crushed by the SS, the Wehrmacht, and pro-Nazi Slovak forces. The insurrection is hardly remembered outside of Slovakia although it became an important lieu de mémoire for Slovak nation-building. Nevertheless, academic studies as well as public history and remembrance of the event was and still is highly controversial. The reason for these disputes are manifold. They are rooted on the one hand in the entrenched hegemonic Communist reading, which created a partisan myth around the uprising while minimising the role of the Civic resistance, and on the other hand in the different representations and interpretations in Czech, Czechoslovak, and Slovak historiographies, which in their respective orientations and ideologies attribute different functions to the uprising. Slovak ultra-nationalist narratives also play their role, seeing the revolt as an international conspiracy against independent Slovakia to re-establish a centralist Czechoslovak Republic. In different periods and power constellations – 1945, 1945–1948, 1948–1968, 1968/1969, after 1969 and 1989 – these various interpretations prevailed or stood at stake, and the fighters of the uprising were either “celebrated” or “cursed”.

The article investigates afresh the circumstances surrounding the "anti-Chinese uprising" in the Australian Goldfields town of Clunes in 1873. 
Beginning with historical interpretations of events, it notes that scholars have heavily relied on one colonial newspaper report as their primary source (some scholars use two other sources, but many use only this single document).
The article then points that there are several primary sources which have never been cited or used by historians; and identifies 5 key overlapping documents.  Some of these colonial sources include recorded interviews by participants taken the following day after the troubles.  It then plots out the course of events as shown by all corroborating sources - and it is surprising to find there was no wild mass uprising, the troubles seeming to comprise of a rowdy 20 minute confrontation halted by police.
The article then surveys contemporaneous newspaper reports of the day at Clunes, showing the different viewpoints and perspectives taken by colonial publications according to political disposition.  It also plots how accounts were changed, dramatised and embellished as news travelled from country to city, and from newspaper to newspaper across the colonies. 
The article finishes by posing serious questions on how accounts in historical newspapers need to be more carefully cross-checked and contextualised to verify reported "news".
pp10.